Saturday, April 29, 2023

Stop the War on LGBTQ Teachers

 
 APRIL 28, 2023
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Photo by y y

Messages keep coming to me from LGBTQ teachers throughout the South who have been fired or threatened with firing. These teachers have years of experience and exemplary records. Many have advanced degrees.

LGBTQ teachers are increasingly fearful. The Stonewall National Education Project, which educates teachers about inclusive classroom practices, reports that its annual symposium was sparsely attended due to fear of repercussions. One teacher who did attend wore a mask and asked not to be photographed.

This trepidation is not new, but it’s been heightened by the current climate. Conservative leaders like Florida Governor Ron Desantis and state lawmakers across the country have fed a national hysteria against the LGBTQ community. With much of the fear-mongering focused on schools, LGBTQ teachers have good reason to be afraid.

Teachers contact me because they know I was also threatened with being fired during my teaching career for writing for an LGTBQ publication in the 1990s. Sometimes I want to tell them it might be a blessing in disguise. I want to say, “In your new job you will probably be appreciated more and almost certainly paid more.”

But this flippant response would be totally inappropriate. The people who contact me don’t see teaching as a job. They see it as a calling. This profession is something they have trained for and dedicated their lives to.

Now political gamesmanship threatens to turn them away from it.

Where I currently live, the so-called “free state of Florida,” conservatives are doing everything possible to restrict people’s freedom of speech. Republican lawmakers are banning books, curtailing classroom discussions, and weakening laws that protect journalists from political persecutions. Teachers can even face felony charges for keeping classroom libraries.

These lawmakers are preying on people’s ignorance to score political points. But even if we give the politicians the benefit of the doubt and believe that they are sincere, their outrageous claims about Queer people don’t stand up to scrutiny.

In particular, the hateful smear that LGBTQ teachers are pedophiles or “groomers” has been successfully refuted since the 1970s.

In 1978, the “Briggs Initiative” sought to ban gay teachers from the California school system. During that debate, those against the initiative used research to disprove the myth of the LGBTQ teachers as pedophiles — and the public agreed by defeating the measure. Conservative icon Ronald Reagan was one of the many politicians to speak out against banning LGBTQ teachers from the school system.

Still, the political witch hunt continues — and it’s doing damage to the lives of real people. The present hysteria may eventually pass, but how many lives and careers will be sacrificed before the madness comes to an end?

During my 31 years in the school system, the LGBTQ educators I knew were some of the most dedicated teachers. Beyond their teaching, many were also responsible for some of the most meaningful extracurricular activities our schools offered students. Why would anyone want to root out these employees, especially during a national teacher shortage?

As we watch politicians destroy the lives and careers of dedicated educators, we should think about the cost to the students, our society, and most of all to our own sense of morality.


Randy Fair taught English in Fulton County, Georgia schools for 31 years. He co-founded the Atlanta chapter of the Gay Lesbian Straight Teachers Network and is the author of the book “Southern. Gay. Teacher.”

Belafonte’s Early Songs Were Audacious… and Sexual

 
 APRIL 28, 2023
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The great, late musician Harry Belafonte is being remembered as a civil rights leader, movie actor and a best friend of the late great actor Sidney Poitier—all true. He is also acknowledged as serving as an avatar of Caribbean culture with such hits as “Day O,” (The Banana Boat Song)  “Island in the Sun,”  and  “Jamaica Farewell”—also true.

But few reporters have reached back into the breadth of his 1950s recordings for RCA Victor (“RCA Victory” as one young reporter termed it) which were shocking at the time for their audacity, sexuality and versatility. Belafonte was not only one of the first black singers to exude sexuality—with his good looks and his notorious shirts cut down to the navel—but also one of the first to sing about it! Consider the lyrics from his tune, “Man Smart (Woman Smarter)” which suggest a sexual freedom not often admitted in the 1950s (and even cut in some versions.)

I was treatin’ a girl independently
She was makin’ baby for me
When de baby born and I went to see
Eyes was blue
It was not by me.

