Tuesday, March 28, 2023

Will the banking crisis trigger a recession?

Analysis by Labour Economist; Jim Stanford

Front Burner CBC

 Transcript for March 21, 2023

Host: Jayme Poisson

JAYME POISSON: Hi, I'm Jayme Poisson.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 1: It's the largest bank meltdown since the Great Recession more than a decade ago. Silicon Valley Bank, a bank that caters largely to start-ups and venture capitalists in the tech world, collapsed this week.

REPORTER 2: Another bank just shut down. Regulators today abruptly closed Signature Bank.

REPORTER 3: A group of American banks now creating a $30-billion rescue package to save First Republic Bank.

REPORTER 4: The world's financial markets have reacted with unease following last night's emergency takeover of the troubled Swiss bank, Credit Suisse.

JAYME POISSON: So in the last two weeks-ish, four banks in the U.S. and one in Europe have either found themselves teetering on the brink or completely collapsed. The entire U.S. banking system was given a negative rating by this agency called Moody's.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 5: Moody's changing its rating on the U.S. financial system. Lowering its rating -- lowering its outlook, I should say -- to negative, from stable.

JAYME POISSON: In response, other private banks and governments all over the world have rushed to try to contain the fallout. Maybe you've heard the word "contagion" come up a lot.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 6: How concerned should people be? Not just, though, about Silicon Valley Bank itself, but whether we think there's a contagion?

REPORTER 7: There's some of that worry, I should say, about the contagion, what that could look like.

REPORTER 8: Because it's also about jobs, not just about the global contagion.

UNNAMED SPEAKER: There's always a risk of contagion.

JAYME POISSON: On Sunday, for example, the central banks of Canada, the U.S., Asia and Europe all agreed to increase money available, which in turn would help banks lend money to each other so they can stay afloat. This can all get pretty technical and complex really fast, so today we're going to try to get at some of the big-picture questions you may be worried about. Stuff like: Is this 2008-level bad? Are we headed for a recession? If it's not 2008, how bad could it get? What does it mean for this crazy-fast pace of rising interest rates we've seen in the last year? Basically, if you aren't a rich venture capitalist or a big-time bank shareholder, how could this affect people like you and me? Today, Canadian economist Jim Stanford is back. He's a director of the Centre for Future Work.

JAYME POISSON: Jim, hey. Always great to have you.

JIM STANFORD: Jayme, thank you. I'm glad to join you.

JAYME POISSON: So five banks in total so far. Silvergate, Signature, Silicon Valley Bank, all went bust. We talked about these U.S. banks last week. And since we did that episode, two more have been really teetering -- First Republic and Swiss bank Credit Suisse. What has been happening with those last two banks? Take me through that.

JIM STANFORD: Well, Credit Suisse is in a different category -- not just because it's in Europe and the other ones are in America. It's just a lot, lot bigger than the American banks that failed. There's a euphemism that the banking regulators use. It's called a "systemically important global bank," which is a fancy term for "too big to fail." It's been having problems for the last couple years. All kinds of problems. Not just losing money, but also questions about governance and corruption at the bank.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 9: Credit Suisse is facing allegations that it has been handling dirty money for decades. An investigation led by German daily the Süddeutsche Zeitung, has revealed that Switzerland's second-biggest lender knowingly managed hundreds of millions of dollars for suspected war criminals, corrupt autocrats, and drug dealers.

JIM STANFORD: They've just released a report that they may have to relook at some of their financial statements.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 10: The company saying it found "material weakness" in its financial reporting over the past two years, because of what it said were "ineffective internal controls."

JIM STANFORD: So in the current environment where people are just very much on edge in the banking industry, that was enough to send it over.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 11: Shares in Credit Suisse fell by more than 60% this morning after European markets opened. And the value of banking shares across Europe has dropped sharply.

JIM STANFORD: The Swiss government and the Swiss Central Bank over the weekend engineered basically a giveaway of the Credit Suisse Bank to another big Swiss bank called UBS. UBS will now take over Credit Suisse -- if this deal goes ahead. It's not a done deal yet. They would take it over and absorb it into their own operations. Interesting point: even though, you know, banking is supposed to be the highlight of capitalism, the pinnacle of private enterprise, the whole thing was financed by the government in just an enormous away. UBS is hardly paying anything for Credit Suisse. UBS basically gets a bank for free -- this is amazing. Backed up by the government and the central bank. And the hope is that this will calm people's nerves, put out the panic that's spreading like a bushfire around the world banking system, and everyone can get back to normal. It's very unlikely that that's going to happen.

JAYME POISSON: And is it fair for me to say the other bank in the U.S., First Republic, the government was also pretty heavily involved? In this attempt to basically rescue it. Like, a group of private banks are also trying to prop it up right now.

JIM STANFORD: The politicians in every country are very worried about another round of bank bailouts. We of course experienced this big time in the global financial crisis -- so this is 2008/2009. You had banks on both sides of the Atlantic falling like dominoes. And then you had governments stepping in, both with direct government money and with liquidity, which means temporary dollars pumped in from the central banks. And the banks for the most part survived. A couple of them went under and got restructured. But at the end of the day, taxpayers were holding the bill. And in some cases, like in Britain for example, it resulted in tremendous austerity on society as a whole as government tried to make up for the huge amount of money they'd given the banks. So any politician knows that going out there and saying "I'm going to bail them out again" is not going to be popular. So they're bending over backwards to try and call this not a bailout. And even with the first one -- Silicon Valley Bank -- politicians were going to great lengths to say "This isn't taxpayers’ money. The average person won't be paying for it." And it's all nonsense. It absolutely is government footing the bill behind the scenes. Which particular account they draw it from and whether you call that taxpayers' money or not is ultimately a matter of semantics. But these businesses would have collapsed without government involvement. First Republic is another example of how they're kind of doing this charade.

SOUNDCLIP

REPORTER 12: Eleven major banks jointly depositing $30 billion of their own money into First Republic Bank in an effort to stop another bank failure.

JIM STANFORD: A group of about a dozen big U.S. banks came together and said, you know, it's not good for any of us if one of our counterpart banks collapses, so we're going to put a bunch of money in as temporary aid. They're even calling the Credit Suisse takeover not a government bailout. "This is a purely commercial solution," which is [Unintelligible]. Without all that government money in the background, Credit Suisse would be dead today. And with First Republic it's not likely to work. You know, it's like one of those things where when somebody stands up and says, "Whatever you do, don't panic," it's usually a signal to panic.

