Wednesday, May 24, 2023

PAKISTAN

Harassing journalists

DAWN
Editorial 
Published May 24, 2023

THE state has cast a wide dragnet to haul up all those allegedly involved in the May 9 rioting, while also using the opportunity to weaken the PTI. However, there can be no excuse for the hundreds of journalists that have been hounded by police just for carrying out their professional duties on the day of the mayhem.

Sadly, the methods are straight out of the colonial playbook; the state has used these tactics for decades to teach all those who have come in its way a lesson. According to the Lahore Press Club president, around 250 journalists and other media workers have complained of police harassment post-May 9.

It is likely that the media personnel were identified through geo-fencing when they were in the field covering the protests in key areas of Lahore after Imran Khan’s arrest. Particularly disturbing is the fact that family members of some media workers have also been picked up. The Lahore High Court has been petitioned to stop this flagrant abuse of authority, while the caretaker Punjab administration has also formed a committee to look into the matter.

While the wholesale crackdown on all PTI sympathisers cannot be condoned, the targeting of journalists who were simply doing their jobs has no justification whatsoever. The federal energy minister has described the ongoing actions as the “process of filtering the criminals from the onlookers”.

This cannot be used as an excuse to harass journalists and media workers. As it is, the media fraternity faces a difficult working environment in Pakistan, and journalists often put their lives on the line in the course of discharging their duties.

Using the anti-PTI crackdown as a cover to threaten journalists is not to be tolerated, and the Punjab government must stop this campaign of fear. The administration must also reveal the whereabouts of anchorperson Imran Riaz Khan, who has been missing for the last two weeks.

RSF, Amnesty ask Pakistan to find pro-Khan anchor Imran Riaz

The prominent journalist and supporter of ex-PM Imran Khan was detained by the Pakistani police, but the authorities then failed to present him in court.

Haroon Janjua in Islamabad | Darko Janjevic
DW
May 23, 2023

Imran Riaz, a well-known TV anchor and YouTuber, was among thousands of Imran Khan supporters who were detained following the former premier's arrest and violent protests in Pakistan earlier this month. The journalist was reportedly taken into custody from the airport at the eastern city of Sialkot on May 11 on suspicion of inciting violence. He was due to appear before court in Lahore this Monday.

But then, the story took an an usual turn — authorities failed to present Riaz during the hearing, and Punjab police chief Usman Anwar told the court he was "clueless" about his whereabouts.

The chief justice of the Lahore High Court warned the authorities that "no one will be spared if anything happened" to the 47-year-old reporter.

Riaz's wife Arbab Imran told DW she is worried for her husband's safety.

"The arrest of my husband is deeply troubling. He raised voices for the vulnerable people and for the truth. My four children are concerned about him and we don't know the whereabouts of him. He was taken off air many times and I demand from authorities for his immediate release," she said.

 

RSF points to Pakistan's military intelligence

Pakistan is going through a deep political crisis marked by a power struggle between Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party and the current government led by Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, with the military and the judiciary also being affected. Khan has recently stepped up his attacks on the military, accusing it of working against him. Riaz is a wellknown media figure among Khan's supporters.

On Tuesday, Reporters Without Border (RSF) representative Daniel Bastard said it was "clearly Pakistan's military intelligence agencies that abducted Imran Riaz," after the Punjabi inspector spoke of unspecified "agencies" during the court hearing.

"According to confidential diplomatic sources consulted by RSF, the government's silence about the TV anchor's fate suggests that he may have fared badly since his abduction and may even have died in detention," the watchdog organization said.

Separately, Amnesty International called for Riaz's immediate recovery.

"On 22 May, the police told the Lahore High Court that there is no trace of him in any police department in the province."

The organization said the events amount to "an enforced disappearance" under international law.


"Punishing dissenting voices using enforced disappearance has been a worrying trend in Pakistan for many years and must be ended," Amnesty said.
Riaz missing, Sharif killed in exile

Riaz's lawyer Azhar Siddique says that the arrest is a "blatant violation of freedom of expression."

Riaz has decried Imran Khan's ouster from power in April last year, linking it to "regime change" and amplifying Khan's claims that the military was involved in ending his government. The anchor was already arrested twice, in July 2022 and in February 2023. The latter saw Pakistan's Federal Investigation Agency suspect him of hate speech and criticism of the military.



The disappearance of Riaz prompted some in Pakistan to draw parallels with the killing of veteran reporter Arshad Sharif last October. Sharif was well-known for criticizing the Pakistani military and was forced to flee Pakistan in August 2022 to avoid arrest. He was killed in Kenya in what a team of Pakistani investigators described to be a "targeted assassination." The background of the murder remains unclear.
Bad optics for freedom of speech?

With the country on edge, a disappearance of a prominent journalist is sure to chill other reporters in the country. Journalist Javeria Siddique, the widow of late Sharif, told DW that Riaz's arrest was "really alarming and a bad optic for freedom of speech in Pakistan."