And how about the song “Tongue Tie Baby” in which Belafonte promises marriage to a woman just to consummate a passionate encounter. [The mission failed]

How to make the fruit fall off the tree
If I want a chance to integrate me situation
I got to talk some other talk for she
Right away marriage talk was coming out me mouth
She smiled the conquest is no long in doubt
But before she reach insanity,
With the last chance whisper she telling me

And speaking of marriage, early Belafonte songs did not have very progressive views. In the song Angelique-O, he sings that “Mama’s got to take you back,” because Angelique-O was a poor housekeeper. ( “You never learned how to make a stew/your biscuits Lord I can hardly chew.”)

In the song, Cordelia Brown, Belafonte confesses that he’s “yearned this long for your [Cordelia’s] caress” but since her “head’s so red” [not in keeping with local beauty standards], “I think I will marry Maybelle instead.” Ouch.

And what are we to make of the arguably racist song, “Brown Skin Girl,” who is told in the song to “stay home and mind baby?”

Versatility in Song Choices and Voice

In his early recordings, Belafonte’s voice was amazingly versatile. While it gallops with light-hearted tunes like “Scratch” and “Monkey” (“My girl came over to have a drink/I came downstairs and what do you think?/The monkey had run and he let her in/

He poured her a glass of me favorite gin,”) it is reverential on tunes like “Love, Love Alone,” about the English monarch King Edward’s throne abdication and the Hebrew dance hit “Hava Nagila.” (What influenced his choice of material one wonders?)

Belafonte’s musical soloists on early recordings on woodwinds and horns and his backup singers were remarkable and culturally true but mostly took a backseat to their famous lead singer. (Nor did Belafonte’s fun and satirical Calypso songs, occlude his apparently strong faith showcased on an entire album of spirituals and his Christmas-timed “Mary’s Boy Child,” which is still a treasured holiday favorite.)

Many enjoyed Belafonte’s entertaining movie appearances and appreciated his civil rights work. But Belafonte’s early musical work was unprecedented in creativity and audacity and should not be forgotten.

Martha Rosenberg is an investigative health reporter. She is the author of  Born With A Junk Food Deficiency: How Flaks, Quacks and Hacks Pimp The Public Health (Prometheus).

Conservation Groups’ Lawsuit Halts Clearcutting Project in Critical Cabinet-Yaak Grizzly Habitat

 
 APRIL 28, 2023
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Photo: National Park Service.

One would have to be mighty gullible to believe the Forest Service’s claim that the Knotty Pine Project would benefit the declining population of Cabinet-Yaak grizzly bears because the 5,000 acres of logging with massive new clearcuts would allow more huckleberries to grow. 

If that sounds too outrageous to believe, that’s because it is and is the same reaction a federal judge had when presented with the science and facts by the Alliance for the Wild Rockies, Center for Biological Diversity, and their co-plaintiffs. The evidence was so clear and convincing, the Court completely halted the project in its tracks. 

The Cabinet-Yaak grizzly bears are the most isolated and imperiled population in the Northern Rockies and are considered crucial to the on-going efforts to recover the species. Yet the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service has documented a consistent decline in population numbers. In 2018 the Agency counted 54 grizzlies in its monitoring report. In 2019 only 50, down to 45 in 2020 and the 2021 estimate was only 42 bears. That’s a stunning crash of nearly one-quarter of the population in only four years!

According to published, peer-reviewed scientific literature, losing three Cabinet-Yaak female grizzlies in a single year will likely result in a population decline. That’s particularly troubling since scientists have determined that an increased loss of even one adult female bear every 2-5 years can dramatically escalate risks of inbreeding and population extirpation. The Knotty Pine Project area is home to at least four female grizzly bears and the U.S. Forest Service and U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service have determined that the Project impairs female grizzly bears’ ability to breed, protect and shelter cubs for years. 

As shown by irrefutable evidence, the Cabinet-Yaak grizzly population is failing every recovery target and goal. It is failing the target for females with cubs; the target for distribution of females with cubs; the female mortality limit and the mortality limit for all bears – which is 0 mortalities until a minimum of 100 bears is reached. Yet the 2022 monitoring report found the mortalities include three female grizzlies between 2016 and 2021 and three more dead females and a male as of October 2022. The Knotty Pine Project would exacerbate the problem.