JAYME POISSON: I do want to just talk about this bailout argument for a second. Because we talked about this last week with Felix Salmon at Axios, and his position was that at least what was happening at Silicon Valley Bank wasn't like a 2008-type bailout, where the government basically propped up these banks and there was no accountability and a bunch of bankers got really rich, right? That the money is largely coming from the FDIC, which is providing insurance, and that the only people who are really being bailed out here are the depositors -- the people that just had their money in these banks. Not the people that ran them.

JIM STANFORD: Yeah. I think that's a pretty fine line, frankly. It is true that Silicon Valley is going to be taken over and it won't exist anymore, and the CEOs and other top executives will lose their jobs. And the people who actually owned the bank -- the shareholders of the bank -- will lose the value of their equity. And individuals who were there already were guaranteed by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation in the U.S., to the tune of $250,000 each. These were, by and large, entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley, in the San Francisco area; the venture capital business. Some of the tech start-up companies. You know, we're not helping the poor depositors when we bail everyone out to the full tune of their accounts. And then the other thing to keep in mind is that the U.S. government just changed the rules. The rules in place for the deposit insurance system are you're guaranteed up to a quarter-million dollars in any one account. And they just said "Well, we're going to do it for everyone" for every dollar they had. Now, what does this mean? First of all, that they were able to protect those venture capitalist firms and tech start-ups that might have lost significant amounts of money. But secondly, you're sending an enormous signal to the world: We will change the rules as we go, when we need to. And in particular they have just implicitly said "We're going to guarantee everyone's deposit at any bank." And the FDIC doesn't have remotely enough money in its accounts. Ultimately the government is going to backstop this, and they're just playing an optics game to try and pretend that these are commercial solution [sic] to the crisis in private banking.

JAYME POISSON: If the alternative is, like, a complete, out-of-control, contagious run on banks across the United States, is this not the better of two evil options?

JIM STANFORD: Well, of course we do not want to see widespread bank collapses -- that's what causes a depression, never mind a recession. You know, when the financial system collapses widespread and people and companies lose most of their worth, then you're in a desperate situation. So you obviously don't want that. But we should at least be honest about what we're doing. And then we should be... We should have thought about this long and hard after 2008/2009. Why do we set up a private banking system which creates private businesses that literally have the power to create money out of thin air? That's what banks do -- private banks create money out of thin air when they issue new loans. And we could do banking in a very different way. Rather than the individual, for-profit private banks that have this unique power, we could either regulate them very, very closely so that the excesses of profit-taking and risk-taking are moderated, and/or we could create public banks that operate on a fundamentally different basis that use the power to create credit, to basically create money out of thin air. Again, that's what private banks do every day. But use it in a more responsible and ultimately accountable way. So there are big lessons to learn, and we clearly didn't learn them in 2009 because the same thing is happening again. I often think, Jayme, of the words of the great financial analyst Yogi Berra. I think he said "It's déjà vu all over again," and that's exactly what we're seeing today.

JAYME POISSON: Hold that thought, because I want to get to 2008 in one second. But you mentioned earlier that more banks are going to follow suit, it's going to get worse. And why?

JIM STANFORD: So to operate a private bank you get some shareholders together, you put up some money to start the business, you get a banking license, and then you go out and try to win business. And the old stereotype is that individuals, 50 individuals, will come along and deposit their hard-earned savings at that bank, and then the bank will lend it out to others. But in practice it works very, very differently. First of all, they make loans many, many times bigger than the actual money that was put in the bank in the first place. Secondly, in the modern banking system, they don't even have to have those deposits. It's possible to run a bank where nobody deposits in the bank, the bank just lends, and then the bank covers its own cash needs by borrowing from other banks through what's called the interbank lending system. So ultimately this is a very fragile, leveraged business model, where you take a little bit of money and transform it into a much bigger amount of money. And any moment that confidence starts to crumble, and all of the people who do business with the bank in various ways start to worry whether the bank's still going to be there next month or next week or even tomorrow, they all go and start to try and get their hands on the actual cash. But that panic, of course, is what causes the bank to fall. But ultimately every private bank, because they've taken $1 and turned it into $30 through this magic power they've been given, every one of those banks is vulnerable to a crisis in confidence.

JAYME POISSON: And just to kind of sum up that idea that the system is built on trust, right? So it actually probably doesn't take very much for people to lose confidence in that system and start to move their money out.

JIM STANFORD: The system is built on trust and confidence, but it's also built on, ultimately, the power of the government. And this is why some of the sort of crazy libertarian arguments that we heard -- that "You can't trust the government with money. We should create our own money." That was the thinking that went behind the whole crypto boom, which again is part of the current chaos. People thought cryptocurrency wouldn't have government involved and it would be more honest and more transparent, and more, you know, sort of market sensitive. And that was a disaster because there was nothing backing that up. So that was all a confidence game. Anything that's based on trust needs some kind of, sort of, reliable authority in the background. To first of all validate why this system is legitimate, and then to ride in to the rescue at semi-regular opportunities when private greed self-destructs. And that's what we're seeing now.

JAYME POISSON: I want to spend some time today talking about interest rates and how that plays into this whole crisis. So, when we were doing our episode last week on Silicon Valley Bank, largely we talked about how one of the things the bank does is they took these deposits and they put them in government treasury bonds. Which are generally a pretty safe investment, right, so long as you hold them to maturity. But because we've seen this historic rise in rates over the last year, the bonds lost their value. So when people started to pull their money out the bank had to sell them at a loss, and I think that led to people realizing that the bank wasn't solvent anymore. And so I actually don't know if interest rates played a role in all five of these banks, but maybe you could speak to that a little bit.

