Monday, June 26, 2023

Despite Poverty and Fear of Deportation, Syrian Refugees Build Lives in Lebanon

ANDREA LÓPEZ-TOMÀS
06/26/2023

Syrian children play on a sports field at Shatila refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon. 
(Franco Origlia/Getty Images)

A group of Syrian women living in the Shatila refugee camp outside Beirut acknowledge the hardships but express worry about the recent rise in deportations by the Lebanese authorities

Ahed Huran never would have believed that a crowded, poverty-stricken concrete labyrinth would prove to be her family’s refuge and salvation. But for the past 11 years, this mother of five from Idlib in war-torn Syria has been saying “Thank God” that her family has been able to feel safe in the narrow alleys of the Shatila refugee camp outside Beirut.

And yet now, with the Lebanese authorities having launched a massive campaign to deport hundreds of Syrian refugees back to their home country, her calm has been shattered.

We hear many stories of people who have been deported to Syria and who, within days, have disappeared or died. Of course we are afraid.

“We hear many stories of people who have been deported to Syria and who, within days, have disappeared or died. Of course we are afraid,” Huran, 29, told The Media Line.

She speaks for many. There are about 20 women in the room, all of them refugees from Syria. They meet every week at the Alsama Studio, a social business enterprise in Shatila that provides a place for the women to create hand-made embroidery art inspired by their roots. While the items are sold and the funds raised go to the women—who are often the sole breadwinners in their families—the work primarily gives them an excuse to meet and share their experiences and their fears.


Alsama Studio, Shatila refugee camp, Lebanon. (Andrea López-Tomàs/The Media Line)

Life in Shatila, historically a Palestinian refugee camp, has isolated the Syrian refugees from the rest of the Lebanese capital, but now, ironically, it protects them. Neither the police nor the Lebanese Army dares to enter this concrete jungle rife with drug trafficking, illegal possession of weapons, and general precariousness, so the refugees here are not the target of the rising number of deportations.

Between April and May alone, at least 1,100 Syrian citizens were arrested in Lebanon, and about 73 raids led to the deportation of 600 people back over the border. On many occasions, the Syrian Army has handed returned refugees over to smugglers who charge them large sums of money to bring them back into Lebanon, where the majority, despite the deplorable situations in which they live, prefer to be.

“Our situation has changed a lot in recent weeks,” one woman, who wanted to be identified by the false name of Aisha for her own protection, told The Media Line.

“Everything is much more difficult, we are afraid to go to work,” she said.

In many towns, the municipalities have imposed new restrictions on Syrian refugees, such as requiring registration of Syrian citizens, imposing mandatory curfews on them, or conducting raids.


If all Syrians left Lebanon, this country would cease to exist, because most of the workers are Syrians. That’s why I don’t understand why they hate us.

“If all Syrians left Lebanon, this country would cease to exist, because most of the workers are Syrians. That’s why I don’t understand why they hate us,” a woman called Muna, also from Idlib, told The Media Line.

Syrian refugees, including children, are in charge of doing the hardest jobs in agriculture or construction, jobs that the locals do not want to do. Some 839,000 Syrian refugees are registered in Lebanon with the United Nations refugee agency UNHCR. But the Lebanese authorities estimate that the number is really closer to 1.5 million. The government’s request to the UNHCR to stop registering new arrivals after 2015 prevents the actual number from being known.



Syrian refugees in Shatila refugee camp, Lebanon. (Andrea López-Tomàs/The Media Line)

“The Lebanese attack us because they consider that we receive more humanitarian aid than they do, but that is not true,” said a woman called Amal, another made-up name.

“The UNHCR gives us 1,100,000 Lebanese pounds a month [about $73.50], which is not even enough to pay for one of my children’s school fees,” Muna said.

Lebanon’s economic collapse has pushed the already vulnerable Syrian refugee community into extreme poverty, with more than 90% of the refugees living in poverty, according to the United Nations.

“If the situation in Syria was good, obviously I wouldn’t be here, but unfortunately it’s not something that’s in our hands,” Huran said.

Another woman, Ghofran Limam, said that before the civil war, “In our country, we had everything, we could find anything we wanted.” But that Syria no longer exists.

