It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Thursday, April 13, 2023
Breakaway candidate has enough votes to take Turkey’s presidential election to 2nd round: poll
Chairman and founder of the Turkish centre-left party Memleket (Homeland Party) Muharrem Ince
Leader of the opposition Homeland Party Muharrem İnce, whose candidacy in the upcoming presidential election is feared to divide votes among Turkey’s opposition, would have had enough votes to take an April race to a second round, local media reported on Wednesday, citing Turkey Report Director Can Selçuki.
İnce, whose blunt speeches and impromptu dances have drawn social media attention, broke away from the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) two years ago and formed the Homeland Party after twice failing to become CHP leader. He announced in March that he would run in the May 14 presidential election. The politician qualified to run in the race by collecting 111,301 signatures, the Supreme Board of Elections (YSK) announced later the same month.
A person who is over the age of 40, has a university degree and meets the criteria to be elected a member of parliament can be nominated as a presidential candidate, either by 100,000 voters who sign petitions supporting their candidacy or by the nomination of a political party that has a parliamentary group or received at least 5 percent of the nationwide vote in the latest elections.
İnce will be running as a presidential candidate in addition to current President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the joint candidate of an opposition bloc of six parties.
Many say if İnce stands as a candidate in the presidential election, his candidacy could weaken Kılıçdaroğlu’s chances of winning since his likely voters will be from among people supporting Kılıçdaroğlu, not Erdoğan.
Selçuki on Wednesday tweeted information about the results of Turkey Report’s April poll, saying İnce would have had enough votes to take the presidential election to a second round, thereby contributing to Erdoğan’s chances of winning, if the race were to be held in April.
If İnce manages to secure a significant portion of the opposition vote in the May election, neither Kılıçdaroğlu nor Erdoğan may achieve the required 50 percent majority, necessitating a second round. This scenario would provide Erdoğan with a critical two-week window in which to deploy various strategies to sway public opinion, such as manipulating the exchange rate through central bank interventions and stoking fears of an economic collapse should he leave office. The opposition, thus, is desperate to secure a victory in the first round to prevent any such maneuvers.
Selçuki also said the poll showed a decline in the rate of undecided voters as well as an increase in the votes of both the CHP and the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), an ally of Erdoğan’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).
Amnesty International warns Turkey of human rights violations in HDP closure case
Amnesty International expressed serious concern over a closure case against Turkey’s pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and its potential impact on the human rights situation in the country in a comprehensive statement released on Tuesday.
Since March 2021, the HDP has been accused by the country’s top prosecutor of having links to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been waging a bloody war in Turkey’s southeast since 1984 and is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey and much of the international community, an accusation the party denies.
Amnesty called on the chief public prosecutor of Turkey’s Supreme Court of Appeals to withdraw the case against the HDP, which was set to present its defense at a hearing the same day.
According to local media, the HDP did not present an oral defense at closure proceedings heard by the country’s Constitutional Court on Tuesday. The court drew up a document to establish the HDP’s waiver of its right to present a defense and delivered it to the court rapporteur for the drafting of a final report that will include an opinion on the potential closure of the party.
The pro-Kurdish party had requested a delay in the proceedings until after the parliamentary and presidential elections on May 14, but the court denied the request. Subsequently, the HDP has declined to present its defense statement, saying that it would be an intervention in a free and fair election.
The party is seen as the potential kingmaker in the upcoming election, which could end President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s two-decade rule.
According to Amnesty International, the closure of the HDP, Turkey’s second-largest opposition party, would result in multiple violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association. The statement underscored that such a closure would significantly affect the ability of Turkish citizens to participate in public affairs and emphasizes the obligation of the Turkish state, including its judiciary, to uphold international human rights law.
Amnesty International believes that the Turkish authorities have not provided sufficient evidence to substantiate allegations of links to the outlawed PKK.
The statement noted that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has repeatedly found violations of Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights in applications following the closure of political parties with Kurdish roots, primarily because the authorities have been unable to reasonably demonstrate a “pressing social need” for such closures.
Amnesty International’s statement highlighted the importance of protecting the rights to freedom of expression and association in Turkey and calls on the authorities to comply with their international obligations in the HDP closure case. The organization also called on the Constitutional Court to take into account the numerous binding rulings of the ECtHR that are relevant to the current case and should guide the upcoming ruling.