JIM STANFORD: This whole crisis is absolutely a consequence of the rapid increases in interest rates that we've seen around most of the world in the last year. In Canada, of course, we've seen the Bank of Canada raise interest rates eight times in a year from 0.25% to 4.5%. That 4.5% is not what you and I pay, of course, on mortgages and car loans and credit cards. We pay much more. That 4.5% is what banks pay when they're borrowing money from the central bank. And so other countries, the U.S., has also been aggressive. The Europeans have raised rates -- not as aggressively, but quite a bit. The impacts of high interest rates are felt in all kinds of ways, and many of them very unpredictable. On average consumers, of course, it means we pay more on our mortgage, which means we've got less money to spend on other stuff. For businesses it makes it more expensive to raise money to invest in a new factory or to hire new workers. But in the financial economy -- the paper economy, if you like -- interest rates have much quicker and, in a way, more devastating effects. The issue of bonds is an interesting one. A government bond is the safest asset you can buy if you think of it as lending money to the government, which is what the bond really is. It's a piece of paper that says the government will pay you back what you lend them, plus interest at a certain date. And those promises are still 100% valid. This is still the safest loan you can make. The problem is that the private financial industry has taken those pieces of paper, those IOUs called bonds, and developed a kind of a second game. Almost like a poker game going on at another table, where they're buying and selling the pieces of paper. Not so much the actual promise that the government will pay you back money at the end of the day, but they're speculating on how the value of each of those pieces of paper will go up or down each given day on the basis of trends in broader interest rate. And the reason that happens is the value of a bond. If the government has promised to pay you back at, say, 2%, but then the interest rate suddenly goes to 4%, well, people holding that IOU are going to say "This isn't quite so attractive anymore because I could go and buy a new IOU for 4% interest, so I'm going to sell the bond for less than it was actually worth." And this has created an enormous opportunity for, ultimately, gambling. That's what the speculation on bonds in the bond market is all about: big investors making bets on whether that piece of paper is going to be worth more tomorrow than it is today. And the bond market is enormous -- it's trillions of dollars every day around the world. So the promise of the government to pay back the money is absolutely secure, but what is not secure is what the speculative value of that piece of paper will be at any given point in time. Because of that rapid increase in interest rates, dramatic declines in the prices of many bond [sic]. And this is what's causing a repercussion. We got a hint of this actually several months ago. Last September, several of the big pension funds in the U.K. almost collapsed. They were bailed out by their central bank, the Bank of England, and the reason they were collapsing was they had put all kinds of money into what they thought were safe government bonds. And they are safe if what you're doing is waiting for the government to pay you back. But they are not safe if what you're doing is playing the market and hoping that this piece of paper will be worth more tomorrow than it is today. The shockwaves, if you like, of this rapid run-up in interest rates is causing financial chaos. And it was in the background for all of these banks. It raises fundamental questions about interest rate policy. Are central banks going to keep increasing the rates, you know? But if they are strict in saying "We have to do whatever it takes to bring inflation down," and that's what they have been saying, then I think more interest rate increases are in the cards which suggests this problem will get worse. It also, Jayme, raises a more fundamental question about how do we think we can manage inflation. Is using interest rates the only thing we can do to bring inflation down? Particularly when you see a cost of that strategy being absolute chaos in the banking system.

JAYME POISSON: OK, let's talk about that. If this is the cost of that strategy, and the banks keep raising interest rates -- this happened in Europe last week, and the Fed is going to make a decision on raising rates this Wednesday I believe -- what could happen?

JIM STANFORD: If the rates continue to go up and if the central bankers are true to what they've been saying, OK, and if you go and look at what Tiff Macklem, the Governor of the Bank of Canada, has been saying for the last year, and central bankers in other countries, they are saying "We will get inflation back to 2% no matter what." Now, if we take them at their word that means they should increase interest rates further. Because inflation is nowhere near the 2% target and it's not coming down the way they think it is. So, you know, until this breakout of the banking crisis, everyone thought that the U.S. Fed was going to raise their interest rate this week. Now I think it's in question. If we have a banking collapse and a financial panic, that probably will bring inflation down in a very, very painful way.

JAYME POISSON: All the money that they're throwing around -- could that contribute to inflation? Could that make inflation worse?

JIM STANFORD: It certainly does. It certainly does. And it would hasten the arrival of a recession that we might already be in, for all we know.

JAYME POISSON: Jim, I know you have been warning of a recession for a while. We've talked about this on the show. You've obviously not been a proponent of the bank's mission to fight inflation by raising interest rates. But what could happen here?

JIM STANFORD: In a worst-case scenario, Jayme, we would see a spreading of this financial contagion. You'll see other institutions come down. And either the governments step up that bailout effort to try and keep the system going or you could see major institutions just fail. And the impacts of that on the real economy would be severe. So you'll see average consumers, even if they didn't lose money directly in a bank collapse, saying, "You know what? We're not going to renovate the basement this year because I don't know where the economy is going." Or, "I'm not going to buy a new car this year because I don't know where the economy is going." And added up across the whole economy, all of those decisions can create the recession that everyone was afraid of. Again, it's another self-fulfilling prophecy. Which is part of the irrationality, if you like, of a decentralized market-based system like ours. Now, we had data in Canada that showed our economy has slowed down dramatically at the end of 2022, in large part because of the higher interest rates. In fact, by December, by the end of the year, the economy was actually shrinking. So it is possible -- we don't know yet. It's possible that the recession has already started. Which means GDP declines by 2 or 3%, maybe a little bit more. You could see 500, 600, 700,000 jobs lost. You could see the unemployment rate go to 8 or 9%, and just a lot of hardship and worry for at least a couple of years. And then the thing about recessions is they have lasting scars. It's not just, you know, "Well, we had a couple of years and then we're back to normal." People's lives are changed in that situation. For young people who graduate into a recession it means their whole career trajectory is put off. For many others it means their links to the labour market are broken and their social and economic well-being is damaged for decades. So this is a very serious risk, and it's one of the reasons I've been concerned about the reliance on high interest rates as the only recipe or the only solution for the inflation that we saw after COVID. The Bank of Canada is still hoping for what they call a "soft landing." In a soft-landing scenario growth would stop for a while, maybe for a year, and you'd see no real job creation. But you wouldn't see a wave of job losses. But I think this financial crisis makes that soft-landing scenario, which I think was always remote, I think it makes it very unlikely.

JAYME POISSON: What would it take for these central banks around the world, including the Bank of Canada, to reverse course?

JIM STANFORD: It is a very interesting question, Jayme. And a lot of financial investors are betting that that is going to happen. Again, remember, there are these large bond markets where people aren't lending money to the government, directly. What they're doing is buying and selling IOUs and placing bets on where interest rates are going. And by looking at the prices on those bond markets you can get a sense of investors' expectations. Not you and mine, but the people with big money guessing where they think the interest rate is going to go. And there's some signs now that they are expecting the interest rates to be cut. And this is what central banks would have done in the past. If you saw a banking crisis you would see cuts in interest rates and efforts to pump as much money into the system as you could. The problem right now is that goes completely against what the central banks have been telling us for the last year and a half. Which is "Inflation is the biggest enemy, and we're going to do whatever it takes to bring it down." So somebody is going to have a lot of egg on their face by the time this is over, and it could very well be the central banks. It could be that this financial crisis will show that it's impossible to bring down inflation that resulted from the supply shocks and uncertainty and disruptions of the pandemic. It's impossible to bring that down just through old-style monetary tightening. We either will have to put up with inflation for a little longer or we'll have to find other solutions for it. Such as price caps in certain markets, and excess profits taxes that redistribute some of the money from the companies that have profited from inflation, back to the rest of us. So it's going to be a very interesting time, very tricky time, and a very dangerous time in the next few weeks as central banks try to respond to this panic and see what it means for their self-proclaimed mission. Which is to defeat the dragon of inflation and defeat it quickly.