"The government is arresting journalists over their stories and being vocal," she said, pointing to her husband's killing in Kenya. "Then we have seen the same pattern for Imran Riaz," she added.

"I am requesting from the authorities that they should immediately and unconditionally release the journalist Imran Riaz Khan. Criticizing the ruling elite of Pakistan is not something which falls in hate speech," Siddique added.

Legal expert Osama Malik notes that the freedom of information and the freedom of expression are guaranteed by the Pakistani constitution.

"Imran Riaz's brand of journalism may not be palatable to everyone, but that is certainly not a reason for the state to spirit him away," he told DW. "It is highly condemnable that despite the province's highest court asking about his whereabouts, the law enforcement agencies are unable or unwilling to present Imran Riaz in court or divulge his location."


Edited by: Shamil Shams


‘Orwellian doublespeak’: Journalists, rights activists call out Marriyum Aurangzeb for remarks on Imran Riaz’s disappearance

Following backlash, the minister claims she did not justify enforced disappearances and had categorically condemned the issue of missing persons.

Published May 23, 2023 

Journalists and human rights activists have strongly criticised Information Minister Marriyum Aurangzeb’s comments regarding the case of anchorperson Imran Riaz Khan, who has been missing for more than a week after his arrest.

Riaz was among those apprehended in the wake of the protests that erupted following the arrest of PTI Chairman Imran Khan. Later, his lawyer had told Dawn.com that a writ petition was filed on May 12 over the anchorperson’s arrest and the Lahore High Court had directed the attorney general to present the anchor before the court the same day. But, after its orders were not followed, Sialkot police were given a 48-hour deadline to recover Riaz.

A day ago, Punjab Inspector General Dr Usman Anwar revealed there was no trace of the journalist at any police department across the country.

Separately, journalist Secunder Kermani, a Channel4 News foreign correspondent, had shared a video of an exchange with the information minister about the missing anchorperson.




He questioned Aurangzeb about journalists going missing and being detained, adding that these were the same issues that the PML-N had raised as matters of concern when in opposition during the previous PTI government.

In response, Aurangzeb asked Kermani to name even a single journalist who was missing. When Kermani mentioned Riaz, the minister responded, “Imran Riaz is a political party spokesperson now. You really have to draw [a] distinction.”

She further said, “You have to differentiate between journalists and the journalists who have joined political parties. Once they have joined political parties, they are inciting violence, they are spokespersons of that political parties.”

In a brief back and forth between the two, Aurangzeb mentioned former prime minister Imran being termed a “media predator” during his tenure and asserted that press freedom in Pakistan had improved by “seven points” during the past year.

When asked again about the issue of a person being missing despite his political leanings, she said she condemned anyone being missing, whether it was herself or Riaz.

Aurangzeb’s response elicited severe criticism from several journalists and rights activists, who reminded the minister that a person’s disappearance was an issue of basic human rights irrespective of what political party they favoured.

Lawyer and social activist Jibran Nasir said that Aurangzeb believed Riaz “should be seen as a supporter of PTI and hence considered a sub-human who deserves the treatment being meted out to them.

“Now just imagine the plight of ordinary citizens suffering military trials,” he added.







Pakistan Initiative at Atlantic Council’s South Asia Centre Director Uzair Younus said Riaz’s status as a journalist or not should not matter.

He said that Riaz had fundamental constitutional rights granted to him on account of his Pakistani citizenship.

“Stop violating his rights and those of countless others. These disappearances are heinous!” he tweeted.







Senior anchorperson Maria Memon pointed out the lack of an “honest answer”.







Journalist Roohan Ahmed tweeted: “It doesn’t matter if Imran Riaz Khan is a journalist or a ‘propagandist’, as Information Minister Aurangzeb calls him. What matters is that a Pakistani citizen is missing and being denied the right to defend himself in the court of law.”







Journalist Mehreen Zahra Malik called the information minister’s response “Orwellian doublespeak”, adding that it was “unacceptable” and that the government must answer for the missing anchor’s whereabouts.







Senior journalist Raza Ahmad Rumi commented that Riaz’s status as a journalist or party activist did not matter and that his being denied due process was a violation of the law.







Researcher Abdul Basit analysed much the same, saying that “under no circumstances you can arrest a person extrajudicially and refuse to produce him before a court of law. This is an affront against democracy and the rule of law.”







Journalist Murtaza Solangi, while expressing his differences with Riaz, also said: “A human being, a Pakistani citizen is missing and that is and should be a cause of concern. Regardless of the circumstances of his disappearance, it is the job of the state to find him and tell the people about the circumstances of his disappearance. Period.”





Meanwhile, journalist Matiullah Jan — who was himself abducted in Islamabad in July 2020 — said it was a “disappointing response” from a politician and spokesperson of the government, adding that it was “shameful to justify a possible enforced disappearance on the basis of someone not being a journalist.”