The return of Syria under dictator Bashar Assad to the Arab League recently has aggravated the situation. The same Arab countries that supported the popular uprising in 2011 are the ones now holding hands with the Syrian president, and many are beginning to return refugees to Syria on the basis that it is now “safe.” For many refugees, this has been the confirmation of the defeat of the revolution.

“We are against his re-entry [to the Arab League], he is not our president,” Aisha told The Media Line. “They have made this decision for the return of Assad without making our country better.”

Not only is Syria suffering the effects of more than a decade of civil war, but it is still under international sanctions and recently endured a deadly earthquake.

“Everything is the regime’s fault. I don’t want to return to a country with the same regime,” Muna said.

Meanwhile, the Syrian refugees in Lebanon also suffer from the contempt of the Lebanese towards them.

“Even when we go to the market we notice it. They whisper ‘they are Syrians’ and then say a string of bad words,” Limam told The Media Line.

“The Lebanese think that we Syrians don’t understand anything, that we don’t have a culture, as if we came from nowhere,” Huran said. “When I hear something like that on the street, it really hurts me.”

Speeches by Lebanese politicians pointing to the Syrian population as the origin of all of Lebanon’s wrongs have fueled anti-Syrian rhetoric in recent months. Inactive and ineffective in handling the economic meltdown of the country, the Lebanese authorities have made the Syrians their scapegoats and have focused on deportations as the solution.

Asked what she thought about the future, Huran snorted and stared up at the ceiling.

“I think about tomorrow, whether everything will improve or it will be worse again,” she said. “Above all, I think about my children, that if we stay in this situation, it is impossible that there is a future.”

She added that lack of access to education was yet another area where Syrians suffered from a lack of opportunities.

From across the room, Muna reminded her that there was something good in everything that had happened to them.

“We are all Syrians, but from different parts of the country, so if we weren’t here, we wouldn’t have met,” she said and smiled, prompting her friends to smile too. At least, they all seemed to say in silent unison, they have each other.



Armenia Wins European Pair Blitz Chess Championship



Published on  26 June 2023

KRAKÓW — The Armenian team emerged victorious at the European Pair Blitz Chess Championship, which took place in Kraków on Monday. The Polish team of Oliwia Kiołbasa and Jan-Krzysztof Duda placed fourth. The Championship was an accompanying competition to the 2023 European Games and one of the biggest chess events of the year in Poland.

The Armenian pair, women’s tournament winner Elina Danielian and the open event runner-up Shant Sargsyan finished ahead of the teams from the Netherlands (Elina Roebers and Benjamin Bok) and Azerbaijan (Gunay Mammadzada and Shakhriyar Mamedyarov). The Polish duo tied for fourth place with Romania. They were followed in the standings by Spain, Israel and Ukraine.



The tournament was a real success, as hundreds of chess enthusiasts filled the audience in the Kraków Opera House. Many of them were young aspiring chess players, who came to observe the champions.

“It is a great moment, not just for Polish chess, but for the game on the European and global scale, for the tournament to be associated with the European Games. We believe chess will one day become part of the Olympic family; since we have no doubt that chess is a sport and a very beautiful one. I am happy the event is taking place in Poland, as Polish chess is a part of the global elite. Poland loves the game; it is evident, and Jan-Krzysztof Duda is one of the faces of the 2023 European Games. Poland is a great chess nation, with competitors at a very high level,” said Dana Reizniece-Ozola, the Deputy Chair of the FIDE Management board and the first vice-president of the European Chess Union. Both these bodies greatly contributed to the organization of the Championship in Kraków.



Łukasz Turlej, FIDE Secretary General, believes that holding the European Pair Blitz Championships as an accompanying event to the European Games is an excellent opportunity for the game.

“It is a big deal for chess, not just in Poland, but also globally, since the Games in Kraków is the biggest sport events in the world this year. The chess championship held in conjunction with the Games and starting them off is a great distinction and an opportunity. It is special for a chess player to be one of the ambassadors of the Games. Jan-Krzysztof Duda is highly regarded in Kraków. Here he is very popular, which is a source of great joy for the entire chess community,” Turlej stated. The tournament’s sponsors included Superbet, the Superbet Foundation and Mokate, all of which are strongly involved in promoting the royal game in Poland.

Greece ignored help offer for migrant boat: Frontex

The trawler packed with migrants capsized in the Ionian Sea near Greece's Peloponnese peninsula on the night of June 13 after setting sail from Libya towards Europe.