JAYME POISSON: OK. Jim, thank you so much for wading through this with me today. I would actually like to keep you here for another hour, but I know you're a busy guy. And also our producer Simi will kill me if I give her a longer interview than this, so thank you very much.

JIM STANFORD: It was my pleasure, Jayme. Thank you for digging in in this very accessible, conversational way.

JAYME POISSON: All right, that is all for today. I'm Jayme Poisson. Thanks so much for listening. We'll talk to you tomorrow.

Mark Wiseman steps down as chair of AIMCo board after three-year term

JAMES BRADSHAW
INSTITUTIONAL INVESTING REPORTER
PUBLISHED MARCH 21, 2023

The chair of Alberta Investment Management Corp.’s board of directors, Mark Wiseman, is stepping down after a three-year term.

Mr. Wiseman was appointed to lead AIMCo’s board in June, 2020, at a time when Alberta’s government-owned investment fund was shaking up its executive ranks and trying to turn the page after a $2.1-billion loss on trades linked to market volatility.

A successor to Mr. Wiseman has yet to be named, and he has agreed to stay on until the end of 2023 to help with the transition.

In nearly three years as chair, Mr. Wiseman led a revamp of AIMCo’s top executive team, including hiring current chief executive officer Evan Siddall, and changes to the plan’s governance.

“As my term reaches its conclusion, I am looking forward to spending additional time in my professional roles after achieving what I was tasked to do,” Mr. Wiseman said in a statement.

AIMCo invests for 32 pension, endowment and government funds in Alberta at arm’s length from government, with more than $168-billion in assets under management.


Mr. Wiseman is a senior adviser at investment banking and asset management firm Lazard Ltd., and a part-time senior adviser at Boston Consulting Group Inc.

A veteran of the Canadian pension industry, Mr. Wiseman was formerly the CEO of Canada Pension Plan Investment Board, the country’s largest pension fund manager, and an executive at Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan.

He was also global head of active equities at BlackRock Inc., but was terminated from that job in 2019 over a relationship with a co-worker that violated the investment company’s code of conduct.


“The world-class governance he established and changes he oversaw ensured the organization emerged strongly through a turbulent period,” Mr. Siddall said in a statement.

AIMCo’s board chairs are appointed for three-year terms. Mr. Wiseman’s predecessor, Richard Bird, served two terms for a total of six years as chair.
Was Alberta’s Sovereignty Act just a bluff?
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith is well aware that she needs the more centrist voters in urban centres if her party is going to win the May election.


By Gillian Steward
Contributing Columnist
TORONTO STAR
Tue., March 21, 2023

It was only three months ago that Canadians were rattled by Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s Sovereignty Act. Was Alberta planning to separate? Were we on the cusp of a constitutional crisis? How would it affect the country as we know it?

The UCP were so keen on the Sovereignty Act it was pushed through in the middle of the night only 10 days after it was introduced. “It’s not like Ottawa is a national government,” Smith told the Legislative Assembly just before members voted.

For Smith, the Sovereignty Act provided ammunition to push back hard at the federal government, especially the Trudeau government, whenever it “intruded” into provincial affairs; to make Alberta more like Quebec.

But now it simply looks like an act to impress her most rabid supporters; the people who supported her in the UCP leadership race after they had ousted Premier Jason Kenney because they believed he hadn’t taken on the feds with enough vigour.

But Smith has yet to use the Sovereignty Act and in fact has shied away from confrontations with the federal government. She certainly didn’t resort to it last week when Steven Guilbeault, the federal environment minister, demanded to know why he hadn’t been informed of the leakage of toxic waste water from an oil sands mine tailings pond that started nine months ago and rather than being cleaned up had gotten worse.

Guilbeault found out about it from First Nations in the area who were concerned about the toxic sludge spreading under the land they hunt on and into their water source — the Athabasca River which also flows into rivers in the Northwest Territories

Guilbeault condemned the lack of reporting and strongly suggested Alberta needs a stronger regulatory regime. He and Alberta Environment Minister Sonya Savage met to discuss the situation and agreed to collaborate on seeking a long-term solution for the treatment and remediation of tailings ponds.

So Alberta played nicey, nicey with the feds instead of running them off. Given that one of the main purposes of the Sovereignty Act was to exert more provincial control over environmental policies that impact the oil industry surely this would have been a good test case. Smith obviously thought otherwise.

There are other examples of Smith backing down from promises designed to keep the federal government “in its own lane” as she has often said.

There was no money in the recent budget for an Alberta Police Force which the UCP have been pushing even though the majority of Albertan’s don’t want one. For now, the RCMP, or the federal police, as the UCP likes to call them, will remain in detachments across the province.

The UCP also made a big deal of announcing plans for an act designed to keep federal inspectors from “trespassing” on private land in Alberta. But as far as I know no one stopped the federal environment inspectors from testing water near the tailings pond leak.

Smith also had to drop her pledge to enshrine the rights of the unvaccinated in Alberta’s Human Rights Act. Another failed jab at the federal government and its vaccine mandates.

And she didn’t complain very loudly about the strings attached to the billions of dollars by the federal government for health care; she just took the money.

Some of her staunchest allies are starting to notice.

“I suppose it was inevitable. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s revolutionary new government is showing increasing signs of adapting to the traditional Canadian politics of a more bland, milquetoast centrism,” Derek Fildebrandt wrote recently. He’s the publisher of the Western Standard an online news site with a definite right-wing slant.

Smith is well aware that she needs the more centrist voters in urban centres, particularly Calgary, if the UCP is going to win the May election.

But of course she could regain that “revolutionary” zeal if the UCP wins the election.

Who knows what would happen then.

