Tuesday, February 21, 2023

A Blueprint for Converting Empty San Francisco Offices to Housing Already Exists
Written by Kevin Truong
San Fransisco Standard

A rendering shows architect Mark Hogan’s design to turn existing garages and storage spaces into six apartment buildings at 2775 Market St. in San Francisco’s Castro District. | Courtesy Open Scope Studio

As policymakers mull how to convert empty office buildings into much-needed housing, one architect believes he has the key to making those ambitious projects happen. 

There is a litany of reasons why only one office-to-residential conversion project has been proposed since the pandemic—a slice of office space of historic Warfield Building that would be turned into 34 apartments. Among them are the owners of office buildings holding out hope for a miracle recovery, and the sheer cost.  

Developers are aiming to convert a section of office space in the Warfield building into 34 apartments. | Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images

But as office values begin to decline, architect Mark Hogan says he’s found a way to make office-to-residential conversions more feasible: think small. 

Hogan’s firm, OpenScope Studio, found that pre-1950 commercial buildings under nine stories tall—the best candidates for conversion from a design perspective—also have higher vacancy rates and lower prices than the broader market.

The upshot? Low-rise, Class C buildings Downtown could be ripe for conversions that could be done quickly—without subsidies, but with tweaks to codes. Importantly, these buildings are more likely to qualify for historic tax credits to make financing conversions easier. 

“It’s pretty similar to the change of use in office space where you’re converting large storage rooms, mechanical rooms and parking garages into living space and often adding a pretty substantial number of units in the process,” Hogan said. 

OpenScope put together a research document laying out how office-to-residential conversions could be streamlined, using already implemented policies around multifamily accessory dwelling unit (ADU) conversions as a blueprint.

Hogan highlighted a project at 2775 Market St. in the Castro where the firm turned existing garages and storage spaces into six apartment buildings. In another project in Pacifica, the firm was able to turn tuck-under parking into 42 new affordable apartments. Because these projects don’t expand the building’s footprint, there are far fewer requirements in terms of community meetings and notification. 

Architect OpenScope Studio designed a multifamily ADU project that turned garage space into six new units of housing at 
2775 Market St. in the Castro. 
| Courtesy of OpenScope via Hewitt Photography

In San Francisco, building, fire and planning departments collaborated to create building code equivalencies to make these ADU conversions more feasible. Essentially, this means establishing clear guidelines for alternatives to modern standards for entrance, exit, open space and access that can work in older, historic buildings. 

That same process could pave the way for office-to-residential conversions. 

At the Board of Supervisors meeting Tuesday, Board President Aaron Peskin introduced a resolution that charges the Planning Department with collecting a list of prime candidates for conversion and identifying financial and policy barriers to doing so. 

“There is no silver bullet, but maybe some silver buckshot. This is one of those pieces of buckshot for addressing Downtown,” Peskin said at the meeting. A report from city officials is expected to be delivered next month.

Hogan suggested equivalences like categorizing fire escapes as a second means of exit or allowing use of existing elevators, rather than installing much larger elevators required under current building code. Open space requirements would also likely need to be modified to help projects pencil.

The building and planning code changes mirror some of those in the Los Angeles Adaptive Reuse Ordinance, which is credited for building some 14,000 units in the city’s historic downtown core. A key part of that law was loosened building requirements around seismic retrofitting.

While San Francisco’s planning code currently provides a number of potential exemptions for Downtown conversions, including around open space requirements, parking and loading space, none of these are guaranteed. Hogan said he’d like to see a list of exemptions that are codified in the case of conversions. 

“The certainty in something like LA’s ordinance provided is really important,” Hogan said. “When someone is going into a project like this, they don’t want a big question mark hanging over whether the Planning Commission will make a favorable decision.”

There are still open questions, particularly around affordability requirements. 

For multifamily ADU conversions in San Francisco, building owners sign a waiver of their Costa-Hawkins rights that ensures the units are rent controlled; however, no such provision would exist in the case of office-to-residential conversions. 

Hogan said the projects would be subject to the city’s inclusionary housing requirements, although these policies are being reassessed in line with the mayor’s new housing directive.   

That housing directive, which was put in place to help San Francisco’s unprecedented goal of building 82,000 units over the next eight years, also aims to speed up the long process of building and permitting, a perennial complaint among developers.  

“One important piece that San Francisco has not effectively dealt with at all is how do we make the nuts and bolts of the permitting process go faster,” Hogan said. “Everyone’s so fixated on zoning, but I would say that a lot of the dysfunction in just getting permits issued is a bigger problem because it really discourages people from doing projects here.”

Loggerhead sea turtle released after rehabbing in Florida

FL turtle was found Dec. 29 with a tear in the lung caused by a boat

A loggerhead sea turtle named Rocky paused briefly on the sand Wednesday morning before slowly crawling into the Atlantic Ocean after spending six weeks rehabbing at Florida's Loggerhead Marinelife Center.

Turtle hospital staff and volunteers cheered as the turtle made its way down the beach, which is directly across the street from the center. Rocky was equipped with a blue tracking device on its back, which allows the staff to continue monitoring the large turtle.

Rocky, a 220-pound female turtle, was found floating off North Hutchinson Island on Dec. 29 with a tear in the lung caused by a boat strike, Andy Dehart, the center's president and CEO, said Wednesday.

The turtle "had a perforation in the lung, so was trapping air in the body cavity, which was making it essentially be what’s called a floater," Dehart said. "It couldn’t dive. It couldn’t get underwater."

SOUTH FLORIDA RESEARCHERS USE GPS-FITTED POSSUMS AND RACCOONS TO CAPTURE INVASIVE PYTHONS: REPORTS


A loggerhead sea turtle named Rocky was released into the Atlantic Ocean on Feb. 15, 2023 in Juno Beach, Fla after spending six weeks rehabbing at Loggerhead Marinelife Center. (AP Photo/Cody Jackson)

The center's goal is to rehab the turtles and get them back into their natural habitat.