His harsh rebuke prompted a reply from the information minister who said she had not justified enforced disappearances and had condemned them.

“I have categorically stated that if a person is missing, any person, whether that person is me or Imran Riaz, I condemn that,” she said.



How COVID-19 halted labor migration



Faisal Ahmed | Michel Penke
DW
May 23, 2023

The COVID-19 pandemic brought international migration to a standstill — and migrant workers have borne the greatest cost. But Bangladeshi workers are doing surprisingly well.

Abul Basar has been in Saudi Arabia for 14 years now. After failing to find a suitable job in Bangladesh, he tried his luck as a migrant worker in the oil-rich desert state in order to support his family in Bangladesh, first in Riyadh, later in Jeddah. Most recently, he worked as a plumber at a water treatment plant in Al Qasim province. Then the coronavirus hit.
 
Abul Basar has a job in Al Qasim province, Saudi Arabia
Image: privat

As of today, Basar is one of approximately 260 million migrants worldwide whose labor contributes to a major redistribution of capital to lower-income regions of the world. Ninety percent of what he earns — 2,000 Saudi riyals ($533, €498) a month — he sends home to support his family of four people.

More than half of all migrant workers are from South, East and Southeast Asia. They make up around 20% of the workforce in Western, Northern and Southern Europe — and the US. In the Gulf states, it's around 41%.

Europe, the US, and the Gulf States are particularly important destinations for migrant workers and the source of most remittances (dark blue on the map).

Remittances: The economic stabilizer

With their remittances, migrant workers don't just provide for their families. They also stabilize entire national economies. In Zimbabwe, Georgia, Nicaragua and Senegal, remittances account for more than 10% of the national economy. In El Salvador, Gambia, Jamaica and Nepal, it's more than 20% and in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan it's around 30%.

North and sub-Saharan Africa, South and Southeast Asia, and Central America benefit particularly from remittances.


With the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, however, this model appeared to be in jeopardy. Lockdowns and job losses threatened to choke off the steady flow of capital transfers. In April 2020, World Bank experts estimated that migrants would send $129 billion less back home in the first year of the pandemic — a 20% drop.

In reality, payments recovered quickly after a brief, sharp drop. Currencies of key emerging economies such as Brazil, South Africa and Turkey depreciated sharply at the onset of the pandemic while remittances from dollar and euro economies grew in value. A large number of migrant workers also likely drew on savings in order to support their families back home, despite losing their jobs.

"Usually I send around 500,000 BDT ($5,775; €5,450) a year to my family," Abul Basar said.

But this has changed during the pandemic. Over the last two years, he tried to send more money to his family.

"In 2021, my father was infected with COVID-19 and his treatment cost over 100,000 BDT. Compromising my savings that year, I sent more than 600,000 BDT to my family for bearing their extra cost."
The 'employment gap' with the local population

So the pandemic led to a greater financial burden and to severe cuts for migrant workers. Seasonal and migrant workers in particular, who had little legal protection, quickly lost their jobs. The unemployment rate also rose among the local population in many countries. But migrant workers were more affected by layoffs. In some countries with many seasonal workers, such as Hungary, Spain and Italy, a migrant worker was 50% more likely to be unemployed compared to a local worker.


According to the International Labor Organization, a UN institution, the reason for migrant workers being more likely unemployed than the local population is that they often work in the precarious, low-wage sectors. These include industries hit particularly hard by the pandemic, such as catering, tourism, culture, retail and construction.

The true unemployment figures are likely even higher when you consider migrants who left the country due to job losses and therefore aren't counted in the statistics.

India alone counted 6.1 million stranded workers who had to be flown home on charter flights when the pandemic hit. Thailand, Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka also saw hundreds of thousands leave the country, in many cases due to layoffs. The ILO says the situation in South America and Africa was similar. Migrant workers in the Arab Gulf states were affected even more.

It's unknown whether these people will be able to return to the countries where they were working anytime soon. While at the beginning of the pandemic, virtually all countries in the world closed borders to prevent travel, migration policies have varied since then: Many countries in sub-Saharan Africa quickly lifted regulations, while other European ones such as Spain and Italy tightened travel restrictions after COVID numbers increased.
 


Vaccination rules have also made entry more difficult. The US, EU, South Korea, the United Arab Emirates and especially Saudi Arabia not only require proven vaccination against COVID-19. At least for some time, they rejected certain vaccines produced in China, deeming them insufficient. But these were frequently used in South and Southeast Asia.
The 'Saudization' of Saudi Arabia

The restrictive policy in the gulf in particular could be due to the so-called Saudization of the economy. Underway since 2018, the government initiative requires companies to "increase the proportion of Saudi nationals in their workforce," with penalties for "firms with low percentages of Saudi workers and 'redundant' foreign workers," a study of human rights organization FairSquare Project described. The Saudi health sector, for example, has to achieve an employment quota for locals between 30% and 60%.