"Hundreds" were reported missing, according to some of the 104 survivors. / Photo: Reuters Archive

The European Union's border agency Frontex has said it received "no response" when it offered aerial support to Greek authorities shortly before a migrant vessel capsized, leaving at least 82 dead.

"Frontex offered additional aerial support to Greek authorities on 13 June but received no response," the Frontex press office told AFP news agency by email on Monday.

The vessel sank off the Greek coast in mid-June, and hundreds were reported missing, casting a spotlight on authorities and whether they could have intervened to halt the disaster.

The press office also added that Frontex offered to move forward with a scheduled patrol, but Greek authorities asked it to instead attend a search and rescue operation off Crete.

Earlier that day, the Italian coordination centre (MRCC) directed the Frontex plane to look for the fishing vessel with migrants on board at 0833 GMT, and the aircraft spotted it at 0947 GMT.

"The plane was monitoring the fishing vessel for 10 minutes before it had to return to base for refuelling," Frontex said.

The trawler packed with migrants capsized in the Ionian Sea near Greece's Peloponnese peninsula on the night of June 13 after setting sail from Libya towards Europe.

"Hundreds" were reported missing, according to some of the 104 survivors.



Jenin tells the story of Palestine

June 26, 2023 

Smoke rises after Israeli forces' aerial bombardment attack on the city of Jenin, West Bank on June 19, 2023 [Nedal Eshtayah - Anadolu Agency]


Dr Amira Abo el-Fetouh
June 26, 2023 

Jenin refugee camp is just one kilometre square, but is home to 12,000 Palestinians. It lies seventy kilometres north of Jerusalem in the occupied West Bank, and very close to the part of Palestine occupied since 1948 which now forms the occupation state. The people of Jenin have sacrificed their lives for freedom and dignity, and created a legend of resistance to the occupation, so much so that the Gaza Strip no longer monopolises resistance.

The camp has stood alone in the fierce war waged against its residents by the Zionist army, which invaded on 19 June with its Apache helicopters and armoured vehicles. Six Palestinians, including a child, were martyred and dozens were injured. However, the heroes of Jenin did not stand idly by, asking for the help of their Arab brothers who have rushed to normalise relations with the enemy state, nor did they ask for the support of the pro-Israel international community, which turns a blind eye to the crimes committed against Palestinian civilians. Instead, they confronted the attack, defended their camp, and gave the enemy a harsh lesson, damaging seven military vehicles with roadside bombs and wounding seven soldiers. A helicopter was also damaged, according to the Israeli army itself.

READ: The extraordinary Palestinians of Jenin will not surrender

A few hours after the attack on the camp, the Jenin Brigades responded with a commando operation at the illegal Eli settlement. Four settlers were killed and others were seriously wounded. The Palestinian responsible was martyred, and his action prompted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to launch a repeat of 2002's Operation Defensive Shield.

The latest Battle of Jenin ended with victory for the resistance and confirmed that the Zionist enemy, despite its military power, is weaker than the young Palestinians and their basic weapons. However, the Palestinians possess faith, will, determination and a just cause. Their resistance to the occupation is entirely legitimate under international law. This is the difference between the indigenous people and the usurpers who occupy Palestinian land, and yet fear the local people.

That is why the attack against Jenin intended to eliminate resistance turned into a rout as the Zionist troops rushed to escape. Despite their massive military superiority and use of latest surveillance technology, the occupation forces failed to monitor the movements of the resistance fighters or predict their operations. The delusion of Israel's deterrence factor that the occupation state gloats about died in the face of the will and determination of a few resistance fighters.

The resistance of the people of Jenin and their determined defence of their camp was a sign that the Almighty does indeed favour them over their enemy. Jenin refugee camp has become the capital of Palestinian resistance in the north of Palestine, just as Gaza is in the south. This is not the first time that the people of Jenin have demonstrated their heroism; several other attempted incursions by the so-called "Israel Defence Forces" have failed over the past couple of years.

The precedent was, of course, in 2002, with Operation Defensive Shield and 12 days of an Israeli offensive in which at least 24 soldiers were killed, including senior officers. The troops withdrew in order to cut their losses, as they did recently.