"So, every one of these animals that goes back is critical to the survival of the sea turtle populations, especially a large breeding female like Rocky," he said. "Seeing that return to nature is truly something magical."

Juno Beach is north of West Palm Beach on Florida's Atlantic Coast.

Last year, the center monitored some 18,000 turtle nests along a 10-mile stretch of beach. Most of the nests were comprised of leatherback turtles, which are the most endangered, along with loggerhead and green sea turtles. Nesting season runs from March 1 to the end of October.
CBO warns of sharp uptick in Social Security, Medicare spending
CUT THE MILITARY BUDGET TO PAY FOR IT

BY MIKE LILLIS 



Federal spending on Social Security and Medicare is projected to rise dramatically over the next decade, far outpacing revenues and the economy on the whole while putting new pressure on Congress to address accelerated threats of insolvency, according to new estimates from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

The increase is driven by a variety of factors, including Social Security’s new cost-of-living adjustment, the rising cost of medical services under Medicare and greater participation rates in both programs, as the last of the baby boomers become eligible for retirement benefits.


The result, the CBO estimates, is that combined spending on Social Security and Medicare will almost double by 2033, when required funding for the two programs will approach $4 trillion, representing more than 10 percent of the country’s total economic output.

Another consequence, said CBO Director Phillip Swagel, is that Social Security now faces a funding shortfall in 2032 — two years sooner than the previous projection.

The numbers are sure to animate the already contentious debate over federal spending, the national debt and the future of the popular entitlement programs, which have taken a center stage in the early months of this year as President Biden and Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) begin high-stakes negotiations over raising the nation’s debt limit.

McCarthy, while demanding spending cuts as a part of those talks, has said reductions to Social Security and Medicare are “off the table.” And Biden — making similar vows to protect the popular senior benefits — appears ready to hold the Speaker to his word.

Yet Medicare is projected to experience a funding shortfall in 2028, and Social Security is forecast to follow in 2032, according to Swagel. And lawmakers in both parties — liberals and conservatives alike — are warning that the longer Congress waits to address those projected deficiencies, the tougher the remedy will become.

“Every year it gets more expensive and harder to do,” Rep. John Larson (D-Conn.), a strong Social Security advocate, said Tuesday, before the CBO’s new report was issued.

Yet if the parties agree that Congress must intervene to shore up entitlement finances, they’re at sharp odds over how to go about doing it.

Democrats such as Biden and Larson have floated a series of tax hikes on the wealthiest taxpayers to cover the shortfalls, including a proposal to apply the Social Security tax — which is currently capped at earnings up to $160,200 — to much higher incomes.

Republicans, by contrast, are opposed to any tax hikes, proposing instead to adopt changes such as raising the eligibility age for receiving benefits under Social Security and Medicare while scaling back benefits for wealthier seniors.


The CBO has added some urgency to the debate. Not only has Social Security’s solvency timeline been accelerated, but the new report warns that heightened spending on Social Security, Medicare and other mandatory programs over the next decade — combined with rising interest payments on the federal debt — will put a greater squeeze on the discretionary programs that occupy the remainder of the budget.

Social Security spending will almost double, from $1.2 trillion in fiscal 2022 to almost $2.4 trillion in 2033, the CBO estimated. As a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP), it will grow from 4.8 percent to 6 percent over that span. The jump begins immediately, with a $123 billion increase in fiscal 2023, a 10 percent spike, largely due to the large, 8.7 percent cost-of-living increase for Social Security beneficiaries that took effect last month.

Medicare spending will more than double over the same span, from $710 billion in the last fiscal year to more than $1.6 trillion in 2033, when it will represent 4.1 percent of GDP, the CBO reported.
United Airlines overhauls family seating fees after Biden criticismNearly 30 percent of work remains remote as workers dig in

Spending on other mandatory health care programs, including Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program and ObamaCare subsidies, will also rise significantly, from $695 billion in 2022 to $1 trillion in 2033, the CBO said.

All told, the CBO found, the federal debt — currently capped at $31.4 trillion — is on pace to balloon to roughly $50 trillion a decade from now, as annual deficits are projected to rise from $1.4 trillion this fiscal year to $2.9 trillion in 2033. And budget watchdogs wasted no time on Wednesday pressing Congress to bring those numbers down, with some calling for immediate reforms to Social Security and Medicare as part of this year’s coming budget debates.

“Today’s CBO report should provide an important dose of reality for politicians making promises they can’t afford to keep,” Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, said in a statement.



Nearly 60,000 Wisconsin Seniors on Medicare Need Insulin. So Why Did Republicans Oppose Biden’s $35-a-Month Insulin Cap?

Written By DAVID HOVDE

An Appleton man who attended President Biden’s address says the ‘state of the union’ depends on the state of working Americans.

Last week, as I sat in the US Capitol and listened to President Joe Biden deliver the State of the Union address, it became clear to me that an essential consideration for the president’s assessment of the state of our country depends on the economic security of working families and seniors like me.

While families and seniors across our country do not have all the tools we need just yet, I feel relieved that because of the work and leadership of the Biden-Harris Administration and Democrats like Senator Tammy Baldwin, we are closer to having what we need to provide for ourselves and our families.

This is due in large part to the Inflation Reduction Act, a historic bill that will deliver tangible, economic relief on prescription drugs, health care, and energy costs. Notably, some of the bill’s provisions have already gone into effect as of January 1, including a $35 cap on insulin costs for Medicare beneficiaries like me.

This is huge. Like so many other folks across the state and country, I rely on insulin to keep me alive and healthy. And for the past 15 years during which I have needed this medication, I’ve also noted with dismay the growing number of those dependent on insulin who have to worry about affording other essential expenses while still maintaining their quality of life.

Though I knew I would feel added financial security enrolling in Medicare, I did not realize the impacts would be this significant. Prior to enrolling in Medicare, I was fortunate to have access to a fairly comprehensive and stable insurance plan through my employer. After I retired, I was still able to access health insurance through that employer, though I started paying a significantly higher share of the monthly premium during those years.