The statement highlighted the prosecution’s request for a five-year political ban on 451 former and current HDP members and the suspension of the party’s bank accounts, and said both of them are based on “meritless or weak evidence. “Amnesty International claimed that such measures constitute an attack on the right to freedom of expression and assembly and violate Turkey’s international obligations.
The organization’s statement also provided historical context by pointing out that since 1993, eight Kurdish-rooted left-wing political parties in Turkey have been on trial for alleged constitutional violations. Five of these parties were shut down for alleged links to the outlawed PKK, while two others dissolved voluntarily.
Amnesty International emphasized that Turkey has consistently failed to implement ECtHR rulings finding human rights violations due to the closure of political parties or other restrictions on individuals associated with them.
The HDP announced its decision last month to run in the elections under the banner of another party, the Green Left Party (YSP), to circumvent the risks that could emerge from its possible closure ahead of the elections.
In the past when pro-Kurdish parties faced similar threats, they either fielded independent candidates or ran under the umbrella of other parties.
Amnesty International also called on the Turkish state as a whole to guarantee the right to freedom of association for all people in the country so that citizens can exercise their right to freedom of expression and association without fear of reprisal.
Resurgence of Turkish socialism: cracks between TİP and HDP could jeopardize the future of the left
After the release of Vladimir Lenin’s 21 conditions for admitting members to the Communist International (Comintern), socialist organizations became highly factionalized, and in many countries, like Turkey, the ones who did not follow Lenin’s doctrinaire approach found more success among the lower classes.
Experiencing enormous challenges and chafing under the boot of military rule could not unite Turkish socialists.
A shouting match on Turkish TV encapsulates their endless fragmentation.
In December 1995 journalist Mehmet Ali Birand hosted three prominent leftist figures of the time: Maoist-turned-Kemalist Doğu Perinçek and guerillas-turned-politicians Ertuğrul Kürkçü and Bülent Uluer. The conversation was chaotic, with individuals talking over each other, making accusations, and shouting insults such as “dönek” (traitor), “ahlâksız” (immoral), “terbiyesiz” (rude, uncivilized), “zavallı” (pitiful), “alçak” (lowlife) “puşt” (scoundrel), “palavracı” (liar) and “bezirgân” (huckster). At the climax of the exchange, there is a moment where Perinçek accuses Kürkçü of defending Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II, a beloved figure for Turkey’s Islamists and a hated symbol of the ancien régime for the leftists, which in itself became an out-of-context meme.
Perinçek: You defended Abdulhamid!
Kürkçü: I didn’t defend him!
Perinçek: You defended [Adnan] Menderes [Turkey’s prime minister between 1950-60]!
Kürkçü: I didn’t defend him!
Perinçek: You did defend him!
Kürkçü: Shameless!
Uluer: Doğu…
Perinçek: Look!
Kürkçü: I didn’t defend him! Show me the proof!
Uluer: Doğu…
Perinçek: I’ll show you now.
Kürkçü: You’re a disgusting man!
Perinçek: You’re a lowlife bastard!
These insults are emblematic of the strong enmity leftists of different factions held against each other.
After decades of strife and factionalism, Turkish socialists reckoned that it was in their best interest to get over such childish divisions that led to comical shouting matches between all-too-serious middle-aged men. The new faces of socialism in Turkey
The new faces of Turkish socialism are attractive younger men whose fan-made clips get thousands of shares on social media platforms.
As the presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled for May 14 approach, a relatively new political force, the Workers’ Party of Turkey (TİP), has gained ground, making waves with its leftist agenda. The leaders of the contemporary TİP claim that the party is a successor to the original TİP that was founded in 1961.
Emerging from a 2017 split in the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), TİP, led by former TKP chairman Erkan Baş, has established itself as a force in Turkish politics. Advocating for a socialist transformation in the country, TİP has made strides in recent years by focusing on issues such as poverty, corruption, gender inequality and discrimination against minority groups.Erkan Baş is a Turkish socialist politician and academic who currently serves as the leader of the Workers’ Party of Turkey (TİP) and an MP for İstanbul. He was born to a Bosniak immigrant family in West Berlin and completed his education at İstanbul University, specializing in the history of science. Baş was a member of the Socialist Power Party (SİP) and a co-founder of the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), where he held various leadership roles before 2017.