Gillian Steward is a Calgary-based writer and freelance contributing columnist for the Star. Follow her on Twitter: @GillianSteward
Broken pipeline caused spill of 450 million litres of waste water at NWT diamond mine

YELLOWKNIFE
THE CANADIAN PRESS
MARCH 23, 2023

The Diavik Diamond Mine in the Northwest Territories says 450 million litres of waste water spilled due to a broken pipeline.

The spill took place on Feb. 7 but wasn’t reported to the Northwest Territories government until late last week.

The territorial government says pipeline operators did not initially believe it needed to be reported as the waste water leaked into a containment pond that was its final destination.

The government says its inspectors have confirmed the spill is within the pond and none has been released into the environment.

Mine owner Rio Tinto says the pipeline contained groundwater mixed with a small quantity of water used for dust suppression and drilling.

The company says the mine was designed to mitigate the environmental risk of pipeline failures through routes away from Lac de Gras to containment facilities.

The Northwest Territories government says it has requested that Diavik divert and repair the pipeline and that the company is addressing the issue appropriately.

Rio Tinto says until extreme weather ends and it establishes safe access to repair the pipeline, flow will continue from an alternative location within the North Inlet Facility.

“We are taking this situation seriously and will ensure such incidents get reported within the required time frames,” the company said in a statement.

The mine is roughly 300 kilometres northeast of Yellowknife. Rio Tinto is a global mining giant that has head offices in the United Kingdom and Australia.
Invading Iraq is what we did instead of tackling climate change

OPINION: Instead of launching a war, the US and UK could have weaned us off the fossil fuels that pay for the brutal regimes of dictators


Adam Ramsay
20 March 2023,

Tony Blair and George Bush at a press conference following the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 |

Brooks Kraft LLC/Corbis via Getty Images

Twenty years ago , war was once again unleashed on Baghdad. In the UK – and much of the rest of the world – people sat in front of their TVs watching the skies above the ancient city flash with flame as buildings were rendered to rubble, the limbs and lives inside crushed.

The real victims of George Bush and Tony Blair’s shock and awe were, of course, the people of Iraq. Estimates of violent deaths range from a hundred thousand to a million. That doesn’t include the arms and legs that were lost, the families devastated, the melted minds and broken souls, trauma that will shatter down generations. It doesn’t include anyone killed in the conflict since then: there are still British and US troops in the country. It doesn’t include the poverty resulting from crushed infrastructure, the hopes abandoned and the potential immolated.

And that’s just the 2003 war: Britain has bombed Iraq in seven of the last 11 decades.

But in far gentler ways, the war was to shape the lives of those watching through their TVs, too. The invasion of Iraq – along with the other post-9/11 wars – was a road our governments chose irrevocably to drive us down. And we, too, have been changed by the journey.

The financial cost of the Iraq war to the US government, up to 2020, is estimated at $2trn. The post-9/11 wars together cost the US around $8trn, a quarter of its debt of $31trn. Much of the money was borrowed from foreign governments, in a debt boom which, some economists have argued, played a key role in the 2008 crash.

It was in this period, in particular, that China bought up billions of dollars of US government debt. Just before Barack Obama was elected in 2008, Beijing had overtaken Tokyo as the world’s largest holder of US Treasury bonds. Today, America’s neoconservatives are obsessed with China’s power over the US. What they rarely mention is that this was delivered by their wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Britain’s financial contribution was more meagre – in 2015 the UK government estimated it had spent £8.1bn on the invasion of Iraq, and around £21bn on Afghanistan. But these are hardly figures to be sniffed at.

Also significant, in both cases, is where this money went: the Iraq war saw a revolution in the outsourcing of violence. In 2003, when the war began, the UK foreign office spent £12.6m on private security firms. By 2015, just one contract – paying G4S to guard Britain’s embassy in Afghanistan – was worth £100m.

Over the course of the wars, the UK became the world centre for private military contractors – or, to use the old fashioned word, mercenaries. While many of these are private army units, others offer more specialist skills: retired senior British spooks now offer intelligence advice to central-Asian dictators and, as we found out with Cambridge Analytica during the Brexit vote, psychological operations teams who honed their skills in Iraq soon realised how much money they could make trialling their wares on the domestic population.

This vast expansion of the military industrial complex in both the US and UK hasn’t just done direct damage to our politics and economy – affecting the living standards of hundreds of millions of people across the world. It has also distorted our society, steered investment into militarised technology when research is desperately needed to address the climate and biodiversity crises.

Similarly, the war changed British politics. First, and perhaps most profoundly, because it was waged on a lie, perhaps the most notorious lie in modern Britain, that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.

Acres of text have been written about the rapid decline in public trust in politicians in the UK in recent years. Very few grapple with the basic point – that, within the memory of most voters, a prime minister looked us in the eye, and told us that he had to lead us into war, based on a threat that turned out to be fictional. There are lots of reasons people increasingly don’t trust politicians – and therefore trust democracy less and less. But the Iraq war is a long way up the list.

Obama – who had opposed the war – managed to rally some of that breakdown of trust into a positive movement (whatever you think of his presidency, the movement behind it was positive). So did the SNP in Scotland.

But often, it went the other way. If the war hadn’t happened, would Cleggmania have swung the 2010 election from Gordon Brown to David Cameron? Probably not. And this, of course, led to the second great lie of modern British politics, the one about tuition fees and austerity.

Without the invasion, would Donald Trump have won in 2016? Would Brexit have happened?

There is a generation of us – now approaching our 40s – who were coming into political consciousness as Iraq was bombed. Many of us marched against the war, many more were horrified by it. The generation before us – Gen X – were amazingly unpolitical. Coming of age in the 1990s, at the end of history, very few got involved in social movements or joined political parties.

When I was involved in student politics in the years following Bush and Blair’s invasion, student unions across the UK were smashing turnout records. Soon, those enraged by the war found Make Poverty History, the climate crisis, the financial crisis and austerity. A generation of political organisers grew up through climate camps and Occupy and became a leading force behind Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn, helping organise a magnificent younger cohort of Gen-Zers which arrived after us.

But I shouldn’t end on a positive note. The disaster predicted by the millions across the world who marched against the war has played out. Hundreds of thousands have died. The Middle East continues to be dominated by dictators.

This war was justified on the grounds that Saddam was a threat to the world. But while his weapons of mass destruction were invented, scientists were already warning us about a very real risk; already telling us that we had a few short decades to address the climate crisis.