Despite having good coverage, I was still paying hundreds of dollars each month for my insulin medications, and for individuals without healthcare insurance or prescription drug coverage, the situation is much more dire. Insulin costs less than $10 per vial to produce, yet with drug companies rapidly raising the price of this life-saving drug, many have had to make difficult decisions about whether and how to pay for medication and for their other essential expenses. To alleviate economic strains, many people who rely on insulin will “stretch” their medications, for example, trying to make three months’ worth of medication work for four months. And though this may lessen financial pressures in the short-term, a lack of a steady, adequate supply of insulin often leads to the development or worsening of a number of other serious health issues. Ultimately, of course, this adds further economic pressures and, more importantly, has negative impacts on an individual’s health.

The $35 insulin copay cap will have a great impact on Wisconsinites. In 2020, roughly 59,000 Medicare beneficiaries in Wisconsin used insulin. That’s 59,000 people who are beginning to have more equitable access to the life saving and quality-of-life care they need and deserve.

The insulin copay cap is not the only thing already implemented as of last month. Drug manufacturers will also need to pay rebates to Medicare if their price increases for certain drugs exceed inflation. Additionally, all recommended vaccines for adults, such as shingles, will be free to seniors. In 2020, an estimated 106,000 Wisconsin Medicare beneficiaries received a Part D vaccine, and this number is likely to rise as the vaccines become more accessible.

None of these provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act should have been controversial; it’s a historic bill that will make a difference in the lives of millions of Americans. Unfortunately, Republicans in Congress did not see it that way. Not a single Republican from Wisconsin voted to support this new law.

Access to the care and prescriptions we need to stay alive and healthy is not a privilege, it is a right, contributing directly to our overall quality of life. Based on what I heard last week, the Biden Administration and leaders like Senator Baldwin clearly recognize this fact and are committed to continuing the work on behalf of working families and seniors.


David Hovde Appleton resident David Hovde was Sen. Tammy Baldwin’s guest at this year’s State of the Union address by President Joe Biden in Washington, D.C.
Nikki Haley's South Asian heritage is historic part of her presidential campaign

The Indian community -- just 1% of America -- helped shape two political stars.


ByZohreen Shah
February 15, 2023, 

Nikki Haley kicks off presidential run
The former Trump administration official formally announced her bid at an event in Charleston, South Carolina.

With her announcement this week that she is running for president, Nikki Haley has made a bit of history again -- becoming the first prominent woman of color to seek the Republican nomination.

With Vice President Kamala Harris presumed to be President Joe Biden's running mate if he announces a second run, as he has said he will, it's possible that both major political parties in America could simultaneously have a woman on their ticket for the first time. And both would be South Asian, specifically of Indian descent -- which observers called a massive feat considering the community makes up only about 1% of the country's population and produced two recent political stars.

"This is absolutely a moment," Sara Sadhwani, an assistant professor of politics at Pomona College and co-author of the Indian American Election Survey, told ABC News. "We see South Asians who have largely been on the outskirts of American politics in many ways. This is a moment where we're seeing South Asians step into the limelight."

That representation began at the national level more than half a century ago, when Dalip Singh Saund led a push to change immigration laws so he and other Indians could become citizens. He then became the first Asian American, first South Asian and first Sikh in Congress, in 1956.

There are now five South Asians in Congress, often referred to as "the Samosa Caucus."

"Since 2016, we've quintupled our representation in Congress and gone from 12 to 43 in state legislatures. Over that same period of time, our population has not multiplied the same way," said Neil Makhija, the executive director of the Indian American Impact, an organization that helps South Asians run for elected office. "Once people start running, it shows that it's possible."

MORE: Trump allies see Nikki Haley's 2024 campaign as encouraging sign of fractured primary field


When it comes to world leaders, University of California, Riverside, public policy professor Karthick Ramakrishnan points to Rishi Sunak, whose parents are of Indian descent, as someone who represents how fast a community can advance -- considering the British ruled India until 1947. "One generation," Ramakrishnan said, "Someone who is the child of the empire is now the prime minister of Britain."

Nearly one-fourth of the world's population lives in South Asia and many of the countries within it -- India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka -- have all already had women prime ministers or presidents.

"[Women leading countries] is not something that's necessarily out of the norm of the cultures from which a lot of these people are coming from," said Maneesh Arora, an assistant professor of political science at Wellesley College.

South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley along with her husband Michael Haley at the Golden Temple, Nov. 15, 2014, in Amritsar, India.
Hindustan Times via Getty Images

Harris' maternal grandfather, P.V. Gopalan, worked to fight for the country's independence from Britain and she's spoken about her parents taking her in a stroller to political protests in the '60s. Haley wrote in her autobiography that her mom, Raj Randhawa, studied law and was offered the first female judgeship in India, although Haley said her own family blocked it because she was a woman.


"They grew up in households where public service was not looked down upon. ... Plenty of Indian Americans grew up in households where it was about becoming a doctor or engineer," Ramakrishnan said.

Harris, who ran for president in 2020 before being selected as Biden's vice president, and now Haley are testing what it means to pursue success at the highest levels of American politics.

Haley is not the first woman of color to seek the GOP nod: Angel Joy Chavis Rocker, a Black school counselor in Florida, ran in the 2000 campaign. But Haley is the most notable non-white conservative woman to ever enter the race.

Her campaign did not comment for this story.
What Haley has said about her heritage

Haley was born Nimrata Nikki Randhawa to Punjabi Sikh parents who emigrated from India in the 1960s. She has said that early on she adopted her middle name, which means "little one" in Punjabi, as her first name and later took on her husband's last name as her own.











Haley was raised Sikh and has publicly talked about converting to Christianity, once saying the language barrier was what ultimately led to her decision to convert. "At some point, you have to understand the words …. Christianity spoke to me," she previously said while adding, "It wasn't political." She explained to The New York Times in 2012: "We always said 'no' when my mom was trying to teach us Punjabi. Now I wish we had learned, but that is why I think I made the transition."