Erkan Baş is a Turkish socialist politician and academic who currently serves as the leader of the Workers’ Party of Turkey (TİP) and an MP for İstanbul. He was born to a Bosniak immigrant family in West Berlin and completed his education at İstanbul University, specializing in the history of science. Baş was a member of the Socialist Power Party (SİP) and a co-founder of the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), where he held various leadership roles before 2017.
TİP has been generating excitement and interest in the country, particularly among the younger generations. According to experts, the party has been visible in nearly every public opinion poll, competing with parties established by long-time politicians. TİP’s support ranges between 1 and 2 percent, but its ambition lies in making its presence known and possibly becoming a central force in future elections.
TİP draws its support mainly from grassroots efforts and street-level activism and defines itself as a collective force that unites workers, the unemployed, youths, retirees, women and men in the struggle for basic rights and freedoms. The party’s four MPs — Erkan Baş, Sera Kadıgil, Ahmet Şık and Barış Atay — have shown tremendous personal effort and charisma in promoting the party. In recent times TİP has drawn popular figures from the art and media sectors as parliamentary candidates, which has increased the party’s visibility. This has been particularly notable with the TİP’s nomination of celebrities like Mehmet Aslantuğ, Cezmi Baskın and İrfan Değirmenci as MP candidates. However, this strategy raises some questions, such as how the party will manage the balance between attracting well-known personalities and prioritizing the needs of its constituents.
In the 2018 general election, the TİP entered into an electoral alliance with the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). This partnership allowed TİP to overcome election eligibility requirements and have its representatives, such as Baş and actor-turned-politician Atay, elected to the Turkish Parliament on HDP lists. The alliance has since been formalized into the Labor and Freedom Alliance, which also includes other left-wing parties such as the Labor Party (EMEP).
However, the alliance has sparked controversy and debate over the political ambitions of TİP.
Turkey will hold presidential and parliamentary elections on May 14. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who was first elected president in 2014, is seeking re-election, while an opposition bloc of six parties has nominated main opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu as their joint candidate.
The HDP is lending outside support to Kılıçdaroğlu’s candidacy by not fielding its own candidate.
The HDP, the third largest party in parliament, is not included in the opposition bloc, known as the Nation Alliance, due to the İYİ (Good) Party’s dislike of the HDP on allegations that the party has links to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey and much of the international community.
The HDP faces a closure case, launched in March 2021, due to its alleged links to the PKK, which has been waging a bloody war in Turkey’s Southeast since 1984. The party denies any links to the PKK.
The HDP announced its decision last month to run in the elections under the banner of another party, the Green Left Party (YSP), to circumvent the risks that could emerge from its possible closure ahead of the elections.
In the past when pro-Kurdish parties faced similar threats, they either fielded independent candidates or ran under the umbrella of other parties.
The challenges facing the TİP-HDP alliance
The YSP, under which the HDP will run in the race as it faces a closure case, the Social Freedom Party (TÖP), the Labor Movement Party (EHP) and the Union of Socialist Councils (SMF), and EMEP have reached a consensus to run in the elections with a joint list to maximize the chances of gaining seats in parliament since the electoral system favors a consolidated vote rather than a vote split among several parties.
The use of joint lists can have advantages in terms of consolidating votes, but it may also lead to some voters feeling disenfranchised if their preferred party is not competing in their province.
Confident of its following, TİP decided not to run with the joint list of the alliance, which caused cracks between TİP and the HDP.
Some HDP figures have accused TİP of exploiting the HDP’s pro-Kurdish base to overcome the election threshold while producing rival candidates in major cities, potentially splitting the vote and harming the chances of the alliance.
Journalist Hayko Bağdat, writing for the Artı Gerçek news website, has delved into the debate.
Bağdat cites the concerns expressed by Gültan Kışanak, a former co-mayor of Diyarbakır, and Selahattin Demirtaş, a former co-chair of the HDP, regarding the alliance with TİP. Kışanak recently wrote a letter from prison and claimed that the alliance is no longer a true election partnership due to the lack of a common presidential candidate and a joint election list. She argued that the Kurdish vote was crucial in breaking the electoral threshold in the 2015 elections and that the HDP has worked tirelessly to overcome this obstacle, and that the party should not be taken for granted.
Demirtaş also expressed disappointment with TİP’s decision, urging socialists and democrats to support the HDP and its Green Left Party list. Bağdat notes that TİP’s focus on attracting non-Kurdish voters has raised concerns among the Kurdish community, fearing that their struggle for equality and justice will be ignored or marginalized.