"Firms above the quota are granted benefits, while those below face restrictions for expat hiring," a study by Harvard University's Center for International Development indicates.

Throughout the pandemic, discrimination against foreign workers was made even worse by demonization in the media. Many reports alleged that migrant workers were driving up infection rates.

Labor migration out of Bangladesh, however, only took a short term hit from restrictions such as those in Saudi Arabia. The number of workers going abroad decreased by more than two-thirds from 2019 to 2020, the Bangladeshi Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training documented. But since 2021, the number has risen again sharply.
 
Recent figures show that about 75% of Bangladeshi migrant workers have left for Saudi Arabia

For three years running, Bangladesh has broken the record for highest remittance inflows ever seen in its history. According to official estimates, the workers sent back over $22 billion in 2021.

According to Dr. Zahid Hussain, formerly lead economist of the World Bank's Dhaka office, there are two special factors behind the recent record remittance inflow in Bangladesh. First, migrant workers likely sent more remittances through unofficial channels than the legal ones.

"Because of the complete disruption of unofficial channels during the pandemic time, they have been forced to choose the latter one," Hussain said.

Many also transferred their savings to Bangladesh amid fear of losing their jobs.

"Some may have returned to the country with all their savings because they did not have a job," he said. "This may help boost the remittance inflow of the last two years."

Edited by: Kristie Pladson
Deportations: Africa's role in EU migration management

Martina Schwikowski
DW
05/11/2023

Algeria has been deporting African migrants to neighboring Niger for years. Authorities force thousands to cross the border through the desert to Assamaka, where the humanitarian situation reportedly is catastrophic.

There's a sense of excitement at the airport in Lagos, Nigeria. In the arrivals hall, migrants are seen returning from Libya, where conditions for migrants are widely known to be atrocious.

One of them is Felicity; her enthusiasm is almost palpable:

"There is nothing better than home," the 20-year-old Nigerian national says upon arrival. "Now we are back and safe. No one can look down on us anymore. We are happy."

Felicity had embarked on her dangerous journey through the Saharan desert in September 2020 already, hoping to reach Europe at any cost. But like thousands of other people, she eventually got stuck in Libya, which for much of the past decade has become the main country of departure for migrants undertaking the expensive - and perilous -crossing to Europe.

Many, however, don't even get anywhere near there. In Libya, migrants are known to be brutally abused by criminal gangs, struggling to survive. The actual number of those who die under inhumane conditions of captivity, servitude or violence is unknown.

Felicity managed to get by with odd jobs for more than two years. But in the end, she says she just wanted to get away.
Shattered dreams and broken promises

In the past three years, according to the United Nations, a total of 13,000 Nigerians have voluntarily returned to their home country with the help of Nigerian government authorities and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

Their dream of a better life in Europe has turned into a nightmare, forced to experience violence, abuse and racism in Libya.

Hundreds die in the Mediterranean Sea each year, never reaching European shores
Ärzte ohne Grenzen/dpa/picture alliance

"The biggest challenge is the mental health of the migrants," says Victor Lutenco, IOM staff member at the transit center, where returnees are registered upon arrival. "In addition to material support, psychosocial assistance is our priority."

But these are the images that many people don't see or know when they engage in discussions about migration. The emphasis in such public debates is usually placed firmly on people on small rubber dinghies suffering shipwreck while trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea.

However in truth, the majority of migration narratives featuring Africans actually take place on their own continent: according to the IOM, around 21 million Africans lived in another African country in 2020.

In comparison, the number of Africans living in other regions of the world stood at over 19.5 million the same year.

Reluctant return the desert


More than 70% of migratory movements within Africa take place within West Africa alone, according to the IOM. Many people search for better work opportunities. However, in recent years, irregular migration from sub-Saharan Africa to Europe as well as between West and Central Africa has also increased significantly.

However, as migration patterns increase, so do deportations in many regions. Transit countries are increasingly overwhelmed with the influx of migrants. One of the leading countries carrying out mass deportations is Algeria.

Between January and the end of March 2023, the North African nation has sent more than 10,000 migrants back to the desert region along its border with Niger, reports the activist network Alarme Phone Sahara (APS), which advocates for migrants and refugees in the Sahel.

According to Moctar Dan Yaye, one of the founding members and Head of Communications and PR at APS, deportation activities to this no-man's land can be divided into two categories: official and unofficial ones.

In the so-called "official" deportations, the main nationals affected are Nigeriens; on the basis of an agreement between Niger and Algeria, Nigeriens are taken directly to the small border town of Assamaka, from where they are then transported to Arlit or Agadez by Nigerien authorities.

In contrast, "unofficial" transports involve people from West and Central Africa as well as from Middle Eastern or Asian countries.