She joined a Methodist church with her husband but has said she continues visiting the Sikh temple with family.


But for some South Asians, the conversation about Haley rarely gets past her name or religion.

"Her example would reflect the kind of assimilationism that most Indian Americans -- most South Asians -- actually don't do. They don't change their name and they don't convert their religion," Ramakrishnan said.


Governor of South Carolina Nikki Haley poses with her husband Michael Haley and traditional Punjabi dancers as she arrives to attend a function at Lovely Professional University LPU in Jalandhar, Nov. 14, 2014.
Shammi Mehra/AFP via Getty Images


In 2001, Haley also listed her race as "white" on her voter registration card, according to The Post and Courier. At the time, a spokesman for her declined to comment and state Republicans suggested the issue was a stunt because it had been uncovered by Democrats, who criticized her as disingenuous.

CLAIMED TO BE A (WHITE GUY WITH A TAN)

Dr. Hajar Yazhida, a University of Southern California assistant professor in sociology and faculty affiliate at their equity research institution, told ABC News that being able to have racial ambiguity has had a massive impact for both the vice president and Haley -- especially on Haley's journey. (Harris' father is Black, from Jamaica; her mother was born in Chennai, India.)

"We might look at Kamala Harris on one side and Nikki Haley on the other and wonder how it is that two South Asian women ended up as political front-runners? But we have to remember that neither of the candidates are socially read as South Asian women," Yazhida argued.

But Ramakrishnan said even being able to "claim" an identity is something unique to living in the United States -- and something that most politicians do in some way: "We all have different aspects of our identity that we activate. ... Given the context, people code-switch all the time."

Haley has seen prejudice -- even from fellow politicians.

During a runoff election for a state legislative seat in South Carolina, an opponent published ads referring to her as "Nimrata N. Randhawa" and sent out mailers with her standing with her dad in his turban.

When she was running for governor in 2010, a South Carolina state senator referred to her and then-President Barack Obama with a racial epithet.

Haley has touched on some of the struggles her family faced. "I am the proud daughter of Indian immigrants. They came to America and settled in a small southern town. My father wore a turban. My mother wore a sari. I was a brown girl in a black and white world," she said at the 2020 Republican National Convention. "We faced discrimination and hardship, but my parents never gave into grievance and hate."

The NAACP also pointed to then-Gov. Haley's heritage in 2011 when criticizing South Carolina for flying the Confederate flag at the Statehouse for nearly half a century. In 2015, in the wake of the fatal shooting of nine Black people at Charleston's Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, Haley urged the flag to be removed and state Republicans quickly agreed.


Former South Carolina Republican Governor Nikki Haley speaks at the Republican Jewish Coalition Annual Leadership Meeting in Las Vegas, Nov. 19, 2022.
Wade Vandervort/AFP via Getty Images


Haley's politics differ from most in the community

Pomona College professor Sadhwani said South Asians really want to support other South Asians, regardless of party. But the data she has collected on Haley appears to be an exception. "Haley's unfavorable score is 55% in our sample," Sadhwani said. This could be in part because many South Asian people identify as Democrats, data shows

Former President Donald Trump wasn't able to capture the South Asian vote either -- but he tried. In 2019, he held a "Howdy Modi!" rally with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that attracted thousands and filmed an ad where he attempted to speak in Hindi.

That got him ahead with the group -- but not by enough. "Trump made inroads among Indian American voters between 2016 and 2020. He still lost the Indian American vote," said professor Ramakrishnan.

Biden and Harris have focused on South Asians and the Indian community as well, with Biden releasing an agenda for the Indian American community prior to the 2020 election and both him and the vice president including cultural celebrations as part of administration events.

Numbers illustrate how Asian American voters, and Indian voters, can be influential. According to AAPI Data, an organization that publishes demographic data and research, in 2018 there were an estimated 161,000 eligible Indian voters in Texas, 87,000 in Florida, 61,000 in Pennsylvania, 57,000 in Georgia and 45,000 in Michigan.

Major contests in those states, including the 2020 and 2016 presidential elections, have all recently been decided by smaller margins.

And the community is fast growing. In the last two decades, for example, the Indian population in the U.S. has doubled to about 4.6 million in 2019, according to the Pew Research Center.

Roughly 70% of Indian voters in America leaned Democratic as of 2022, according to AAPI Data. That's more than Latinos but less than African Americans. Some of the reasons include religion, extensive training in science and living in a post-9/11 world.

In one of his most notable -- and controversial -- promises as a presidential candidate, Trump said he would block Muslims from entering the U.S. At the time, Haley appeared to distance herself from such a policy. Delivering the Republicans' official 2016 State of the Union response, she said that America should resist following the "angriest voices" and welcome "properly vetted legal immigrants, regardless of their race or religion."


Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley makes Indian bread in the kitchen of the Sis Ganj Gurudwara, a Sikh temple, in New Delhi, June 28, 2018.
Prakash Singh/AFP via Getty Images

According to AAPI Data, more than three-fourths of Indians and the majority of Asian voters overall voted for Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton over Trump in 2016, a finding that echoes other exit polling. Haley went on to join Trump's administration, leaving some in her own community wondering how strongly she felt about what she had said just 12 months before.

Sangay Mishra, an associate professor of political science at Drew University and the author of "Desi's Divided: The Political Lives of South Asian Americans," said the vast majority of the South Asian community feels strongly about issues like abortion rights, restricting guns and critical race theory.

"In politics it's hard to predict how the community will react. But it's clear it doesn't align with how she thinks," Mishra said.

'An opportunity for Haley'

But can Haley align South Asian donors?

Indian Americans have the highest levels of income in the country, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor and Statistics, a feat that's often connected to the 1960s when the U.S. specifically engineered a demographic of highly professional immigrants. (Harris and Haley have something else in common that researchers said is powerful -- they are byproducts of this era, with both of their parents coming to America around this time.)