The HDP’s success in recent years has largely been due to its ability to unite various factions of the Turkish left and minority groups under one umbrella. The partnership with TİP was initially seen as a continuation of this unifying trend. However, the growing concerns about the nature of the alliance have led to questions about whether it can truly serve the interests of all its constituents, including the Kurdish community.
In response to the criticism, TİP has maintained that its alliance with the HDP remains strong and mutually beneficial. Party representatives argue that their joint efforts aim to challenge the ruling Justice and Development Party and its ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), by presenting a unified front for progressive and democratic forces in the country.
With the country facing an economic crisis and the government’s poor response to two major earthquakes on Feb. 6 that killed more than 50,000, many believe the AKP and President Erdoğan are more vulnerable now than at any point in their two-decade rule.
The risk of TİP being seen as the ‘party of white Turks’
Another issue is the potential risk of TİP becoming known as the “party of white Turks,” particularly as the party’s popularity grows, journalist Murat Sabuncu contends. The term “white Turks” refers to the country’s secular, Westernized elite, and being associated with this group could have implications for TİP’s future success. The party must strike a balance between maintaining its progressive image and avoiding the risk of being seen as catering solely to a specific demographic, according to Sabuncu.
As the elections draw near, tensions within the alliance will likely continue to be scrutinized. The outcome of the elections could significantly impact the future direction of both TİP and the HDP as well as their relationship with one another. If the alliance is successful in gaining seats and influence, it could signal a new era of left-wing politics in Turkey, characterized by a more unified and cohesive front against the ruling conservative forces.
Green Left Party vows in election manifesto to build ‘strong local democracy’ in Turkey
The Green Left Party (YSP), under whose banner the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) will run in the parliamentary elections slated for May 14, has promised in its election manifesto to build a “strong local democracy” in Turkey, local media reported.
In a bid to circumvent the risks that could emerge from its possible closure ahead of the elections, HDP co-Chairperson Mithat Sancar announced last week that his party would run in the elections under the banner of the YSP, saying that past experience with the closure of pro-Kurdish parties has led to that solution.
The HDP is facing a closure case on terrorism charges that was filed in March 2021 and could be concluded before the elections since the Constitutional Court, which is hearing the case, has rejected the HDP’s request to delay the verdict until after the elections.
The YSP on Thursday released its election manifesto titled “We Are Here, We Will Change [Turkey] Together” and vowed to replace the country’s current presidential system of governance with a democratic system that includes a pluralist parliament with broad powers, an effective separation of powers and a working system of checks and balances.
“We are coming to build a strong local democracy in which the separation of powers expands towards the local, the delegation of authority and resources to local governments is secured, [and] central authority over local governments is ended,” the YSP said in the manifesto.
Pledges regarding ecology policy, rights and freedoms and economic development were mentioned in the manifesto. These included the removal of lockout as a constitutional and legal arrangement, giving the right to social security and retirement benefits to domestic workers and reinstatement of the Istanbul Convention, an international treaty to combat violence against women.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan sparked outrage in Turkey and the international community after he issued a decree in March 2021 that pulled the country out of the international treaty, which requires governments to adopt legislation prosecuting perpetrators of domestic violence and similar abuse as well as marital rape and female genital mutilation.
The party further promised to end the closure of political parties, abolish the election threshold, eliminate regulations that prevent the public’s right to access information through the restricting of bandwidth and remove the crime of “insulting the president” from the law.
Thousands of people in Turkey are under investigation, and most of them are under the threat of imprisonment, over alleged insults of President Erdoğan. The insult cases generally stem from social media posts shared by Erdoğan opponents. The Turkish police and judiciary perceive even the most minor criticism of Erdoğan or his government as an insult.
The HDP’s Sancar, who made the opening speech at the announcement event in Ankara on Thursday, said they were determined and powerful enough to “change this order that exploits nature, enslaves women and holds youth captive” and build the future together, under the roof of an equal and free democratic republic.
“We will end the AKP-MHP [the Nationalist Movement Party] regime on May 14. … We will save Turkey from this darkness,” Pervin Buldan, the other co-chair of the HDP, also said during the event.
However, if the leftist alliance struggles to secure a strong electoral showing, it may lead to further divisions and introspection among the various factions within the Turkish left. This could undermine the TİP-HDP partnership and potentially hinder the prospects for progressive politics in the country.