"In Algeria, these people are usually arrested during raids," Yaye told DW. He added that they normally are driven across the desert in trucks and then dropped off, often by the hundreds, at a place known as "Point Zero" in the no-man's land region on the Algerian-Nigerian border.

Death in the Nigerien desert

"After all the trauma they have suffered, they still have to walk to reach a village where they can get first aid," Yaye explained. Usually, he says, these are young people between the ages of 20 and 30, but there typically are a number of pregnant women, children or elderly also among them.

Not everyone makes it through the ordeal; some die and are left behind in the desert.

Migrants from Niger and other countries cross the desert to reach Libya - but only few ever make it further
Jerome Delay/dpa/picture alliance

Human rights organization Medico International, a partner organization of Alarme Phone Sahara, says these deportation practices are "deplorable."

"People have to walk through the desert in scorching heat, without food and without enough drinking water," Kerem Schamberger, migration officer in public relations at Medico International, told DW.

Last year, he says, more than 24,000 people were deported across the Algerian border in what he refers to as "cloak and dagger operations." Among the deportees, he says, where many individuals who had been injured.

Meanwhile in the small border village of Assamaka, these mass deportations appear increasingly to be leading to a humanitarian crisis, which only is exacerbated by the fact that the local IOM reception center there has not been in a position to accept any new deportees for almost six months.

Human rights organization Doctors Without Border (MSF) described the situation in the town as "unprecedented," calling on the West African Economic Community (ECOWAS) to step in and immediately offer protection to those who are finding themselves stranded there

Right-wing elements to blame


Activist Dan Yaye blames the "rise of the far-right in the world" for the current trend: "There have been hateful racist speeches against migration all over Europe for some time now, be it in Italy, Spain, France or Germany," he told DW.

That right-wing wave, however, seems also to have reached Africa by now. According to Yaye, there are many young migrants from sub-Saharan Africa currently in Tunisia, who find themselves "trapped there because they are often harassed by the population and the authorities."

APS has appealed to the African Union to intervene and follow its own protocols to provide protection for migrants, but the calls didn't have an impact.

Migrants say they do not feel safe in Tunisia, with racism notably on the rise
Hasan Mrad/Zumapress/dpa/IMAGESLIVE /picture alliance

In fact in recent months, racially motivated attacks on people from sub-Saharan Africa have been increasing in the North African country following a series of incendiary remarks about immigrants by Tunisian President Kais Saied.
EU policies echoing in the Sahel

Schamberger from Medico International says, however, that such deportations amount to an extension of the EU policy commonly described as "Fortress Europe" - the attempt of the European Union to shield itself from mass migration by keeping irregular migrants outside its external borders.

He highlights that there a law was passed in Niger in 2015 "under pressure from Europe" essentially criminalizing any migration to the north, automatically turning anyone aiding or abetting any given migrant into a supporter of irregular migration.

According to the wording of the law, anyone helping a migrant in exchange for money can be considered a smuggler.

"In concrete terms, this has also led to an increase in the death toll in the Sahara," Schamberger told DW, adding that such laws do not stop migration but rather result in people taking even more dangerous routes through the desert in a bid to avoid security checks.

According to Schamberger, the IOM is just as complicit as the EU in making sure migrants never make to their intended destinations at almost any cost: He regards the UN institution as merely a "border regime" that pretends to help migrants. In his view, voluntary return programs are a last resort dressed up as an alternative.

Schamberger thinks that between all these political actors, life is made so difficult for migrants that they see no other way out. But despite all the dangers and pitfalls of migration, people continue to seek a better future in Europe and beyond.

Nigerian returnee Felicity meanwhile has had to recalibrate her intentions and plans for the future. Following the trauma she suffered in Libya, she has decided to take matters into her own hands and empower herself by focusing on her education.

Felicity says she wants to go back to school - and stay in Nigeria.

Collaboration: Olisa Chukwumah (Lagos)

Edited by: Sertan Sanderson

Nepal: 'Some migrants find themselves trapped in modern slavery — their stories must be told'

Displacement and migration lead to tension in South Asia. A new network aims for better coverage and more dialogue. Experts from six countries met for the first time in Nepal.

    

Som Prasad Lamichhane was himself a migrant worker in, among other countries, Saudi Arabia. What he saw there changed his life. Many labor migrants there work every day of the year in punishing heat at construction sites. "They’re exploited and unpaid, their passports are confiscated, there are many accidents," said Lamichhane. "Many return to their homelands in coffins, but even that isn’t guaranteed."

Nepal | Konferenz “Displacement and Vulnerabilities - A Conference on Forced Migration and Media in South Asia” in Lalitpur

Som Prasad Lamichhane was himself long employed as a migrant worker in Arab countries and today heads the Pravasi Nepali Coordination Committee, which looks after exploited people and their rights.