An analysis done by The Los Angeles Times a few months into the 2020 Democratic primary race found that despite Indian Americans being a small demographic, they had donated more than $3 million to presidential campaigns -- more than people in Hollywood.

Mishra told ABC News he created a list of major bundlers during the Obama administration and the number of South Asian names was a fairly big list compared to the population. "They were overwhelmingly going for the Democratic Party," he said.

"What has not been noticed is this growth of a segment of Indian Americans who are affluent, and that goes back to the character of the community," Mishra said.

Data from FiveThirtyEight details just the donations that South Asians made to other South Asian candidates running for House or Senate seats from 2000-2020. The numbers, especially for Democratic candidates, have exploded.

Haley's former spokesperson Rob Godfrey said he remembered her being embraced by such donors while running in South Carolina. "Members of the South Asian community, members of the Indian community, have always been traditionally Democratic," he acknowledged. "But when Nikki ran for governor, there was no shortage of support for her from the South Asian and Indian communities because they had a lot of great pride in her candidacy ... she very much enjoyed the support of them within the state and they were very generous contributors to her campaign, from New Jersey to Chicago to California to Texas."

Sadwani said that when it comes to South Asians though, her research showed that the numbers won't be enough to tip the scale.

Haley's announcement video, on Tuesday, highlighted her heritage and her optimistic vision of a society unencumbered by racial division.

"I was the proud daughter of Indian immigrants," Haley said in her video, adding: "My mom would always say, 'Your job is not to focus on the differences but the similarities.'"

Sadwani said that message isn't for the South Asian community -- it's for everyone else.

"We're talking more conservative-leaning Latinos, other Asian Americans and even plenty of of non-immigrant voters who are completely opposed to the age old story of the United States being a place that welcomes immigrants and might be disenchanted by the overt racial commentary, the negative stereotypes of a Trump administration, even while supporting many of the Trump-based policies," Sadwani said. "I think this becomes an opportunity for Haley."



 

Japan China US
U.S. Ambassador to Japan Rahm Emanuel speaks during a news conference at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo on Wednesday.  Photo: AP/Eugene Hoshiko
Politics

U.S. envoy confident Japan will ban LGBTQ discrimination

45 Comments
By MARI YAMAGUCHI

U.S. Ambassador to Japan Rahm Emanuel said Wednesday he has "full confidence" that the Japanese government will take the necessary steps to ban discrimination against LGBTQ people.

LGBTQ people have been campaigning for the government to adopt an anti-discrimination law after an aide to Prime Minister Fumio Kishida told reporters he wouldn't want to live next to LGBTQ people and that citizens would flee Japan if same-sex marriages were allowed. Kishida quickly fired Masayoshi Arai, the aide.

Activists are urging the government to enact anti-discrimination legislation before Japan hosts a summit of the Group of Seven industrialized nations in May in Hiroshima. Japan is the only G7 member that has not recognized same-sex marriage or enacted an anti-discrimination law for LGBTQ people.

"I have full confidence based on the swiftness of the prime minister's actions," Emanuel said at a news conference.

Japan's parliament "will reflect not only the will of the Japanese public, but take the steps necessary to be a clear unambiguous voice not only for tolerance, but against discrimination," he said.

Support for sexual diversity has grown slowly in Japan and legal protections are still lacking for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, who often face discrimination at school, work and at home, causing many to hide their sexual identities.

Campaigns for equal rights for LGBTQ people have faced persistent and strong resistance from conservatives in Kishida's governing Liberal Democratic Party. An attempt to enact an equality awareness promotion law ahead of the 2021 Tokyo Olympics was quashed by the party.

Meanwhile, more than 200 local municipalities, including Tokyo, have introduced partnership certificates for same-sex couples, allowing them to rent apartments and sign documents in medical emergencies and for inheritance. But the certificates are not legally binding and same-sex couples are often barred from visiting each other in the hospital and from accessing other services available to married couples.

Media surveys show public support for legalization of same-sex marriage has increased in recent years to more than 60%.

At a recent rally, more than 30 LGBTQ and other rights groups adopted an appeal to Kishida and heads of both houses of Parliament to enact an anti-discrimination law - not the awareness promotion legislation currently being considered by the governing party.

Recent equivocal comments by Kishida were seen as indicating his reluctance to promote equal rights for LGBTQ people despite a previous pledge to create an inclusive and diverse society.

Responding to a lawmaker's question in Parliament, Kishida said whether to allow same-sex marriage is "an issue that must be examined extremely carefully." A decision requires a thorough examination of all of society "because the issue may change the concept of family and values as well as society," he said.

Japan signed a G7 summit communique in June that called for "full, equal and meaningful participation of women and girls in all their diversity as well as LGBTIQ+ persons in politics, economics, education and all other spheres of society." Activists say Japan should keep that international pledge.

© Copyright 2023 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
BBC raid: U.S. for ‘free press’ but seals lips on search

I would need to refer you to Indian authorities for the details of this search, says Ned Price

ITBP and police personnel deployed outside the BBC office in New Delhi on Wednesday after a protest by the Hindu Sena.

PTI
Anita Joshua | New Delhi | Published 16.02.23, 

The US state department on Tuesday avoided commenting directly on the income tax survey at the Delhi and Mumbai offices of the BBC but stressed how free media strengthens democracies everywhere including India.

Asked if the state department had any comment on “tax investigators raiding the BBC office”, spokesman Ned Price said: “We’re aware of the search of the BBC offices in Delhi by Indian tax authorities. I would need to refer you to Indian authorities for the details of this search. Beyond this discrete action, what I’ll say more broadly is the general point that I’ve consistently made in this context but in the universal context as well.

“We support the importance of free press around the world. We continue to highlight the importance of freedom of expression and freedom of religion or belief as human rights that contribute to strengthening democracies around the world. It has strengthened this democracy here in this country; it has strengthened India’s democracy. These universal rights are the bedrock of democracies around the world.”