Rather than launching a war that would give the West access to some of the world’s largest oil reserves, the US and UK could have channelled their vast resources into weaning us off the fossil fuels that pay for the brutal regimes of dictators. Instead, we incinerated that money, and the world, with it.
Drought caused 43,000 ‘excess deaths’ in Somalia last year, half of them young children

New report uncovers tragic scale of climate-led crisis and warns of up to 34,000 more deaths so far this year



Somalia: ‘The worst humanitarian crisis we’ve ever seen’


Tracy McVeigh
Tue 21 Mar 2023 

A new report released by the Somalian government suggests that far more children died in the country last year due to the ongoing drought than previously realised.

The study estimates that there were 43,000 excess deaths in 2022 in Somalia due to the deepening drought compared with similar droughts in 2017 and 2018.

Half of the deaths are likely to have been children under five. Up to 34,000 further deaths have been forecast for the first six months of this year.

Released on Monday by Somalia’s federal health ministry together with Unicef and the World Health Organization, the report was compiled by researchers at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and Imperial College London, who looked at retrospective estimates of mortality across Somalia from January to December 2022.

Somalis are dying because of a climate crisis they didn’t cause. More aid isn’t the answer


Accurate statistics are difficult to compile from a population spread across remote areas, and with about three million people displaced from their homes. The highest death rates are thought to be in the regions of south-central Somalia, including Bay, Bakool and Banadir, that are the worst hit by drought.

Somalia’s health minister, Dr Ali Hadji Adam Abubakar, found cause for optimism that famine had so far been averted.

“We continue to be concerned about the level and scale of the public health impact of this deepening and protracted food crisis in Somalia,” he said.

“At the same time, we are optimistic that if we can sustain our ongoing and scaled-up health and nutrition actions, and humanitarian response to save lives and protect the health of our vulnerable, we can push back the risk of famine for ever.”

If this did not happen, he said, “the vulnerable and marginalised will pay the price of this crisis with their lives.”

“We therefore urge all our partners and donors to continue to support the health sector in building a resilient health system that works for everyone and not for the few,” said Abubakar.

For the first time, a prediction model was developed from the study. A forecast from January to June 2023 estimates that 135 people a day might also die due to the crisis, with total deaths projected at being between 18,100 and 34,200 during this period.

The estimates suggest the crisis in Somalia is far from over and is already more severe than the 2017-18 drought.

Wafaa Saeed, Unicef’s representative in Somalia, said he was saddened by the grim picture of the drought’s impact on families, but added: “We know there could have been many more deaths had humanitarian assistance not been scaled up to reach affected communities.

“We must continue to save lives by preventing and treating malnutrition, providing safe and clean water, improving access to lifesaving health services, immunising children against deadly diseases such as measles, and providing critical protection services.”

There have now been six consecutive failed rainy seasons in the climate crisis-induced drought, which coincides with global food price rises, intensified insecurity in some regions, and the aftermath of the pandemic.

The study is the first in a planned series and was funded by the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office.
Opinion: Biden’s veto supports free markets, not ‘woke’ capitalism

Opinion by Witold Henisz
Updated 10:32 AM EDT, Wed March 22, 2023

Wind turbines operate at a wind farm, a key power source for the Coachella Valley, on February 22, 2023 in Palm Springs, California.Mario Tama/Getty Images

CNN —

President Biden just issued the first veto of his presidency over Republican legislation that aims to limit retirement fund managers from incorporating environmental, social and governance factors into their financial analysis.

While ESG investing is criticized by Republicans as “woke” capitalism that is ideologically motivated and harmful to pensioners, it’s actually something both parties and all investors should support.

Biden’s veto supports free markets in the hard work of analyzing the long-term determinants of financial performance, including both traditional financial information like sales growth, cost margins and productivity, as well as information related to environmental factors like carbon emissions, social factors like labor practices and governance factors like transparency in reporting.

The term ESG was first introduced in 2004 to distinguish a group of investors who considered ESG issues not based on their values, ethics or a desire to be socially responsible, but rather because they believed these factors impacted financial performance, particularly in the long term. Put simply, ESG investing just means considering environmental, social and governance factors alongside more traditional financial data in assessments of long-term financial performance.

The logic here is straightforward and anything but political. The value of some assets depends, for instance, on the degree of global warming or our success in transitioning to clean energy. Consider the value of a deep-water oil field or coal mine in which investment today is only profitable if demand for fossil fuels in 2050 is supported by a large fleet of fossil fuel vehicles and coal-burning power plants.

If zero-emission vehicles dominate global markets in 2050 and solar and wind power continue to decline in costs at current rates, any investments in that oil field or coal mine today will not earn a positive return.

Alternately, consider a lithium processing facility or a new battery plant that will only earn a return if battery-powered vehicles make up the majority of the North American fleet in 2050. If fossil fuel vehicles instead remain dominant, investments in that processing facility or battery plant will not pay

In each of these cases, environmental factors and their evolution over time alter the expected value of an investment. Whether you voted Republican or Democrat in the last election, you should prefer that the person, organization or algorithm investing your pension takes these factors into account rather than being prohibited from doing so by Republican-sponsored legislation.

Similar arguments can be made for incorporating the likely cost of air or water pollution regulation, human rights lawsuits, minimum wage legislation and anti-money laundering restrictions into forecasts of companies’ earnings and relative performance. In each case, future revenues, costs and productivity are impacted by environmental, social or governance factors.

ESG investing is not about values, nor is it woke or ideological. It’s about being fiduciarily responsible. It is simply good economics and good finance. Pension managers should be able to take all financially material information into account. Climate risk is, in some cases and under some assumptions, investment risk.

Forbidding pension fund managers from incorporating it into their analysis would be akin to forbidding them from considering the impact of artificial intelligence, the Russian invasion of Ukraine or the growing US-China geopolitical rivalry. Each of these factors could be financially material, and asset managers competing in the free market should be able to analyze them, free of government regulation determining what they can and cannot consider to be material.

It’s true that asset managers’ analyses of ESG issues remain imperfect and the returns on ESG funds, so far, have tended to underperform the market. That’s because the data to assess firms’ ESG impacts is only voluntarily disclosed in the US, and the science and financial models linking that data to financial impacts are still evolving. There is a lot of confusion between ESG investing and counterparts such as socially responsible investing or impact investing, which may pursue other objectives than financial performance. There is also a lot of greenwash or virtue claiming by asset managers seeking to convince the public they offer ESG funds when, in reality, these are more marketing efforts than genuine ESG offerings.