READ: Israel uses drone to kill resistance cell in Jenin

Israel has used a number of tactics to defeat the Palestinian resistance, and built the apartheid wall in an effort to isolate 1948-occupied Palestine from the West Bank. Even that didn't work, and nor has the feted Iron Dome missile defence system, which has not prevented resistance rockets from reaching their targets deep inside Israel.

Ever since the Palestine Liberation Organisation signed the cursed 1993 Oslo Accords with the Israeli enemy after the First Intifada, it has been clear that the uprising so shook the occupation state that it needed a poisonous deal to protect itself. The occupation state was duly recognised by the PLO, which abandoned armed struggle to liberate the land. The resultant Palestinian Authority and its security services exist solely to protect Israel. The independent state of Palestine promised by Oslo has still failed to materialise after thirty years of the "peace process", which has kept the Palestinians talking and bought Israel more time to steal more Palestinian land. Today, less than 20 per cent of historic Palestine is available for this imaginary "independent" state, and that percentage is getting smaller by the day.

The Second ("Al-Aqsa") Intifada started on 28 September 2000, and restored the spirit of resistance to the Palestinian people under the late Yasser Arafat, who returned from the US frustrated by his Camp David meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak under the auspices of President Bill Clinton. He confirmed that there is no point in peace agreements with the Israeli entity; that they created mirages that disappeared quickly, including the establishment of the Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital and the return of the Palestinian refugees to their land.

These were hopes that the Palestinians had after Oslo, but they woke up to the reality that they were required to return to the struggle to liberate Palestine. Meanwhile, the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, did not abandon the Palestinian struggle for all of Palestine from the River Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea. There is no other way to achieve this other than through legitimate resistance.

Arafat was besieged in his compound in Ramallah, and then poisoned in 2004 as punishment for the Aqsa Intifada. The Israeli enemy withdrew its illegal settlers and troops from the Gaza Strip in 2005, but still assassinated Hamas leaders Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, Dr Abdulaziz Al-Rantisi and others. It also imposed a complete air, land and sea blockade on the Palestinian people in Gaza after Hamas won the "free and fair" Palestinian Legislative Council election in 2006. None of this weakened the strength of the resistance, nor did it undermine its resolve, or weaken the Palestinian people who are ready to make huge sacrifices in order to liberate their land. Facing six major Israeli military offensives over the past few years, they have suffered a lot for their right to live in freedom with their dignity intact.

READ: Israels security minister clashes with head of Shin Bet over Golan

The Zionist enemy has failed to bring the Palestinian people to their knees in Gaza, Jenin, Nablus and Jerusalem, just as it has failed to defeat Hamas. Now there is a new generation of young Palestinians taking up the resistance banner. Neither their abandonment by the Arabs who have normalised relations with the apartheid state, nor international complicity in the crimes against them will stop them from exercising their right to liberate their occupied land from Israeli occupation. The flame of resistance burns fiercely every day across all of the occupied Palestinian territories.

There is no doubt that there is hope for the great Palestinian nation, for it cannot be defeated and forever turns the tables with its innovation and ingenuity in the means of its resistance and struggle. This new generation includes the great-grandchildren of the Palestinians who were expelled from their land and displaced during the 1948 Nakba. They've never known a free Palestine, but even those living in forced exile keep their land alive in their hearts and minds. The early Israelis claimed that the old Palestinians will die and the young will forget, but that hasn't happened. Yes, the old have died, but they passed the keys and the responsibility to the young, keeping the flame of resistance alive. This is at the core of the Spirit of Palestine, and it is a story encapsulated by the people of Jenin. Long live the Palestinian people, free and dignified.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
US HEGEMON IS OUTLIER
State Dept: US not going back to viewing settlements as illegal

The Biden administration has been highly critical of Israeli settlements but is not returning to Hansell’s view of their illegality.

By LAHAV HARKOV
Published: JUNE 26, 2023
JPOST

Israeli soldiers stand guard during a Palestinian protest near the Jewish settlement of Elon Moreh,east of Nablus, in the West Bank, November 25, 2022
(photo credit: NASSER ISHTAYEH/FLASH90)

The US is not reverting to its policy of viewing Israeli settlements in Judea and Samaria as necessarily illegal, despite opposing settlement activity, the State Department said Monday.

The US was not reverting back to the Hansell Memo, which said settlements violate international law, State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said.