When the reporter persisted, asking if the income tax action on the BBC went against what he had said on press freedom, Price again side-stepped: “I couldn’t say. I couldn’t say. We’re aware that these — we are aware of the fact of the searches, but I’m just not in a position to offer a judgement.”

At the White House briefing, spokesperson Karine JeanPierre also steered clear of commenting on whether the President’s office had any reaction to the “documentary that the Indian Prime Minister censored”, which preceded the surveys. Her response was: “I don’t have a reaction to that for you from here.”

Earlier in the day, US President Joe Biden had spoken to Prime Minister Narendra Modi after Air India signed a record aircraft deal with Airbus and Boeing for 470 planes. Biden, in a statement, lauded the deal under which Air India will buy 200 American-made aircraft from Boeing. “This purchase will support over one million American jobs across 44 states, and many will not require a fouryear college degree,” Biden said.

Juan Felipe Herrera, former U.S. poet laureate, receives Frost Medal for lifetime achievement

The acclaimed Latino poet's work includes the collections “Half the World in Light” and “187 Reasons Mexicanos Can’t Cross the Border."

Juan Felipe Herrera reads one of his poems before the California Senate in 2015
.Rich Pedroncelli / AP file

By Associated Press

Former U.S. poet laureate Juan Felipe Herrera is this year’s winner of the Frost Medal for lifetime achievement, with judges praising him for a “a poetic voice that is both deeply embedded and wholly original.”

Herrera, 74, is known for such collections as “Half the World in Light” and “187 Reasons Mexicanos Can’t Cross the Border.” He was poet laureate from 2015-17.

“His poems move as he moves — through nature, through working-class communities of color, through political protests — though it would be more accurate to say he moves with them, for while Herrera is a keen observer he is never just looking on,” reads his citation Wednesday from the Poetry Society of America’s Board of Governors.

“His poems are acts of solidarity, a kind of extended family gathering, especially for Latinx, Indigenous, and other communities of color,” the citation also read.

Previous recipients of the medal, named for the late Robert Frost, include Wallace Stevens, Adrienne Rich and Sharon Olds.

Associated Press



Slavery and the Catholic Church: It’s time to correct the historical record

Christopher J. Kellerman

It was the morning of May 24, 1888, and a large, ethnically diverse crowd waited in the Sala Ducale of the Apostolic Palace in Rome for the pope to arrive. Led by Cardinal Charles Lavigerie, the French missionary archbishop of Algiers, the group had traveled to Rome on a double pilgrimage from North Africa and from the Diocese of Lyon, France. The pilgrims had earlier entered St. Peter’s Square with camels and a special gift for the pope: a pair of gazelles wearing silver collars inscribed with Latin verse.

Shortly after noon, the smiling Pope Leo XIII and his entourage entered the Sala Ducale to sustained applause from the pilgrims. It was a special year for Leo: the golden jubilee of his ordination to the priesthood. Preparations had been underway throughout nearly the entirety of 1887 for the yearlong celebration in which the pope would receive thousands of gifts from all over the world and greet an abundance of well-wishers.

Among the pilgrims who traveled to Rome during Leo’s jubilee, however, this group was unique, and its uniqueness was indicated by the 12 men strategically placed at the front of the crowd. These 12 African men had been enslaved before their freedom was purchased by Lavigerie and his missionaries. They were at the head of the group because today’s audience was an unofficial celebration of the release of Pope Leo’s encyclical on slavery.

On Feb. 10, the Brazilian statesman and abolitionist Joaquim Nabuco had met with Leo in a private audience and asked the pope to write the encyclical. Brazil was on the cusp of abolishing slavery, which would make it the last country in the Western Hemisphere to do so. Due to the Brazilian princess regent Isabel’s devout Catholicism, Nabuco thought a letter from the pope condemning slavery might embolden her to support abolition more aggressively. Leo was happy to oblige, and the news about this antislavery encyclical began to spread.

Upon hearing of it, Cardinal Lavigerie wrote to the pope and asked him to include something about the continuing presence of slavery in Africa. The anti-abolition prime minister of Brazil, however, was not happy with the news from Rome, and he successfully pressed the Holy See to delay the issuance of the encyclical.

Despite the prime minister’s back-channel machinations, Brazil’s parliament passed the abolition bill, and it was signed into law by Isabel on May 13. When the encyclical, titled “In Plurimis,” was released to the public on May 24, it was dated May 5, as if Pope Leo wanted it on the record that he had supported Brazilian abolition before it became the law of the land. Nevertheless, this late release intersected perfectly with Cardinal Lavigerie’s pilgrimage. The day before the audience, the 12 formerly enslaved men had been given the chance to read the document. Though other encyclicals of Leo would come to overshadow this one, it surely was one of his most theologically significant. For with “In Plurimis” and his follow-up encyclical, “Catholicae Ecclesiae,” Leo XIII did something astounding: He changed the church’s teaching on slavery. The Catholic Church, for the first time in its history, had finally gotten on board with abolitionism.
Divergent Explanations

That revolutionary day when Leo XIII became the first pope to condemn slavery is not well known by many Catholics and is rarely mentioned in scholarship related to the church’s history. This is not terribly surprising. The church’s historical engagement with slaveholding is very complex, and it is also widely misunderstood. Even in the past several years, well-intentioned Catholic writers have published accounts of the church and slavery that are full of inaccuracies.

Often, those inaccurate accounts are written to defend the church in some way. In 2005, for example, Cardinal Avery Dulles wrote a book review in First Things claiming that the popes had denounced the trade in African slaves from its very beginnings and yet had never condemned slavery as such, retaining a continuity of teaching that always allowed for some “attenuated forms of servitude.” Other apologists have taken a more absolute position: The church has always been against slavery itself. Both these lines of argumentation seem to agree on two central assertions: The popes always condemned the trade in African slaves, and the church’s teaching did not change.