Logging and illegal road use leading causes of grizzly mortality

Despite the Forest Service’s specious rationale for the Project’s logging and road-building, one of the leading causes of grizzly mortality is high road densities. The Kootenai National Forest is a prime example, and Knotty Pine would have constructed and reconstructed a significant number of permanent roads to access the 56,000 acres of the project area.

It’s well-documented that roads – legal or illegal – is the most critical factor for grizzly bear survival and recovery. Not only do roads fragment and reduce secure habitat, when it comes to human-caused mortality, most grizzly bears are shot by poachers within 1/3 mile of roads, many in clearcuts where there are no trees left to hide them. 

Adding to the permanent roads, the Court also found that the Forest Service failed to keep illegal traffic off “closed” roads or stop the creation of new illegal roads. Given these facts, the Court ruled the agency failed to adequately account for the harm to grizzly bears from both legal and illegal road use.

Project not popular locally

The Forest Service often claims widespread local support for logging projects. But that is not true for the Knotty Pine Project. Due to overwhelming and vocal opposition, the district ranger had an enforcement officer shut down a public meeting at the McCormick schoolyard on this project in 2021. According to one Forest Service official, it quickly turned into one of the most heated meetings she had attended in her career.

Conclusion

The Alliance and its conservation co-plaintiffs sought the Preliminary Injunction halting the project for one simple reason – all the evidence over the years concludes the Cabinet-Yaak grizzlies will be extirpated if logging and road-building in their limited habitat continues. 

The Forest Service needs to quit lying to the public and breaking the law by pretending more logging and bulldozing roads is the answer to every problem while driving Cabinet-Yaak grizzlies into extinction. The Alliance is committed to holding the agency to the letter of the law and we welcome your support in our on-going effort to recover this perilously threatened population of grizzly bears. 

Mike Garrity is the executive director of the Alliance for the Wild Rockies.

Breaking the Logjam in the South African Left

 
 APRIL 27, 2023
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Graffiti in Johannesburg, South Africa. Photo by Hennie Stander

South Africa is in serious trouble. Inequality is worse than under apartheid, unemployment is at over 40% with young people being particularly hard hit. The state has not been able to ensure a regular power supply for more than a decade, the water supply is increasingly precarious in some areas, the national airline and the Post Office have collapsed due to mismanagement, murder rates are through the roof and the educated classes are leaving the country in droves.

The collapse started when Jacob Zuma, a crude populist, was elected to power in 2009 and proceeded to turn the state into an organised kleptocracy. Zuma, a socially conservative ethnic nationalist who sometimes used the language of radical nationalism to legitimate his kleptocracy, left a trail of destruction in his wake, destruction that the inept Cyril Ramaphosa has not been able to fix since he came to power in 2018.

Many key social institutions remain broken, there has been no real economic growth for years, ordinary people live under increasingly lawless conditions and the government remains wedded to socially devastating austerity.

The ANC, which was once loved by millions, is now commonly referred to as ‘amasela’ – the thieves. The ANC no longer has firm control over the major cities which are now often governed by unstable coalitions, including  small opportunistic parties with no real programme beyond the self-interest of their leaders.

Opinion polls suggest that the ANC will not be able to win the national election next year.

On the face of it things could hardly be more propitious for a left challenge. But as the hegemony of the ANC crumbles the left is not a player in electoral politics.

The second biggest party in the country is the centre right Democratic Alliance (DA). It is a white dominated party that attracts the support of racial minorities. It is polling at around 23% but its drift to the right on racial issues, following the magnetic drift of US anti-woke paranoia, means that it will never win significant African support.

The next biggest party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), is an off-shoot from a corrupt authoritarian nationalist current in the ANC. It initially arrived on the scene promising a radical nationalist challenge to the status quo but its open embrace of the most corrupt elements in the ANC have destroyed its credibility in the eyes of many and it is currently polling at around 8%.  It recently tried to organise a ‘national shutdown’ – a mass stay away from work accompanied by protests in the major cities. The ‘shutdown’ failed, and farcically so, with tiny numbers of people showing up for the protests. This has done serious damage to the party’ standing could well weaken its support below the 8% at which it was polling prior to the failed ‘shutdown’.