Workers’ Party of Turkey nominates country’s only transgender parliamentary candidate
The Workers’ Party of Turkey (TİP) has nominated a transgender person for a seat in parliament, the only party fielding a candidate from the country’s LGBTQ+ community for May’s parliamentary elections, the Independent Turkish news website reported.
The party, which submitted its list of parliamentary candidates to the country’s election board on Monday, nominated actress and transgender activist Esmeray Özadikti from İstanbul’s second electoral region.
Özadikti was elected a member of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party’s (HDP) party council in 2013. She recently announced that she had accepted TİP’s offer to run for parliament from the party’s ranks.
Turkey will hold both parliamentary and presidential elections on May 14.
Louis Fishman, an assistant professor of Modern Middle East history at Brooklyn College, City University of New York, tweeted that at a time when LGBTQ+ activists are under constant attacks in Turkey, the nomination of a transgender person for parliament was “a big moment.” Emerging from a 2017 split, TİP, led by former Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) chairman Erkan Baş, has recently established itself as a force in Turkish politics. Advocating for a socialist transformation in the country, the party has made strides in recent years by focusing on issues such as poverty, corruption, gender inequality and discrimination against minority groups. Although homosexuality has been legal throughout modern Turkey’s history, homophobia is widespread and gay people regularly face harassment and abuse.
In recent years, hateful rhetoric and the propagation of homophobic narratives by some politicians and opinion-makers in Turkey have been rising, and impunity for transphobic hate crimes has been another source of concern. LGBTQ+ events have also been prohibited, including Istanbul Pride, which was banned in 2014 after taking place every year since 2003.
Islamist groups target female AKP politicians for defending law on protecting women
Two female politicians from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government have been facing attacks and criticism from some Islamist groups and conservative parties in Turkey due to their objections to the repeal of a law for the prevention of violence against women.
AKP deputy group chairperson Özlem Zengin and Minister of Family and Social Services Derya Yanık have been the subject of attacks since last month, when the New Welfare Party (YRP) demanded that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan repeal Law No. 6284 for the protection of the family and the prevention of violence against women while discussing terms for joining the People’s Alliance led by him.
The radical Islamist Free Cause Party (HÜDA-PAR) – the political arm of Kurdish Hizbullah – which was also discussing terms for joining the alliance, expressed support for the YRP’s demand.
HÜDA-PAR was founded in 2012 on the ashes of the outlawed Kurdish Hizbullah, an extremist Sunni group that emerged in southeastern Turkey in 1985.
YRP Chairman Fatih Erbakan is the son of the late former prime minister Necmettin Erbakan, a leading figure of Turkey’s Islamist movement.
Following the announcement of the YRP‘s demand, both Zengin and Yanık expressed opposing views, causing discomfort within Islamist groups in Turkey as well as the base of their own party.
“The spirit and existence of Law No. 6284 are of utmost importance. Even questioning its existence is unacceptable to us. … The AKP considers women’s rights and the fight against violence against women a red line,” Yanık said in a series of tweets on March 13. “Law No. 6284 is an important issue for us and a red line. This was expressed exactly as such in the meetings we had with our president as well as in meetings attended by all women’s NGOs,” Zengin also said during a speech in parliament on March 15.
Both women were targeted after their statements, with Zengin later telling the state-run Anadolu news agency that she had been subjected to a “systematic and organized attack” on social media and had received hundreds of threatening messages on her phone.
The AKP MP added that she was “tired of being left alone,” referring to the silence of her fellow party members on the issue.
Among the Islamist figures who targeted Yanık and Zengin was Ahmet Mahmut Ünlü, a popular pro-government preacher who goes by the name of Cübbeli Ahmet Hoca, who questioned their religious beliefs during a sermon, without mentioning their names.
“May God bless Mr. Tayyip for withdrawing from the İstanbul Convention. But [now] some women within his own party have stood up [about Law No. 6284]. What are you, Muslims or infidels?” Ünlü said.
Opposition figures expressed support for Zengin, criticized AKP for silence Following the developments, several opposition figures stood by Zengin and slammed the ruling AKP for leaving her alone to face attacks and threats for expressing her views.
Main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) women’s branch president Aylin Nazlıaka told the T24 news website on Wednesday that she had a 23-minute phone conversation with Zengin and saw how she was isolated and targeted within her own party.