Defending the church, either in its reputation or its doctrinal continuity, can be praiseworthy. But when it comes to the history of the Catholic Church and slaveholding, this posture of defense has been deeply damaging. It has unnecessarily led to confusion around the church’s history with slaveholding, and that confusion has helped to prevent the church from reckoning with a troubling history whose consequences are still present in our world.

The history of the church was nothing close to a steady, if interrupted, march to eliminate slavery.

And yet it was once widely known, and still is among historians of slavery today, that the Catholic Church once embraced slavery in theory and in practice, repeatedly authorized the trade in enslaved Africans, and allowed its priests, religious and laity to keep people as enslaved chattel. The Jesuits, for example, by the historian Andrew Dial’s count, owned over 20,000 enslaved people circa 1760. The Jesuits and other slaveholding bishops, priests and religious were not disciplined for their slaveholding because they were not breaking church teaching. Slaveholding was allowed by the Catholic Church.

One of the reasons the church’s past approval of slaveholding is so little known among the general Catholic population today is that the very popes who reversed the church’s course on slavery and the slave trade also promoted that same inaccurate narrative that defended the church’s reputation and continuity—even, intentionally or not, at the cost of the truth.
Condemning the Atlantic Slave Trade

The shifts began quietly. In 1814, Pope Pius VII, at the request of Great Britain prior to the upcoming Congress of Vienna, privately sent letters to the kings of France and Spain asking them to condemn the slave trade. At this time in history, condemning the trade did not equate to condemning slavery itself. “The slave trade” meant the transatlantic shipping of enslaved persons from the African continent to the New World. Hence, the slaveholding U.S. President Thomas Jefferson, prior to signing an anti-slave-trade bill into law in 1807, saw no contradiction in referring to the trade as “those violations of human rights” against “the unoffending inhabitants of Africa” all while continuing to keep Black descendants of the trade’s immediate victims enslaved. Britain itself outlawed the trade in 1807, but slaveholding remained legal afterward in parts of its empire. In the same vein, Pius’s private letters referred only to the trade, not to slavery itself

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The Door of No Return is a memorial in Ouidah, a former slave trade post in Benin, a country in West Africa. (Alamy)

The papacy’s condemnation of the trade became a public one in 1839 with Gregory XVI’s bull “In Supremo Apostolatus.” Though the bull came, once again, at the request of Great Britain, Gregory deserves praise for being the first pope to publicly condemn the Atlantic slave trade after nearly four centuries of its operation. The bull was a strong one in many ways, blaming the advent of the trade on Christians who were “basely blinded by the lust of sordid greed.” And yet, as with Pius VII, Gregory did not speak directly on the issue of whether slaveholders in the Americas should free their enslaved people, something he easily could have included.

So when some abolitionists in the United States greeted Gregory’s bull as a fully antislavery document, Catholic bishops like John England of Charleston, S.C., and Francis Patrick Kenrick of Philadelphia argued that the only thing the bull did was precisely what the United States had already done: ban participation in the international slave trade. Gregory corrected no one’s interpretation, and so Catholic slaveholding was able to continue in the United States and elsewhere, arguably without disobedience to church teaching.

The Catholic Church approved, multiple times and at some of its highest levels of authority, of one of the gravest crimes against humanity in modern history.


Why Gregory was the first pope to publicly condemn the trade is an agonizing and perhaps unanswerable question. The arguments that Gregory used to support his condemnation had been articulated by countless theologians and activists over the previous few centuries, including by the representatives of Black Catholic confraternities who protested the trade before the Holy See in the 1680s. Any pope since at least the 1540s, when the Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas changed his opinion on the trade after researching its injustices, could have issued nearly the same bull as Gregory did. Gregory was just the first to choose to do it.

Rewriting History


Unfortunately, Gregory also provided a narrative in his bull that did not present a truthful portrait of the church’s engagement with the trade. Pius VII had made an ambiguous and dubious claim that the church had helped to abolish much of the world’s slavery and that the popes had always “rejected the practice of subjecting men to barbarous slavery,” but Gregory expanded upon this claim in detail. He wrote that in ancient times, “those wretched persons, who, at that time, in such great number went down into the most rigorous slavery, principally by occasion of wars, felt their condition very much alleviated among the Christians.” He claimed that slavery was gradually eliminated from many Christian nations because of “the darkness of pagan superstition being more fully dissipated, and the morals also of the ruder nations being softened by means of faith working by charity.”

In Gregory’s telling, this steady Christian march toward eliminating slavery from the earth was then interrupted by greedy Christians who reduced Black and Indigenous peoples to slavery or who bought already enslaved persons and trafficked them.

Gregory claimed that the papacy had been opposed to these new situations of enslavement: “Indeed, many of our predecessors, the Roman Pontiffs of glorious memory, by no means neglected to severely criticize this.” As evidence for this statement, he cited the bulls prohibiting the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Americas written by Paul III, Urban VIII and Benedict XIV, as well as the then recent condemnations of the trade by Pius VII. He also included a curious reference: a 1462 letter of Pius II that, Gregory wrote, “severely rebuked those Christians who dragged neophytes into slavery.”

This narrative was deeply misleading. The history of the church was nothing close to a steady, if interrupted, march to eliminate slavery. Rather, the early church embraced slaveholding both before and after Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire, and the medieval church expanded the ways by which someone could become enslaved beyond those allowed by pagan Rome—allowing, for example, that women in illicit relationships with clerics could be punished with enslavement. Theologians like St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas theologically defended the practice of keeping humans enslaved, and St. Gregory the Great gave enslaved people to his friends as gifts.

Moreover, while it was true that the popes condemned the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Americas, the trade in African slaves was permitted and encouraged by a series of popes from Nicholas V, who died in 1455, forward. Gregory XVI mentioned none of this, instead seeming to suggest that Pius II’s letter meant the popes’ hands had always been clean with regard to the trade. But Pius II’s condemnation had nothing to do with the general Portuguese trade in enslaved Africans; it instead concerned a particular instance of Catholic converts being kidnapped. Nicholas V’s bulls had specified that only non-Christians could be seized and enslaved. Pius II’s letter was in accordance with Nicholas’ permissions, not against them.