As the focus of ESG data improves over time, the hope is that returns on actual ESG strategies should at least match the market on a risk-adjusted basis net of fees. This is the game that fund managers following all strategies seek to play, and while broad-based index funds show the best performance over the long term, enormous efforts are deployed to find means to beat the market.

Prohibiting investment managers from following ESG strategies when more and more of them are convinced by the underlying logic, following the demand of asset owners and making progress on the data and analytics would be counter-productive. It would preclude investors from having access to some of the biggest and best asset managers. Wharton finance professors have found that ignoring this progress and adhering to Republican legislative proposals to invest only with asset managers not making these efforts would cost taxpayers millions, while separate reports found it would cost investors and pensioners in Indiana and Kansas billions. The process of defining what would be and would not be banned would be a recipe for political chicanery, lobbying and other influence strategies that would further depress returns.

Biden’s veto supports free market efforts to price ESG risks and opportunities. Such efforts benefit pensioners who want their investments to take into account all material factors in their financial analyses — not just those that the Republican party and its billionaire donors support. Pensioners, current and future, both red and blue, should support the hard ongoing work of ESG integration into financial analyses.

 
Witold Henisz
Editor’s Note: Witold Henisz is the vice dean and faculty director of the ESG Initiative at the Wharton School and the Deloitte & Touche Professor of Management. The ESG Initiative has more than two dozen partners supporting its research. Professor Henisz is also an adviser to asset manager Engine No 1, for whom he co-developed the Total Value Framework. He also recently joined the Sustainable & Impact Investing Advisory Council for Glenmede, an asset manager. The views expressed here are his own. Read more opinion on CNN.

Manitoba

Iranians share hopes for Woman Life Freedom movement at Nowruz celebration

It's a bittersweet celebration, vice-president of Iranian Community of Manitoba says

A woman with long hair wearing a black dress looks at the camera and smiles. She stands in front of a traditional Haft-Sin.
Jozi Oliver says this year's Nowruz festival holds a deeper significance for her because of the rise of the Woman Life Freedom movement. (Joanne Roberts/CBC)

Iranians at a Winnipeg celebration of Nowruz, also known as Iranian New Year, say they hope family and friends who are still in Iran find freedom and safety in the coming year.

"[We want] Iranians ... [to] go back in freedom and enjoy these celebrations with their families," said Iranian-Winnipegger Kourosh Doustshenas.

Around 300 people gathered at the Caboto Centre in Winnipeg on Monday to celebrate the annual festival. 

Nowruz, which means 'new day' in Farsi, dates back more than 3,000 years. It celebrates the return of spring and a renewal of life.

"It's the most important day on the Iranian calendar," said Arian Arianpour, president of the Iranian Community of Manitoba.

Although the festival is primarily a new year celebration, a big focus at the Winnipeg event was to support the Woman Life Freedom movement among the ongoing protests against the Islamic Republic. 

"This year is another chance to keep fighting after six months of … fighting against a ruthless regime," said Arianpour.

A white card that reads 'Woman Life Freedom' and features the face of Mahsa Amini rests on a table.
A photo of Mahsa Amini takes centre stage at the traditional Nowruz Haft-Sin, an arrangement of seven symbolic items. (Walther Bernal/CBC)

Woman Life Freedom is a political slogan used as a rallying cry during anti-government protests that started in the country after the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini.

Amini died in custody after she was arrested by morality police in September for wearing her hijab incorrectly. Since her death, protests against the Islamic Republic have spread in Canada and across the world. 

Jozi Oliver, who attended the event with family, said this year has a deeper significance to her because of the rise of the movement — and the women who have joined the demonstrations.

"I really hope it will drive some change. We're already seeing change with the women coming out and wanting to support the movement," Oliver said.

"Hopefully I'll be able to visit Iran, a free Iran, soon."

Doustshenas, who is the vice-president of the Iranian Community of Manitoba, said the group didn't know whether to celebrate the new year with so much turmoil happening in their home country.

"It is bittersweet. We are mourning our loved ones," he said.

"Even though it's very hard for us, we want to make sure we safeguard all these traditions and make sure people have a chance to be together."

Doustshenas said the group consulted the community and received overwhelming support for a festive Nowruz celebration that still acknowledged the anti-regime demonstrations and ongoing government crackdown on protestors.

The group decided to have a traditional Iranian music concert, featuring musician Amin Vali. The concert was dedicated to Mahsa Amini, women in Iran and Woman Life Freedom demonstrators.

Two men wearing suits look at the camera with solemn expressions.
Kourosh Doustshenas and Arian Arianpour, from the Iranian Community of Manitoba, stand together. Doustshenas says it's a bittersweet Nowruz celebration. (Joanne Roberts/CBC)

"It's dedicated to all those … who are fighting for freedom," said Doustshenas, and all those in jail because of that fight.

Arianpour said Iranians all over the world have been using celebrations like Nowruz to protest against the Islamic Republic.

"Maybe Nowruz is a chance for all the politicians, all the leaders of the free world, to think of the fact that they have not been supporting the Woman Life Freedom revolution enough," he said.

"[They can] change Iran, change the Middle East, and change the whole world."

Iranians at a Winnipeg celebration of Nowruz, also known as Iranian New Year, say they hope family and friends who are still in Iran find freedom and safety in the coming year.

U.S. pushing Canada to lead international force to Haiti


By Amanda Coletta and Widlore Mérancourt
March 21, 2023

TORONTO — It has been more than five months since Ariel Henry, Haiti’s embattled prime minister, made a plea to the international community: Deploy a “specialized armed force” from abroad to restore order to a country reeling from a constellation of crises.

The request was unusual; Haiti has suffered a long history of destabilizing foreign interventions. But as the Caribbean nation struggles with gang violence, civil and political unrest, and a resurgence of cholera, it quickly drew backing from U.N. Secretary General António Guterres and the United States. The Biden administration soon drafted a U.N. Security Council resolution proposing a “non-U.N. international security assistance mission” to support the beleaguered Haitian police in restoring order.

The catch: The United States does not want to lead it.

That has left Haiti still waiting for an answer. When President Biden meets Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in Ottawa this week on his long-awaited first visit to Canada in office, the leaders will discuss a way forward in Haiti, to which both their countries have close and long-standing ties.

The U.N. is mulling another mission to Haiti. Haitians are skeptical.

The Biden administration, mindful of failed U.S. military interventions in the past, has prevailed upon Canada to take a “leadership role” in an international force. White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan told reporters in January that Canada itself had “expressed interest” in such a role, but U.S. optimism has waned as months have passed without any commitment from Ottawa.