During the Trump administration’s final days, former secretary of state Mike Pompeo said Washington had “disavow[ed] the deeply flawed” 1978 memo by then-State Department legal adviser Herbert Hansell that called all Israeli settlements beyond the 1949 armistice lines illegal.

The Biden administration's perception of settlements

The Biden administration has been highly critical of Israeli settlements but said it was not returning to Hansell’s view of their illegality.

View of the Jewish settlement of Eli, in the West Bank on January 17, 2021.
 (credit: SRAYA DIAMANT/FLASH90)

“We are reverting to US policy to longstanding pre-2020 geographic limitations on US support for activities in those areas, a policy that goes back decades,” Miller said.

In line with that policy, the State Department decided last week to stop joint scientific research with Israel in the West Bank, east Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, reversing another decision by Pompeo in 2020 to remove territorial limitations in the Binational Science Foundation, Binational Industrial Research and Development Foundation and Binational Agricultural Research and Development Fund agreements with Israel.

All three had large endowments that provided grants to American and Israeli academics and companies for research and technology. The US and Israel also signed a new science and technology agreement at the time.

However, a US diplomatic source on Monday said since the geographic limitations were removed, no grant money had actually been given to Israeli institutions in areas that came under Israeli control during the 1967 Six Day War.

The source also denied that the timing had to do with last week’s decision to advance more than 4,500 new homes in settlements, saying the decision had been in the works for months.

Foreign Minister Eli Cohen on Sunday said he “opposes the decision and thinks that it is mistaken.” In similar situations in the past, Israel increased funding for research in Judea and Samaria so that those institutions would not lose out, he said.

Tovah Lazaroff contributed to this report.
NATO NATION BUILDING
Libya’s ongoing debate over the role of political parties

June 26, 2023
Mary Fitzgerald



Libya’s political players have grappled with how to build a political party culture since the country held its first post-Gadhafi elections in 2012. Under Moammar Gadhafi, political organizing was banned. Decades of regime propaganda against outlawed opposition movements made Libyans suspicious of political groups and parties.

When the rebel National Transitional Council (NTC) drafted a constitutional declaration during the 2011 uprising against Gadhafi, it stipulated the establishment of a democratic system based on “political and party plurality” and guaranteed the freedom to form political parties. The NTC declaration was only ever meant to be temporary, but in the absence of a proper constitution, it remains the legal underpinning of Libya’s troubled transition.

Libya’s first experience of political parties came with the vote for the General National Congress (GNC) in 2012. During the drafting of the electoral law that year, some argued that an individual-based system would exacerbate tribalism and regionalism while others claimed that a party-based system would favor already established groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood. The GNC was eventually elected under a hybrid system that included both individual and party lists, with non-Islamist parties ultimately faring better in the party list.

Two years later, the House of Representatives (HoR) was elected to replace the GNC. That ballot had one key difference: All candidates were required to run as independents. This was partly due to growing animosity toward political parties. Popular frustration with the GNC meant political parties were often blamed for its shortcomings. Party headquarters were frequently attacked during the GNC’s lifetime. Almost a decade on, however, many critics of the HoR — which remains in place as no elections have been held since 2014 — insist much of its dysfunction stems from the absence of political parties.

Over the past nine years, Libya’s parties have operated as shadow players in the country’s fractious politics. During the 2014-20 civil conflict, there were frequent calls to ban political parties outright as polarization deepened and people sought scapegoats for the country’s derailed transition.

Libya’s political landscape now looks very different. Several of the main formations that emerged in 2012 have since either been riven by infighting or have faded away. Most notably, the two dominant groups in that year’s election — the Brotherhood-affiliated Justice and Construction Party (JCP) and its main rival, the National Forces Alliance (NFA) — have experienced splits. Those new to the scene include parties associated with the so-called “Greens,” or former regime figures and sympathizers, plus more tribal or regionally oriented parties.

As part of efforts to get Libya’s democratic transition back on track, a more stringent political party registration system was introduced in early 2021, ahead of elections that were due to take place that December but were postponed. Robust vetting is considered crucial to prevent electoral fraud. More than 70 parties have since been approved for licenses, according to the body overseeing the process. The number of parties not yet registered is estimated at over 100. Some parties, particularly those that trace their roots to the 2012 elections, such as the JCP plus NFA offshoots, have started to organize together and form networks and umbrella groups over the past two years. This may result in parties merging ahead of a future national ballot.