While it was true that the popes condemned the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Americas, the trade in African slaves was permitted and encouraged by a series of popes.


The inaccuracy of this narrative did not go unnoticed. The Portuguese consul in Brazil scoffed at the bull, writing that “its doctrine has been most rarely sent forth from the Palace of the Vatican, for it is well known that Nicholas V…and Calistus III…approved of the commerce in slaves” and that Sixtus IV and Leo X also approved of the trade even after the letter of Pius II. He noted that Scripture did not condemn slavery and that the popes had previously condemned only the enslavement of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas.

Erroneous as Gregory’s narrative may have been, he was not pulling it out of thin air. Some British and American abolitionist historians had been promoting such a narrative for decades in an attempt to argue that Christianity had historically been an antislavery religion. Just five years prior to Gregory’s bull, for example, the American historian George Bancroft falsely claimed that the slave trade “was never sanctioned by the see of Rome.” It is possible, then, perhaps even likely, that Gregory XVI honestly believed this narrative to be accurate. Nevertheless, it was wrong, and its publication in a papal bull meant that it would spread more widely.
An Abolitionist Church

When Leo XIII condemned not merely the slave trade but slavery itself on that exciting day in 1888, it may have not been too shocking to most people who heard the news. Slavery was now legally abolished in the Christian world; why would the church not be opposed to it? And yet both Nabuco and Lavigerie understood that Leo was making history. The condemnations of slaveholding that Leo issued in 1888 and 1890 did not represent merely a change in policy, which itself would have been momentous enough. The change was a theological one. What the Holy Office only a couple decades prior had proclaimed was “not at all contrary to natural and divine law” was now declared by Leo to be contrary to both.

Leo even used the arguments of abolitionists to make his case. There was a certain set of theological propositions that abolitionist theologians had been promoting for centuries, from as early as St. Gregory of Nyssa to the 19th-century abolitionists Maria Stewart, Frederick Douglass and the French Catholic journalist Augustin Cochin. These propositions had been criticized or ignored by most Catholic theologians who wrote in favor of slavery, but Leo’s documents were filled with them. His successors would repeat and even deepen those abolitionist ideas in their own antislavery documents over and over again.

And yet, bold and praiseworthy as Leo’s abolitionist encyclicals were, he further concealed the truth about church history. Ignoring centuries of papal, conciliar and canonical approval of slavery, Leo strengthened Gregory’s narrative of a long antislavery march through history and inaccurately listed additional popes who had supposedly condemned the trade in African slaves and even slavery itself—including one of the popes who had renewed Nicholas V’s permissions.


What the Holy Office only a couple decades prior had proclaimed was ‘not at all contrary to natural and divine law’ was now declared by Leo to be contrary to both.


As with Gregory, Leo may sincerely have believed these falsehoods to be true. But far from being officially corrected, this erroneous papal narrative has survived online and in print. Even St. John Paul II, who apologized for the participation of Christians in the slave trade, repeated the false claim that the trade had been condemned by Pius II.

The Need for Reckoning and Reconciliation


The Catholic Church’s change in teaching regarding slavery was striking. While that change raises important theological questions about ecclesiology and doctrinal development, we must reject the temptation to jump straight to those questions without also doing the hard and painful work of reckoning with this history. It is morally imperative that we admit and deal with a series of difficult truths: that the Catholic Church approved, multiple times and at some of its highest levels of authority, of one of the gravest and longest-lasting crimes against humanity in modern history—and did not withdraw that approval for nearly 400 years.

During the full history of the Atlantic slave trade, roughly 12.5 million African men, women and children were forced onto ships to be sent across the ocean to a life of forced labor. Almost two million did not survive that journey. The survivors and millions of their descendants, all human beings made in God’s image, were the chattel property of other humans who had the power to whip them, force them to work unpaid their entire lives and keep their children enslaved as well.
A bas-relief sculpture on the wall of the Our Mother of Africa chapel at the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception in Washington, D.C., depicts the African American experience from slavery to emancipation and the civil rights movement. 
(CNS photo/Patrick Ryan for the National Black Catholic Congress via Catholic Standard)

As Catholics, we must consider the human beings affected by the church’s actions. How many people died chained to the disease-ridden hulls of ships because the popes before Gregory XVI repeatedly failed to take a bold stand? How many enslaved people were sexually assaulted because they were placed in a legal position allowed by the popes before Leo XIII that left them vulnerable to such abuse? How many enslaved people fell away from the Catholic faith because priests told them that the oppression they were experiencing was occurring with the approval of Holy Mother Church?

A process of reconciliation is needed. Our church needs to admit these past injustices.


As part of that reconciliation process, we need to do our best to repair the harm caused by the injustices our church perpetuated. Anti-slave-trade Catholic theologians of the 16th century were already writing about the need to make restitution to enslaved people. One 17th-century Capuchin even wrote about the eventual need for the descendants of slaveholders to make restitution to the descendants of the enslaved. Some religious communities have taken steps toward reconciliation, including the Jesuits of the United States, but at some point the Vatican will have to do the same. Perhaps there could be an international commission, or maybe a synod. When we consider the millions of lives the trade harmed and still harms to this day, it is difficult to imagine even the convoking of an ecumenical council as being too extreme a remedy.

Pope Leo XIII righted one significant wrong when he changed the Catholic Church’s teaching on slavery in 1888, and the popes since then should be lauded for their continual denunciation of slavery, slavery-like economic practices and contemporary human trafficking. But as with every unconfessed and unaddressed sin, harm remains. It takes courage to pick up that examination of conscience and pray with it. It takes courage to enter the confessional, say what needs to be said and commit to doing what needs to be done. And yet the justice and love of God demand such steps.