There are also a host of new parties, mostly orientated towards right-wing populism and many placing a vicious xenophobia at the core of their identity. These parties, a number of whom have leaders brazenly aligned to kleptocratic modes of politics, often carry inordinate influence when coalitions are put together to govern cities when there is no outright winner in a local election. Many of these collations are chaotic and there is a real fear that this will be replicated at the national level after next year’s elections.

In this spiral of economic, politically and social decline the left is entirely absent from electoral politics. There are a few tiny sectarian organisations, with an often shrill presence in some middle class left circles, but none of them have any popular support. There are also a few left NGOs with strong international connections but they have also failed to develop any popular support and only make a real contribution via their interventions in debates.

There are, however, four left organisations with meaningful popular support.

The South African Communist Party (SACP) has around 340 000 members, many of whom have been through pretty good political education programmes. However the SACP remains in an alliance with the ANC, does not contest elections and is not present in community struggles. From time to time younger members threaten to break from the ANC and run their own candidates but so far this has not happened.

The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) is a federation of mostly government workers that represents close to 1.8 million union members. This is impressive and the federation has taken increasingly progressive positions on economic issues. However, it does not have an effective political education programme and it cannot be assumed that a significant number of its members have serious left commitments.

Both Cosatu and the SACP lost significant credibility when they supported Zuma’s rise to power. However in recent years they have recovered some credibility as they have opposed corruption and Cosatu has taken well informed positions on issues like austerity.

There are two large left organisations outside of the ANC. The biggest is the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa). Numsa was expelled from the ANC alliance in 2014 at the behest of the SACP for vigorously opposing Zuma. The union has close to 400 000 members and is said to be the biggest union in Africa. It is politically militant, with an explicitly communist leadership. The union has done very well to expand into a wide range of areas of work beyond the auto factories that were its historical base and is militant in its representation of workers, frequently organising strikes and regularly winning impressive gains for its member.

However, the union’s attempt to organise an independent communist party on the eve of the 2019 election failed. There was simply no time to build party structures, and union support did not automatically translate into electoral support. The party was then swiftly finished off by the very hard Covid lockdowns in South Africa and now exists only in name.

The other large left organisation outside of the ANC is Abahlali baseMjondolo, a more than 120 000 member strong movement of the urban poor, often compared to the MST in Brazil. Its politics is a mixture of communist thought (its meeting are opened with the Internationale) and a kind of radical African humanism. The movement has lost more than 20 of its leaders to assassinations, assumed to be contracted by local ANC thugs, but it continues to grow.

While the SACP, Cosatu and Numsa are all fully national organisations Abahlali baseMjondolo’s membership is largely concentrated in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, and in particular the city of Durban where it is a powerful force. It does have some branches in the Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga provinces, and is growing in Gauteng where it has branches in the shanty towns on the East Rand outside Johannesburg. The movement organises an impressive system of vibrant vocal branches and is serious about political education. It runs the Frantz Fanon Political School in Durban, based on the model of the MST political school outside Sao Paulo.

But Abahlali baseMjondolo has never contested electoral politics or actively organised support for any party. In its early years it called for election boycotts in disgust at all the parties on the ballot, and after its leaders started to be regularly assassinated it twice called for protest votes against the ANC. But it doesn’t have the sort of relationship with any party that the MST has with the PT in Brazil.

Taken together these left organisations have more than 2.5 million members. The ANC has around 600 000 members, and has not run effective political education for many years.

Of course as the failed experiment of the Numsa party shows membership of a union or social movement does not imply automatic support for an electoral project started or supported by a union or social movement. However 2.5 million members is a very solid base from which to begin building a left electoral project.

There are real challenges though. Outside of the ANC the organisational culture of Numsa is very different to that of Abahlali baseMjondolo. Inside of the ANC the young Turks in the SACP and Cosatu never seem to quite get any real traction for their push to break from the party. This is a key problem for left unity as Numsa and Abahlali baseMjondolo flatly refuse to work with any organisation aligned to the ANC.