Three main currents are emerging: the Greens, the Islamists, and the nationalists. Libya does not have a defined secular/Islamist political cleavage, so anti/non-Islamist groupings are often described or self-describe as nationalist, a catch-all term that can include more liberal-leaning elements as well as social conservatives who do not identify as Islamist. In the 2012 election, there was little difference between nationalist party platforms and those of mainstream Islamist parties. All the leading parties supported the idea of sharia law being a basis for legislation. This is unlikely to change as parties prepare for future parliamentary elections. Detailed party manifestos were rare in 2012 and few have issued any since.

The Green current is believed to already comprise more than a dozen parties, with the most prominent being the National Movement party, led by former Gadhafi government minister Mustafa al-Zaidi. “That’s ironic when you consider the Gadhafi regime’s ideological opposition to the very idea of political parties,” says one party leader from the nationalist camp. Some observers believe the nationalist current stands to lose most if Green political parties gain momentum.

Since 2020, the development of youth-driven protest movements against the status quo raises the question of whether new political parties might yet emerge from a younger generation shaped by very different experiences in post-Gadhafi Libya. While these youth movements have yet to coalesce into a unified force, what they share is a frustration with an older political elite considered corrupt and out of touch. In recent years, the more established parties have sought to engage more with youth and women. Given the broad social conservatism of Libyan society, few believe the country’s political scene might include an openly secular or avowedly liberal party anytime soon.

Party leaders from across Libya’s political spectrum lament that they have too often been overlooked in diplomatic efforts to resolve the current impasse and nudge the country toward fresh elections. Indeed, some diplomats have considered them largely irrelevant to the power struggles that drove the 2014-20 civil conflict and still linger today. In early March, 52 political parties signed a letter to U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres complaining that U.N. Envoy Abdoulaye Bathily’s new roadmap did not include them. “By virtue of the constitutional and legal framework, [parties] are a cornerstone and have a vital role in the political process,” the letter stated. “Democratic systems are based on political and party plurality.” Later that month, Bathily met with representatives from 21 political parties and his team has continued to engage since. Unsurprisingly, political parties are pushing for future electoral laws to include a large party list. “Without parties, it’s like trying to have a Champions League without any [soccer] clubs,” one party leader told me. “You cannot stabilize Libya’s politics without parties.”

The 6+6 Joint Committee, comprised of six representatives from the HoR and six from the High State Council (which is itself composed of former GNC members), has been tasked with drafting laws to organize elections Bathily wants to see happen later this year. They have decided to allocate just over 50% of seats in the next parliament to a party list. Libyans who believe parties are key to embedding a less dysfunctional and more sustainable political culture say internationals should do more to support the idea of party lists. But Libya’s political parties themselves need to mature and reflect on whether they represent the longer-term interests of broad swathes of the population or narrower interests. “There’s not much vision beyond the here and now,” says one international.

Despite Bathily’s entreaties, few Libyans believe elections will take place this year, or even next year. In the meantime, Libya’s political parties will continue to press their case. There are indications, including observations from party activists as well as public polling, that attitudes toward parties are shifting and that most Libyans accept they have a role to play in the country’s political life. Which parties might be up to the challenge is another question. Libya’s still-young experiment with democracy remains fragile and its political parties have a long way to go.


Mary Fitzgerald is a researcher and consultant specializing in the Euro-Mediterranean region with a particular focus on Libya. She is a non-resident scholar with MEI’s North Africa and the Sahel Program.

Photo by Hazem Turkia/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images


The Middle East Institute (MEI) is an independent, non-partisan, non-for-profit, educational organization. It does not engage in advocacy and its scholars’ opinions are their own. MEI welcomes financial donations, but retains sole editorial control over its work and its publications reflect only the authors’ views. For a listing of MEI donors, please click here.
MONTANA
Young Grizzly bear found shot along road west of Conrad

David Murray, Great Falls Tribune
Sat, June 24, 2023

Federal and state investigators are asking the public to provide any information they might have on the deadly shooting of Grizzly bear cub west of Conrad two weeks ago.

"The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) and Montana Fish Wildlife & Parks (MFWP) game wardens and are seeking information on a grizzly bear cub that was shot and killed along East Lake Road near New Miami Colony west of Conrad, in Pondera County," a joint news release states.