 His experiences prompted him to lead the organization Pravasi Nepali Coordination Committee (PNCC) in Kathmandu, which focuses on protecting the rights of Nepalese migrant workers abroad and helping them when they return to Nepal. The NGO offers support in crisis, provides legal counsel, and helps with resettlement, all the while seeing to it that migrant labor issues remain in the public eye. 

Migrant labor is endemic across South Asia. Nepalese alone account for hundreds of thousands of migrant workers abroad, namely as a matter of escaping their country’s poverty. They frequently end up in wealthy countries around the Persian Gulf, but also in Malaysia and Singapore. It’s similar in Bangladesh. India both exports and imports migrant laborers and is home to many domestic labor migrants, as became evident during the COVID-19 crisis. 

Scant media coverage 

But the media pays little attention to the crisis, according to Som Prasad Lamichhane. They publish official government statements. But reporting that emphasizes human rights is essential. 

To shed more light on the migrant situation in South Asia, Lamichhane spoke recently in Lalitpur, Nepal, at the three-day regional gathering, "Displacement and Vulnerabilities - A Conference on Forced Migration and Media in South Asia," hosted by the Calcutta Research Group (CRG) in India, and in cooperation with DW Akademie and the Nepal Institute of Peace. The conference drew more than 50 journalists, media experts and researchers, as well as civil society organization representatives from across India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal.

Nepal | Konferenz “Displacement and Vulnerabilities - A Conference on Forced Migration and Media in South Asia” in Lalitpur

Conference participants from six countries working in groups according to the World Café method with Fakhira Najeeb

Among other topics, participants discussed reporting challenges and, above all, how to collaborate more closely. The conference was the first opportunity for members of the newly founded South Asia Network for Communication, Displacement and Migration (SAN-CDM) and other interested people to get to know each other in person. 

Overcoming barriers to communication and exchange

The regional alliance SAN-CDM aims to improve communication and reporting on displacement and migration in South Asia through cross-border interdisciplinary exchange.  

Nepal | Konferenz “Displacement and Vulnerabilities - A Conference on Forced Migration and Media in South Asia” in Lalitpur

Nasreen Chowdhory and Dr. Thomas Prinz, Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to Nepal, present the joint statement on the new regional network SAN-CDM South Asia Network of Communication, Displacement and Migration

“Despite differences, the countries share common challenges," said Samata Biswas of the Calcutta Research Group, which coordinates the alliance. "We look at similarities, not differences." The CRG is an Indian organization based in Calcutta which serves as a forum for discussions on democracy, human rights and peace in the region. 

Similar regional challenges arise when reporting on those who must leave their homes because of climate change catastrophes, such as drought, flooding and overly salinized land. All of these have devastated areas of Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Nepal and experts predict it will only worsen. The World Bank estimates that by 2050, there will be some 50 million so-called “climate migrants” in South Asia – annually. In reporting on this issue, media professionals often lack data so as to accurately convey the scale of the problem, which was discussed at the conference.  

The regional alliance SAN-CDM aims to improve communication and reporting on displacement and migration in South Asia through cross-border interdisciplinary exchange.

Including the migrant perspective

The two largest refugee groups in South Asia, moreover, deserve greater coverage: the ethnic Rohingya fleeing Myanmar for Bangladesh and Afghans in neighboring countries.

Nepal | Konferenz “Displacement and Vulnerabilities - A Conference on Forced Migration and Media in South Asia” in Lalitpur

Fakhira Najeeb discusses and notes how media can better portray the vulnerability of populations and the role aspects of identity play in this process

"Pakistani media ignores Afghan refugees," said Fakhira Najib, head of the NGO Power99 Foundation in Islamabad. Her organization therefore enables Afghans to tell their stories as citizen journalists. The Tribal News Network (TNN) in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province offers similar opportunities, and the Bangladeshi organization YPSA produces radio and video programs with Rohingya. 

"We support these projects so that those affected can speak for themselves and are not just spoken about," explained Andrea Marshall, Program Director for the project Displacement and Dialogue South Asia at DW Akademie. "Domestic media tends to portray refugees as either victims or else perpetrators - criminals or scroungers. It happens often in Europe, too. If refugees can speak for themselves, these stereotypes fall away."

But on which of these affected groups should the media focus more? Are there "hierarchies of vulnerability"? Which voices are featured in the media, which are not, which research findings are paid attention to, which not, and why is this so? Why is there so little talk about the fact that migrant and refugee integration can improve a country's economic situation?"

Nepal | Konferenz “Displacement and Vulnerabilities - A Conference on Forced Migration and Media in South Asia” in Lalitpur

Panel Discussion on Migration Issues in Independent Media

Answers to these questions are complex, but the Lalitpur conference participants could agree on some things: Experts on displacement and migration in the region need to support one another and cooperate. And there need to be appropriate platforms for all those impacted by these crises and media should publish and broadcast those voices. "Some migrants are forced into human trafficking, a modern form of slavery," said Som Prasad Lamichhane. "Their stories need to be told."