This has produced a profound logjam in left politics, a logjam that must be broken as a matter of urgency. Perhaps one way forward is to put the question of elections on hold for now, despite the crisis, and form some sort of loose arrangement in which these four organisations can begin working together on issues of common interest such as opposing austerity and the rising tide of xenophobia organisations and parties?

Dr Imraan Buccus is a post doctoral fellow at the Durban University of Technology (DUT) and senior research fellow at Auwal socio-economic studies research institute (ASRI)

Atlanta’s “Cop City” and the Struggle for Climate Justice

 APRIL 27, 2023     Facebook

Manuel Téran. Image: Priti Gualati Cox.

Along the South River, in the southwest corner of DeKalb County, Georgia, lies a forested area of about 300 acres that has been owned by the nearby City of Atlanta for over a century. It was once part of a vastly larger wooded landscape, home to the Muskogee (Creek) people. They gave the river and forest the name “Weelaunee.”

In 2021, Atlanta officials decided to split 85 acres off this remnant of the Weelaunee forest and lease it to the Atlanta Police Foundation, a nonprofit organization, for construction of a $90 million tactical training center. If built, it will be one of the country’s largest such facilities and include an entire “mock village” in which cops can practice doing the kinds of things cops do.

For the past two years, a broad, loose coalition comprising neighborhood associations, schools, environmental groups, justice activists, civic leaders, and forest defenders has been pushing back hard against what they call “Cop City”. Writing for Atlanta magazine in January, Timothy Pratt captured the sheer breadth of the coalition’s motives and goals:

These disparate groups have in common opposition to the training center, with sometimes differing rationales. Some see the importance of preserving intact forests, as ecosystems, amid a climate crisis increasingly being felt in the Southeast—but may support building the training center elsewhere. Some worry about further contaminating a forest and river that are already contaminated. Others question the wisdom of investing tens of millions of public dollars in policing—particularly to build a training center in a majority-Black area that has seen decades of disinvestment. Yet others see a connection between environmental contamination and the neglect of majority-Black neighborhoods in the Atlanta metro, concerns exacerbated by a haphazard process for collecting public input on the proposed facility. At the center of it all is a piece of land that has already endured centuries of contesting visions for what people in Atlanta, particularly Black people, need and deserve.

Two months later, in The Guardian, Pratt reported on a media blitz by city officials scrambling to build support for the training center—an effort that ran head-on into a surge of resistance by community members and groups. Will Potter, the author of Green Is the New Red: An Insider’s Account of a Social Movement Under Siege, was also in Atlanta to follow the struggle, and told Pratt, “You get the feeling everybody is talking about this; everybody knows it’s going on. It’s like the issue has saturated the public discourse; it’s permeated everywhere.”

Meanwhile, forest defenders have camped and protested, both under and up in the trees, for more than a year, while enduring repeated police raids and the killing by police of one of their own: Manuel Paez Terán, a Venezuelan eco-activist known as Tortuguita (“Little Turtle”), in January. During protests prompted by Tortuguita’s killing, dozens of forest defenders have been arrested on state “domestic terrorism” charges, 23 of them during a concert.

A position statement by Defend the Atlanta Forest, a self-described “autonomous movement for the future of South Atlanta” captures the tangle of issues at the heart of the defenders’ struggle:

The fight[s] against ecological destruction and racialized violence in Atlanta, and beyond, are inextricably linked. Today, climate collapse disproportionately affects disadvantaged groups such as Atlanta’s Black communities. Rather than investing in solutions to the environmental crisis, governments are investing in heavier policing, especially of those disadvantaged groups. Atlanta’s tree canopy is one of its main sources of resiliency in the face of climate change. [But] rather than address the problems as they really present themselves, world and local leaders are hurling us into the fire. As we fight for a life worth living, the system seems prepared to prop up its petroleum-based economy with tear gas and lines of riot police.