The red pin marks the approximate location where the corpse of a Grizzly bear cub was found shot to death on June 7; along East Lake Road west of Conrad, south of Valier along the East Lake Road. Federal and state wildlife investigators are asking the public to help in the investigation

The body of the immature bear was first discovered on June 7 near East Lake Road; however it could have been shot as much as three days earlier. Federal wildlife officials investigated the scene with the assistance of MFWP game wardens and determined the bear was killed sometime after June 4.

Current Montana law states that it’s legal to kill or attempt to kill a grizzly bear in self-defense, or if the bear is “in the act of attacking or killing” or “threatening to kill” people or livestock. Biologists estimate there are approximately 1,100 Grizzly bears currently living in the Northern Continental Divide Ecosystem along both sides of Montana's Rocky Mountain Front.

Both state and federal wildlife enforcement officials declined to provide any additional information regarding the shooting, but are asking anyone with knowledge of the shooting to contact

"Wildlife crimes like this one are often solved because of information and leads provided by the public," a MFWP news release states. "Anyone with possible information about this bear is encouraged to visit https://myfwp.mt.gov/fwpPub/tipmont or call the MFWP violation reporting hot line at 1-800-TIP-MONT (847-6668). Callers can remain anonymous and may be eligible for a cash reward for information leading to a conviction."

This article originally appeared on Great Falls Tribune: Wildlife officials seek public help in Grizzly cub shooting.



Biden promises broadband for every US household by 2030

White House says it will spend more than $40 billion on programme



President Joe Biden has pledged nearly $42.5 billion to build high-speed internet networks. Bloomberg


The National
Jun 26, 2023


US President Joe Biden on Monday announced that his administration would spend more than $40 billion to build high-speed internet networks to provide broadband access for households in poorly serviced areas.

Claiming that broadband access is no longer a luxury, Mr Biden pledged he would spend $42.45 billion to ensure that places across the US with either poor service or no service at all have reliable internet access.

More than 8.5 million households and small business are in areas without broadband infrastructure, the White House said.

“These investments will help all Americans,” he said.

“We’re not going to leave anyone behind.”

Monday's announcement commences the three-week “Investing in America” tour, during which Mr Biden and members of his administration will travel across the country to highlight the administration's achievements as he continues his 2024 presidential campaign.

“Connecting everyone in America to affordable, reliable high-speed internet is a bold goal for a great nation, especially one as vast and geographically diverse as ours,” Mr Biden said.

“We are all well on our way. We are just going to have to keep it going.”

The announcement will grant all 50 states, as well as Washington and Puerto Rico, no fewer than $107 million to connect residents to high-speed internet.

The funding will also support manufacturing jobs by using American materials, the White House said.

Agencies contributed to this report

Q&A: Book describes how British adapted Mughal systems of justice to establish rule in India

India map
Credit: Pixabay/CC0 Public Domain

The British Empire was not created through military might alone, historian Robert Travers points out in a new book; subsuming existing bureaucracy was another way the East India Company consolidated power in India starting in the 1770s.

In "Empires of Complaints: Mughal Law and the Making of British India, 1765-1793," Travers, professor of history in the Cornell University College of Arts and Sciences, shows how British conquerors colonized and adapted systems of territorial governance created by the Mughal empire—the preceding power in parts of India—including Persian-language forms of bureaucratic record-keeping and Mughal practices of adjudicating local disputes.

"The book emphasizes the durability of Mughal, Persianate ideas of imperial justice in early colonial India, revealing how Indian subjects invoked the memory of Mughal justice in making claims on British rulers," Travers said.

Travers researched "Empires of Complaints" as a Faculty Fellow with Cornell's Society for the Humanities. The Law and Society Association awarded the book honorable mention for the James Willard Hurst Book Prize.

"This very ambitious work demanded Travers move beyond the British-centric frame to go deep into Mughal archives," noted the award citation. "In doing so, he identified more push-back against British colonizing law than had been understood."

Cornell's College of Arts and Sciences spoke with Travers about the book.

How did the British Empire use judicial incursions to take power in India?