"We need more migrant stories within other stories," added Roksana Mohammed of Organisation BRAC in Bangladesh. And Annie Philip, an independent journalist from Bangalore, India, is sure of one thing: "The new regional network SAN-CDM can provide important support."

  • Date 23.03.2023

India: The plight of young girls forced to 'marry gods'

Midhat Fatimah in New Delhi
04/19/2023

The ancient Devadasi system pushes poverty-stricken girls from the lowest rung of India's caste system into sexual slavery. DW takes a look at why the practice persists despite efforts to eliminate it.

Born into conditions of extreme poverty in India's southern state of Karnataka, Ningavva Kanal took a huge decision that completely changed the course of her life.

Kanal — the youngest in a family of 10 — had watched how her eldest sister was pushed into prostitution and how it enabled her to provide for the entire family.

"Back in those days, our condition was so bad that if our parents did not find work during the day then we would not have anything to eat at night," Kanal told DW.

At just 7 years of age, she decided to shoulder the responsibility of supporting the family and walk along a similar path to prostitution. But in her case, she became a 'slave of the god' — a Devadasi.
A life of sexual exploitation

When a young girl who is yet to attain puberty becomes a Devadasi, she is "dedicated" to a village temple through an act of marriage to the local deity which also means she will never marry a mortal man in her life.

Kanal used to work as a prostitute in the north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh and had two daughters by her 18th birthday.

"I used to perform at weddings but at times men would also forcefully take me away in their cars and rape me," the 54-year-old Devadasi recalled.

Though outlawed, the Devadasi system continues clandestinely — forcing women into a lifetime of sexual exploitationImage: Sampark

What is India's Devadasi system?


The centuries-old practice finds its origin in the legend of the goddess Yellamma whose temple in the town of Saundatti is at the center of this practice.

Devadasis were seen as mediators between God and his devotees who would appease God through their dance and music. Their performances for the deity would also attract the gaze of temple priests, rich landlords, upper-caste men and kings. Devadasis would also engage in sexual relationships with men from the dominant caste and class.

Until the 19th century, Devadasis enjoyed a high socioeconomic status.

"It's true they had some status but it was because their patrons were rich and influential men. It is not as though they had dignity as a Devadasi," said Dr Smita Premchander, founder and secretary of Sampark, an NGO which focuses on women's empowerment.

"Over time, Devadasis started losing their patronage as the British outlawed the practice," she added.
Dalit communities at risk

A 2015 report on the condition of Devadasis by Sampark — which was submitted to the International Labour Organisation — noted that 85% of the respondents were women from Dalit communities — the lowest rung of India's caste system.

"There is a very strong caste component in this practice. It is found among the lowest rung of the scheduled castes," said Aasha Ramesh, a women's rights advocate.

The Devadasi system is practiced in many states across India but is predominantly practiced in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu.

The Karnataka government declared the custom unlawful in 1982 through the Karnataka Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act, however, a 2019 report by Center for Law and Policy Research noted that the state government is yet to draft the rules to administer the law.

Premchander said that child protection laws need to be applied in instances where minor girls are at risk of being dedicated.

Sampark argues that besides the Devadasi law, other relevant legislations — like the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Act — also need to be invoked to deter the practice.

Last October, the National Human Rights Commission issued notices to India's central government and six state governments requesting what action they had taken to resolve "the continued menace of Devadasi system in various temples, especially in southern part of India."
Devadasis fight for their dignity

It was only in 2022 that the state government made father's name optional for enrollment of children of Devadasi to schools.

"In this tradition, the girl child usually follows her mother and becomes a devadasi," said B.L. Patil, founder of Vimochana Sangha, an NGO working with the Devadasi community.

"To avoid this, we started a residential school for children of Devadasis."

The Devadasi community exemplifies the painful struggle for survival and dignity under this regressive practice
Image: Sampark

There were 46,600 Devadasis in Karnataka as per the last government survey conducted in 2008.

The survey was crucial as it allowed the Devadasis to avail of social welfare schemes.

But thousands of Devadasis were not included, and many others — who were inducted into the practice after the survey took place — have been excluded from the schemes.

Mahananda Kanal is among those who were not questioned for the survey. She suffers from shingles and is supported solely by her teenage son.

"I never left my village because of my ailment and therefore was unaware of the survey," the 35-year-old Devadasi said, adding that she desperately needs the monthly welfare payments.

"In terms of Devadasis needs, it's very important to conduct a new survey," Premchander said.

"The women are still alive and are desperately in need. Even if the practice has been outlawed, the Devadasis still exist."

Edited by: Keith Walker




Cars set alight in Wales amid unrest over fatal crash

The unrest reportedly broke out after rumors spread that a fatal motorcycle accident was caused by a police chase. 