Colonialism, then and now

Through the 18th and early 19th centuries, first the English and then US settlers encroached on millions of acres of Muskogee lands across a broad swath of Florida and Georgia that included the Weelaunee forest. Then, about 200 years ago, the federal government seized all of the Muskogee territory outright. The stolen forest was soon converted to a plantation worked first by enslaved labor and later through sharecropping. In 1922, the plantation owners sold the property to the City of Atlanta. On it, the city built a “prison farm” where inmates would grow food for their fellow incarcerated people. The farm, notorious for abuse of prisoners, especially Black prisoners, operated all the way up to 1990, when it was abandoned. The forest has since reclaimed the acreage, thanks to the Southeast’s favorable climate for lush plant growth. But now, if Cop City is built, the long, cruel, racist history of this plot of land will soon take up where it left off three decades ago.

Plans for Cop City emerged from a corporate process, not a democratic one. Of its entire cost, two-thirds, $60 million, has been pledged by the Atlanta Police Foundation, whose board of directors is drawn from a who’s who of Atlanta-based corporations, including Delta Airlines, Waffle House, Home Depot, Georgia Pacific, Equifax, Accenture, Wells Fargo, and UPS. Morgan Simon, a senior contributor to Forbes, has compiled a list of some of the major Atlanta-area donors supporting the branch of the foundation that, it appears, will be funding Cop City. Among them are Chick-fil-A, Coca-Cola, UPS, Gas South (which sells fossil gas in Georgia, Florida, North Carolina, South Carolina, Ohio, and New Jersey), Georgia Pacific (which grinds up zillions of trees to make paper pulp), Rollins Inc. (which performs chemical pest control), and Norfolk Southern Railway (which delivered clouds of hydrogen chloride and phosgene to East Palestine, Ohio, with its catastrophic derailment in February). With eyebrows raised, Simon notes that four of the Cop City funders—Chick-fil-A, UPS, Coca-Cola, and Norfolk Southern— “all made prior racial equity commitments in the wake of George Floyd’s murder.”

If the project comes to fruition, this corporate investment in police militarization will have heavy ecological consequences. In 2021, the Georgia chapter of the Sierra Club and 15 other environmental justice groups sent a letter to Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms and the Atlanta City Council opposing construction of the facility. The letter charged that, among other impacts, it would release into the atmosphere large amounts of carbon that the forest ecosystem has been capturing from the air and storing for decades. It would also, they wrote, “leave the surrounding areas susceptible to stormwater flooding, which is Atlanta’s top natural disaster, continually increasing in intensity due to climate change.” And, the letter said, by bulldozing a significant portion of the forest and draining wetlands within it, the project would imperil “one of the last breeding grounds for many amphibians in the region, as well as an important site for migratory and wading birds.” As a further consequence, research shows, environmental injustice will reverberate far beyond the Cop City construction site.

Urban forests and climate justice

Atlanta, which has more tree cover than any other major US city, has been nicknamed “the city in a forest.” But today, its wooded areas are under constant pressure from development. Cutting down and paving over a chunk of Atlanta’s largest forest to build something akin to a movie set for ersatz urban conflict would deal a huge blow to the livability of the surrounding area. And that blow would land hardest on marginalized communities. A 2017 meta-analysis of 40 academic research reports on the relationship between urban forests and race found that predominantly Black residential areas had more tree cover on private property than other areas, suggesting that perhaps “minority residents have a stronger preference for vegetation than other groups.” However, Black neighborhoods tended to have much less tree cover on their public land, suggesting that decisions by municipal policymakers tend to produce “inequity in public service provision.” Through historical happenstance, the predominantly Black neighborhoods around the Weelaunee forest fragment, having an unusually large public urban forest close by, are a sharp exception to that trend. Now that prized local asset is under threat.

The neighborhoods are not so lucky in other respects. More than one-fourth of the residents live in poverty. In the vicinity are six landfills, five prisons, the ruins of now-demolished public housing, and a lot of dirty industry. Given that, the forest is all the more a local treasure; the last thing residents want is to see it partially destroyed to build Cop City.

Weelaunee and other urban forests are crucial to environmental justice, and in the hot, humid Southeast, to climate justice in particular. In all but six of the 175 most populous cities of the United States, the average person of color endures more intense summer heat than the average non-Latino white person. Overall, Black residents are hit by more than twice the urban heat impact that white residents endure. And it’s getting worse. Dr. Brian Stone, an urban-planning professor at Georgia Tech, told Atlanta magazine models predict that with global climate change, by 2030 heat waves like the historic one that hit Atlanta in 1995 will be “fairly routine—we’ll probably see it every couple of years, instead of every 10 or 20 years.”