Opposition Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA) vice chair Mehmet Emin Ekmen also said it was “concerning” to see the threats Zengin is facing.
“It’s concerning to see such serious threats against someone who has dedicated her life to her party and values, with unwavering sincerity and loyalty. Those who remain silent and have abandoned Mrs. Özlem to be alone are also responsible for these attacks,” Ekmen said in a tweet. Femicides and violence against women are serious problems in Turkey, where women are killed, raped or beaten every day. Critics say the main reason behind the situation is the policies of the AKP government, which protects violent and abusive men by affording them impunity.
Oxford malaria vaccine wins first approval from Ghana in ‘significant milestone’
600,000 die every year from the disease, mostly children in Africa
Professor Adrian Hill said the malaria vaccine approval by Ghana was the culmination of 30 years of work (PA)
A new malaria vaccine developed at the University of Oxford that could protect millions of children has been approved for use for the first time, by Ghana.
The mosquito-borne disease kills more than 600,000 people each year, mostly in Africa, and scientists have been trying for years to develop vaccines.
Childhood vaccines in developing nations are typically paid for by international organisations such as Unicef, after they have been backed by the World Health Organisation (WHO), which is still assessing Oxford’s R21 Matrix-M jab.
However, the university said Ghana has approved it for the age group at highest risk of death from malaria – children aged 5 months to 36 months. It has a deal with Serum Institute of India to produce up to 200 million doses annually.
Adrian Hill, director of the University of Oxford’s Jenner Institute at the Nuffield Department of Medicine, said: “Particularly since Covid, African regulators have been taking a much more proactive stance, they’ve been saying...we don’t want to be last in the queue.”
The R21 vaccine approval “marks a culmination of 30 years of malaria vaccine research at Oxford,” he added. “As with the Oxford-AstraZeneca Covid-19 vaccine, our partnership with the Serum Institute of India has been key to successful very large-scale manufacturing and rapid development.”
A baby is given another malaria vaccine in Malawi in 2019 (AP)
Adar Poonawalla, chief executive of the Serum Institute of India, said the Ghana approval was a “significant milestone” in the fight against malaria.
‘Malaria is a life-threatening disease that disproportionately affects the most vulnerable populations in our society and remains a leading cause of death in childhood,” he said. “Developing a vaccine to greatly impact this huge disease burden has been extraordinarily difficult. We remain steadfast in our commitment to scaling up production of the vaccine to meet the needs of countries with high malaria burden and to support global efforts towards saving lives.”
The first malaria vaccine, Mosquirix from British drugmaker GSK, was endorsed by the WHO last year after decades of work. But a lack of funding and commercial potential thwarted the company’s capacity to produce as many doses as needed.
GSK has committed to produce up to 15 million doses of Mosquirix every year through 2028, well under the roughly 100 million doses a year of the four-dose vaccine the WHO says is needed long-term to cover around 25 million children.
Ghana, Kenya and Malawi were all involved in the pilot programme for the roll-out of Mosquirix, and have begun rolling it out more widely in recent months.
Since it began in 2019, 1.2 million children across the three countries have received at least one dose of the vaccine, and the WHO said last month that in the areas where the vaccine has been given, all-cause child mortality has dropped by 10%, a sign of its impact.
Mid-stage data from the Oxford vaccine trial involving more than 400 young children was published in a medical journal in September.
Vaccine effectiveness was 80% in the group that received a higher dose of the immune-boosting adjuvant component of the vaccine, and 70% in the lower-dose adjuvant group, at 12 months following the fourth dose.
The doses were administered ahead of peak malaria season in Burkina Faso.
Data from an ongoing phase III clinical trial in Burkina Faso, Kenya, Mali and Tanzania that has enrolled 4,800 children is expected to be published in a medical journal in the coming months.
Reuters contributed to this report
Among U.S. Latinos, Catholicism Continues to Decline but Is Still the Largest Faith
Share of Latinos who are religiously unaffiliated continues to grow
Catholics remain the largest religious group among Latinos in the United States, even as their share among Latino adults has steadily declined over the past decade, according to a new analysis of Pew Research Center surveys. By contrast, the share of Latinos who identify as Protestants – including evangelical Protestants – has been relatively stable, while the percentage who are religiously unaffiliated has grown substantially over the same period.