Officers said the crash occurred before they arrived at the scene.



DW
05/23/2023

Cars were set on fire and dozens of young people clashed with police in Wales in what authorities described as "large scale disorder" following a road accident.

The unrest broke out in the district of Ely in Cardiff on Monday night after two teenagers died in a motorcycle crash.

"First and foremost our thoughts are with families of the two boys who have died following the collision in Ely and with those affected by the disorder which followed," said South Wales Police Assistant Chief Constable Mark Travis.

"These are scenes we do not expect to see in our communities, particularly a close-knit community such as Ely."

Footage posted to social media showed dozens of young people clashing with police
Brnwen Weatherby/PA/AP Photo/picture alliance

Footage posted to social media showed dozens of young people, many wearing ski masks or hoods, throwing rocks and launching fireworks toward police officers who were blocking the end of the street with riot shields.

Officers on horseback were stationed outside the Ely police station early on Tuesday after suggestions that it could be targeted.

Police made arrests but did not specify how many. A dozen officers were injured in the unrest, police added.

Rumors of a police chase

The unrest reportedly began after residents suspected a police chase was the cause of the fatal accident.

However, South Wales Police said the crash "had already occurred when officers arrived."

"My understanding is that there was a road traffic accident involving two teenagers on an off road bike or scooter. And sadly, they died," Police and Crime Commissioner Alun Michael told BBC radio on Tuesday morning.

"It would appear that there were rumors, and those rumors became rife, of a police chase, which wasn't the case."

zc/nm (AP, AFP)


Olympian says 'toxic' culture in Malaysian swimming

Kuala Lumpur (AFP) – A former Olympian says there is a "toxic and negative" team culture in Malaysian swimming, following a poor showing at the Southeast Asian Games.

Marilyn Chua, who competed at the 2000 Olympics, spoke out ahead of the Asian Games this year in China.

Now the Selangor state coach, Chua was quoted by Wednesday's Star newspaper as saying: "Regrettably, many of my swimmers upon joining the national team recounted with tears how toxic and negative the team culture is.

"How can athletes perform their best when the environment they are in is not conducive for growth?" she added.

At this month's SEA Games in Phnom Penh, Malaysia won only one of the 39 gold medals up for grabs.

Chua said the national swimming team lacked unity, leadership, fairness and transparency in its selection process.

The team has been in a downward spiral over the past two decades, she said.

She suggested changes outside the pool, including more effective leadership, and appealed to the national swimming federation to work with state associations.

"I have attended numerous international competitions but have yet to witness the national team unite in a single cheer," she said.

AFP has approached Malaysia Swimming for comment.
Malaysian authorities seize rainbow Swatch watches

The watches belong to the company's "Pride collection" which celebrates LGBT equality and diversity.

The incident is the latest crackdown in a country where homosexuality is criminalized.


Authorities in Malaysia have seized 164 rainbow-colored Swatch watches that celebrate LGBT pride, the company said on Wednesday.

Officials from the Ministry of Interior Affairs raided Swatch outlets in various malls to confiscate merchandise which bore "LGBT elements," according to one summons notice.

The watches belong to the watchmaker's "Pride collection" which it says promotes equality and diversity.

"We strongly contest that our collection of watches using rainbow colors and having a message of peace and love could be harmful for whomever," Swatch CEO Nick Hayek Jr. said in a statement.

"This is nothing political. We wonder how the Regulatory and Enforcement Division of the Home Ministry will confiscate the many beautiful natural rainbows that are showing up a thousand times a year in the sky of Malaysia," he added.

Swatch's marketing manager in Malaysia, Sarah Kok, said stock of the rainbow watches would be replenished and displayed on-shelf.

LGBT rights in Malaysia


Homosexuality is criminalized in Malaysia, and authorities in the majority-Muslim country regularly crack down on LGBT symbols and events.

The country has a dual-track legal system, with Islamic laws applicable to Muslims in certain cases alongside civil laws for other crimes, as well as for members of the country's sizable Chinese and Indian communities.

Local gay rights group Jejaka slammed the confiscation of the rainbow watches, saying it showed "a deeply unsettling level of intolerance."

"It is more than a matter of colorful watches. It's about respect for diversity, freedom of expression, and, most importantly, love," the organization said in a statement.

Pride apparel targeted elsewhere

The news comes as US department store Target announced on Tuesday that it had removed some Pride Month apparel from its shelves due to intense backlash from customers, including violent confrontations with workers.

It also relocated remaining LGBT-themed items to the back of the store in some southern states.

"Since introducing this year's collection, we've experienced threats impacting our team members' sense of safety and well-being while at work," the company said in a statement.

"Given these volatile circumstances, we are making adjustments to our plans, including removing items that have been at the center of the most significant confrontational behavior."

zc/nm (AP, AFP, Reuters)