“We believe the security and humanitarian situation in Haiti is worsening and the situation on the ground will not improve without armed assistance from international partners,” a National Security Council spokesperson, speaking on the condition of anonymity according to the agency’s rules, told The Washington Post.

Since the beginning of the year, 531 people have been killed, 300 wounded and 277 kidnapped in gang-related violence in Haiti, U.N. officials reported Tuesday. The pace of the mayhem has been increasing: In the first half of March alone, at least 208 people were killed, 164 wounded and 101 kidnapped, according to officials.

Most of the violence has been in Port-au-Prince, the capital, a spokeswoman for the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights said. Most of the victims between March 1 and 15 were killed or injured by snipers who were reportedly shooting randomly at people in their homes or on the streets.

Protesters in the Petionville neighborhood of Port-au-Prince, Haiti, demand the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry in October. (Odelyn Joseph/AP)
YES THAT'S A WOODEN RIFLE HE IS CARRYING

Canadian officials have said any outside intervention must be backed by a political consensus in Haiti. They have noted that previous interventions haven’t led to their desired outcomes. They have also cast doubt on whether the Canadian armed forces have the capacity for the type of mission the United States has proposed.

Officials also bristle at the notion that they have not already assumed a leadership role. They point out that they’ve beefed up their diplomatic presence in Haiti, deployed several missions to assess needs, provided armored vehicles and other support to the police, and imposed sanctions on 17 Haitians, including alleged gang leaders and their alleged backers among the political and business elite.

The United States, meanwhile, has cheered — but not matched — Canada’s sanctions. Brian Nichols, the State Department’s assistant secretary for Western Hemisphere affairs, lauded Canada after Ottawa imposed sanctions on several former Haitian prime ministers and former president Michel Martelly in November. Washington has not yet targeted those officials with sanctions.

Senators’ departure leaves Haiti without an elected government

“For me, the best way to restore some stability for Haiti is to first sanction the elites to tell them that they can no longer finance the gangs,” Trudeau said at a town hall last week in Montreal. “And … we must ensure that the Haitian National Police have the power to do their jobs.”

He said other countries, including the United States, need to do “much more.”

Gilles Rivard, a former Canadian ambassador to Haiti, has advised the Foreign Ministry on U.N.-led peacekeeping missions. He called the reason the United States has not matched Canada’s sanctions a “big question,” given that the close security allies are likely to be sharing intelligence about the individuals in question.

“If we could coordinate on that, it would be very helpful,” he said.

Former Haitian National Police officer Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier, leader of the G9 Family and Allies federation of gangs, in Port-au-Prince in January. (Odelyn Joseph/AP)

Dunois Erick Cantave, a member of the Montana Accord, a powerful coalition of civil society groups and political figures, said Haitians initially welcomed the sanctions, but have lost faith that they can bring about change because they are “partial and selective.”

Washington has imposed visa restrictions on more than 40 alleged gang leaders and supporters since October and levied sanctions on four people. A senior State Department official, asked last month if the department planned to add sanctions on more people, said the decision process was lengthy and required the proper “legal authorities” and “corroborating evidence.”

The United States has imposed its sanctions under an executive order that targets “foreign persons involved in the global illicit drug trade.” That wording, analysts said, might explain in part why Washington has not targeted the same people as Ottawa.

“If [the Haitians] have U.S. status, that’s likely the reason that the U.S. hasn’t done it,” said John E. Smith, a former director of the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control.

Abductions by the busload: Haitians are being held hostage by a surge in kidnappings

Meanwhile, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police said it has “not received any disclosure from third parties on frozen assets for Haiti,” raising questions about Canada’s enforcement capabilities.

Analysts say U.S. allies are hesitant to risk lives in a logistically complicated mission that would require a significant amount of time and resources and have complications. Trudeau leads a minority government dependent on the support of other parties to advance his agenda. He has been on the defensive for weeks over questions about what his government knew about and how it responded to alleged Chinese interference in recent Canadian elections.

“You won’t go there for three months or six months,” Rivard said. “You will go there for at least a couple of years.”

Trudeau, at a meeting with Biden and Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador in January, said he was “very aware that things could get worse in Haiti.”

Since then, the terms of Haiti’s last 10 senators have expired. With the presidency vacant since the 2021 assassination of Jovenel Moïse and in the absence of elections, the national government now has no democratically elected officials. In Port-au-Prince, meanwhile, gang violence has pushed deeper into more neighborhoods.

“Kidnappings are rampant,” Helen La Lime, the special representative of the U.N. secretary general for Haiti, told a meeting of the Organization of American States last week. “The sexual violence that is taking place in Haiti is at levels never seen before — and rarely seen in any society.”

An armored police car in Port-au-Prince this month is pocked with bullet holes from clashes with armed gangs. (Johnson Sabin/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)


The Haitian police, struggling with high rates of attrition, have been outnumbered and outgunned by the gangs.

The United States, and Florida in particular, is the main source of firearms for Haiti, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime reported this month. They are often procured through straw men in states with lax gun laws and then trafficked illegally to the country.

Dominican Republic sending children, pregnant migrants back to Haiti

In Haiti, Henry’s request for a foreign force has been divisive. Some fear such a force would buttress Henry, a deeply unpopular appointee whose critics view his claim to power as illegitimate. He said last week that he would mobilize the army to aid the police in wresting control back from the gangs, another controversial move.

As security conditions deteriorate, some Haitians are taking a dim view of the international response. When Canada deployed two navy ships to patrol Haitian waters last month, Le Nouvelliste, Haiti’s largest newspaper, published a front-page cartoon showing a bandit holding a gun in one hand and a man upside-down in the other — shaking him down, literally. He shrugs off the ships.

They’re a joke, he says in Creole. “They’re not going to get close.”

Georges Michel, a Haitian historian who helped write the nation’s 1987 constitution, said some measures taken by the international community have been well-intentioned but have come too late. As the country’s interlocking crises worsen, he and other Haitians see a foreign security force as the only way that they can breathe.

“When Canada sent a plane and a boat to fight against the insecurity, the population laughed,” he said. “We don’t have problems with the birds or the fish.”

Mérancourt reported from Port-au-Prince. Karen DeYoung, Jeanne Whalen and Yasmeen Abutaleb in Washington contributed to this report.


By Amanda ColettaAmanda Coletta is a reporter based in Toronto who covers Canada for The Washington Post. She previously worked in London, first at the Economist and then the Wall Street Journal. Twitter