As of 2022, 43% of Hispanic adults identify as Catholic, down from 67% in 2010. Even so, Latinos remain about twice as likely as U.S. adults overall to identify as Catholic, and considerably less likely to be Protestant. Meanwhile, the share of Latinos who are religiously unaffiliated (describing themselves as atheist, agnostic or “nothing in particular”) now stands at 30%, up from 10% in 2010 and from 18% a decade ago in 2013. The share of Latinos who are religiously unaffiliated is on par with U.S. adults overall.
The demographic forces shaping the nation’s Latino population also have impacted religious affiliation trends. Young people born in the U.S. – not immigrants – have driven Latino population growth since the 2000s. Among U.S. Latinos ages 18 to 29, 79% were born in the United States.1 About half (49%) of Latinos in this age group now identify as religiously unaffiliated. By contrast, only about one-in-five Latinos ages 50 and older are unaffiliated; most of these older Latinos (56%) were born outside the U.S.2 Overall, 52% of Latino immigrants identify as Catholic and 21% are unaffiliated. U.S.-born Latinos are less likely to be Catholic (36%) and more likely to be unaffiliated (39%), according to a 2022 Pew Research Center survey of Latino adults.
Protestants are the second-largest faith group after Catholics, accounting for 21% of Hispanic adults, a share that has been relatively stable since 2010. During this time, Hispanic Protestants consistently have been more likely to identify as evangelical or born again than to say they are not born again or evangelical.
As of 2022, 15% of Latinos are evangelical Protestants, a share that has remained relatively stable over the past decade. Latino evangelicals have received national attention recently due to the political activism of some evangelical churches. The interest in Latino evangelicals comes as White evangelicals have become a bulwark of support for Republican candidates in U.S. presidential elections, and after elections in which a rising share of Latino voters have supported Republican candidates.
About three-in-ten Hispanic Republicans (28%) identify as evangelical Protestants, a far higher share than the 10% of Hispanic Democrats who say the same. Latino immigrants also are somewhat more likely than U.S.-born Latinos to be evangelical (19% vs. 12%). Evangelicalism is especially prevalent among Latinos with Central American origins, mirroring a pattern seen in those countries. Roughly three-in-ten U.S. Latinos with Central American origins (31%) say they are evangelical Protestants, a higher share than among those with roots in Puerto Rico (15%) and Mexico (12%).
Looked at in the opposite direction, among evangelical Protestants who are Latino, half identify with the Republican Party or are independents who lean toward the GOP, and 44% are Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents. Among Latino Catholics, by contrast, fewer (21%) are Republicans, while 72% identify as Democrats. Religiously unaffiliated Latinos are also heavily Democratic (66% Democratic vs. 24% Republican).
Childhood religion and religious switching among Latinos
Another way of measuring religious change is to ask respondents how they were raised, religiously, and see how that compares with their current religious identity.
Most U.S. Latinos (65%) say they were raised Catholic, while far fewer say they were raised Protestant (18%), religiously unaffiliated (13%) or in some other religion (3%). Older Latinos and those who were born outside the U.S. are especially likely to say they were raised Catholic.
But like Americans overall, many Latinos switch away from their childhood religion. As of 2022, one-third of Latino adults indicate that their current religion is different from their childhood religion.
Catholicism has seen the greatest losses due to religious switching among Hispanics. Nearly a quarter of all U.S. Hispanics are former Catholics: While about two-thirds of Hispanic adults (65%) say they were raised Catholic, 43% say they are currently Catholic, according to the 2022 survey. And for every 23 Latinos who have left the Catholic Church, only one has converted to Catholicism.
By contrast, the religiously unaffiliated have experienced the biggest gains. Fewer Latinos say they were raised with no religious affiliation (13%) than currently identify as unaffiliated (30%). For every Latino raised without a religious affiliation who has joined a religion in adulthood (totaling 3% of all Latino adults), about seven Latinos have left their childhood religion and become unaffiliated (20%).
Protestantism has seen more modest growth due to religious switching among Latinos. For every two Latinos who were raised as Protestants before converting to another faith or becoming unaffiliated, about three have converted to Protestantism in adulthood. In all, 18% of U.S. Latinos say they were raised Protestant, while 21% say they are currently Protestant.