Stone says that an electrical grid failure coinciding with an intense heat wave “is probably the deadliest climate-related event we can imagine in the United States.” He estimates that if a blackout hits during a heat wave as severe as the one endured in 1995, fully 70 percent of Atlanta’s population would experience life-threatening indoor temperatures. The paucity of facilities to provide relief for people with inadequate housing, or none at all, would further heighten the peril. There are only five public cooling centers in the entire city, the magazine noted, and they aren’t required to have backup power generators.

With those dangers looming, the last thing the people of southeast Atlanta and southwest DeKalb County need is local deforestation. Dr. Cassandra Johnson Gaither, who researches the relationship between social vulnerability and resource use for the US Forest Service in Georgia, says, “Cities are hotter than surrounding areas because of the urban heat island effect, so the more green tree canopy you have, the more cooling there is for homes and people.” In a 2021 report, scientists at Yale University and Imperial College London concluded, “Maintenance and expansion of urban forests rather than generic urban greening is . . . a key factor for mitigating” urban summer heat. Urban trees have been shown to dramatically reduce summer temperatures, cutting by 7 percent the amount of energy required to cool US homes. That saves households $7.8 billion annually while reducing greenhouse-gas emissions.

Johnson Gaither points out that “urban forests also act as a check on the constant stream of pollutants being emitted in the surrounding area, and studies have shown that has human health benefits.” More generally, she adds, “The more trees you have in the surrounding area, the better people’s physical and mental health is. Just being near trees, near urban green spaces, research shows, has calming effects.” Researchers at North Carolina State University have indeed found that spending time in places like urban forests improves mental health.

Can Cop City be stopped?

Before the Weelaunee forest was targeted by the police foundation, a coalition of southwest DeKalb County residents and environmental, civic, and community groups had begun urging the establishment of a conservation area 10 times larger, which they would call the South River Forest. The project, still aspirational, would expand and interconnect the forest, five existing public parks, and some well-wooded neighborhoods, all of them in that corner of the county. The coalition, of course, opposes having the police facility plopped down in the midst of the Weelaunee forest, which they envision as the biggest gem in an “emerald necklace of connected public greenspaces” bordering economically distressed southeast Atlanta.

The original plan for Cop City called for a 150-acre site, notes Atlanta’s Pratt, but community opposition early on managed to get the plan whittled down to the current 85 acres. The South River Forest Coalition, the forest defenders, and other groups are carrying on the struggle to push the acreage all the way down to zero and scuttle the Cop City idea entirely. But others see the project, with its heavy backing from City Hall and big business, as an inevitability that will just have to be reckoned with. The goals then would come down to limiting damage to the local environment and quality of life in surrounding neighborhoods. while carrying on the long struggle against systemic racism, rights abuses, and the culture of killing in the police department.

I asked Johnson Gaither what the consequences would be, for both the forest and its human neighbors, if a fate that some now see as unavoidable does come to pass. With Cop City occupying almost 30 percent of the forest’s current acreage, won’t the ecological integrity of the entire area be undermined?

“Yeah,” she said, “that’s sort of the 64-million-dollar question, isn’t it?” Given that uncertainty, she added, some in the local community are just trying to limit the damage, whatever it may be: “I understand that groups of residents have been organizing, requesting that buffers be added around the new training facility. They’ve been in constant dialogue with the police to say, ‘Well, if you want to expand this, and it’s on this 85 acres, and we have to live right next to it, this is what we want, so that the impacts are reduced.’”

Meanwhile, the broader groundswell against Cop City appears more energized than ever, so maybe, when this is all over, the trees will live on and no buffers will be needed.

A version of this essay first appeared on the In Real Time blog published by City Lights.

Stan Cox is the author of The Green New Deal and Beyond: Ending the Climate Emergency While We Still Can (City Lights, May, 2020) and one of the editors of Green Social Thought.