Catholicism has seen similarly large losses among both U.S.-born and foreign-born Hispanics. About one-in-five U.S.-born Hispanics (22%) were raised Catholic and no longer identify as Catholic; this is the case for 23% of foreign-born Hispanics. Disaffiliation from religion is somewhat more common among U.S.-born Hispanics: About a quarter of U.S.-born Hispanics (23%) say they were raised in a faith but are now religiously unaffiliated, compared with 16% of foreign-born Hispanics.
U.S.-born Hispanics are about as likely to become Protestants as to leave Protestantism (7% vs. 8%). But among foreign-born Hispanics, 4% were raised Protestant but have since left the religion, compared with 11% who were raised in another tradition (or no religion) and have since become Protestants.
Religious commitment among U.S. Latinos
Religious commitment among Latinos falls along a spectrum. Protestants are especially likely to say religion is important to them and to report that they frequently pray and attend religious services. At the other end of the spectrum are the unaffiliated, sometimes called religious “nones,” who are a relatively nonreligious group. Catholics fall somewhere in the middle.
Hispanic evangelical Protestants express especially high levels of religious commitment; nearly three-quarters (73%) say religion is very importantto them. Non-evangelical Protestant (56%) and Catholic (46%) Hispanics are somewhat less likely to say this. And about three-quarters of unaffiliated Hispanics say religion is not too or not at all important in their lives.
Similarly, nearly six-in-ten Latino evangelicals (58%) say they attend religious services weekly or more often, compared with 37% of non-evangelical Protestants and 22% of Catholics. (A similar share of U.S. Catholics overall, 26%, say they attend Mass weekly.) The vast majority of religiously unaffiliated Americans seldom or never attend services, including 86% of unaffiliated Latinos.
Most Latino evangelicals also say they pray daily (72%), while non-evangelical Protestants are about as likely as Catholics to do this (55% and 52%, respectively). Most Latino “nones” seldom or never pray (61%), though a substantial minority (29%) say they pray at least weekly.
Many U.S. Latinos attend services where people pray in tongues
Pentecostalism and other forms of charismatic Christianity have grown in influence in Latin America. A distinguishing characteristic of Pentecostalism is its emphasis on spirit-filled forms of worship, such as speaking in tongues.
Nearly half of U.S. Hispanic Protestant churchgoers (45%) say their services include praying in tongues at least sometimes. The share is even higher among Hispanic Protestants who describe themselves as evangelical or born-again Christians (57%). Attending services where people pray in tongues is much less common among churchgoing U.S. Protestants overall (27%).3
Four-in-ten Mass-attending Latino Catholics also say their services at least sometimes involve praying in tongues, compared with about a quarter (24%) of U.S. Catholic churchgoers overall, according to a previous analysis.
Among Latinos ages 18 to 29, 79% are U.S. born and 21% are foreign born, according to a Research Center analysis of 2021 American Community Survey. ↩
Among Latinos ages 50 and older, 44% are U.S. born and 56% are foreign born, according to a Research Center analysis of 2021 American Community Survey. ↩
Based on survey conducted Nov. 19, 2019-June 3, 2020 ↩
Wednesday, April 12, 2023
Iranian Pensioners Stage Protests Over Poor Living Conditions
Retirees protest in the Iranian city of Shush on April 9.
Iranian pensioners staged protests in more than a dozen cities across Iran, demanding higher pensions amid soaring prices. Protests were reported on April 9 in Tehran, Ahvaz, Mashhad, Isfahan, Arak, Qom, Shush, Tabriz, and several other cities where pensioners complained about their poor living conditions and chanted anti-government slogans. Labor protests in Iran have been on the rise in response to declining living standards, wage arrears, and a lack of insurance support.
China Calls Report About Spy Post on Myanmar Island ‘Nonsense’
Bloomberg News Mon, April 10, 2023
(Bloomberg) -- China has hit back at a report that India confronted Myanmar in recent months with intelligence showing that Beijing is providing help building a surveillance post on a remote island in the Bay of Bengal.
“The relevant report is sheer nonsense,” the Foreign Ministry in Beijing said Monday in response to a question from Bloomberg News on the WeChat social media app.
Indian government representatives at various levels have shared satellite imagery with Myanmar counterparts that they said depicted Chinese workers helping to construct what appears to be a listening post on the Coco Islands in the Indian Ocean, said officials, who asked not to be identified discussing sensitive information.
A spokesman for Myanmar’s ruling State Administration Council earlier called the allegation that China was building the facility in the islands absurd.