My book focuses on judicial mechanisms of state-formation, showing how British conquerors used their military power to expropriate Mughal venues for adjudicating local disputes. By receiving Persian petitions from tax-paying subjects and issuing decrees in relation to disputes over hereditary land rights, the British used judicial processes to establish their own authority as arbiter of local claims, drawing selectively on earlier Mughal precedents. In this way, the British gradually established a new colonial system of land and tax law by adapting and transforming Mughal protocols for doing justice to petitioning subjects.

What individual English and Persian documents did you draw from for this study, and what larger story do they tell?

Though many tax and judicial records were kept in Persian, a major language of administration in Mughal India, relatively few of these documents survive compared with the voluminous English-language records of the East India Company. I was able to read a few Persian petitions, as well as several Persian treatises in which Indian officials tried to explain Mughal practices of governance to British rulers. These helped me to see how many of the Company's English-language records were actually translations from Persian originals, and how Indian litigants used Persian official documents to justify for their claims.

The question of the changing nature of law in early colonial India is very complex and much debated among historians. My book suggests how Mughal tax administration had created a system of hereditary legal entitlements over land rights, and an extensive legal public of petitioners and agents accustomed to appealing to imperial authorities to reinforce local claims.

In creating a new system of colonial law, the British made selective translations from Mughal administrative norms, as well as from "religious" forms of Muslim and Hindu law. But they also introduced important changes, including new codes of written law. It may be that the British desire for codified written laws clashed with earlier systems marked by locally variable forms of unwritten custom. The British also used new written regulations to reinforce the salability of hereditary land rights. Encouraging wealthy Indian merchants to buy up land rights of defaulting taxpayers, the British deployed forced sales of local fiscal entitlements to enforce higher taxes. This seems to have clashed with earlier Mughal understandings of the need to protect vulnerable peasants from excessive tax demands.

How did administrative practice become racialized in this setting?

British attempts to adapt Indian forms of law contributed to racialized practices of colonial governance. Company officials were constantly suspicious of Indian petitioners and their agents, who often made allegations of corrupt practices against British officials. Even as the British adapted Mughal legal forms to their own uses, they also drew on established European stereotypes about Islamic "despotism" to accuse Indian officials and petitioners of pervasive venality. British officials used this racialized language to justify their own supreme authority as the most trustworthy arbiters of Indian law, even as they continued to rely in practice on Indian experts and Persianate forms of law.

Provided by Cornell University Study: General practitioner role important in supporting people who self-harm

Thailand’s Landmark Election: Who Will Ultimately Prevail?

Thailand's pro-democracy opposition parties claim to possess enough political support to form a governing coalition, but hurdles still remain.

Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat holds hands with coalition party leaders following a meeting with coalition partners in Bangkok, Thailand, on May 18, 2023. 
Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters

After the top two pro-democracy parties gained a massive victory in Thailand’s national elections in May, the momentum seemed on their side to form a coalition. The pro-democracy parties needed to gain the support of a few extra MPs and convince some of the appointed upper house senators to achieve a majority (376) of both the upper and lower house to install the leader of Move Forward—the party with the most seats—as prime minister. In the highest turnout in Thai history according to the electoral commission (with more than 70 parties competing), voters clearly made their preference known. Move Forward and Pheu Thai, the two top pro-democracy parties, won almost 60 percent of the lower house seats.

But this pro-democracy coalition, with Move Forward leader Pita Limjaroenrat at its head, is hardly a done deal. Move Forward is a highly progressive party backed by young voters pushing for real institutional change, unlike any prior major Thai party. Despite the conservative nature of the 250-seat upper house of senators, who were essentially picked by the military, Move Forward and its allies claim that its pro-democracy coalition is slowly persuading senators to side with them. They claim that Move Forward and its allies, including Pheu Thai, will be able to win the support of enough senators to bring the coalition’s numbers to 376 (upper and lower house combined) when parliament meets on July 3 and picks a new lower house speaker and new prime minister.

In May, Chaithawat Tulathong, Move Forward’s party secretary-general, told ThaiPBS that he had “held discussions with a group of senators, a number of whom have expressed concerns over the Move Forward party’s policies and hope that the new government will not cause any more political conflict [but that] after the discussions, the senators have a better understanding and are positive about the Move Forward party.” Then, just a few days ago, Pita and his allies claimed they were very close to getting enough support from senators to put them over the top.

However, obstacles remain. Pita and Move Forward have not locked down all these senatorial votes, and the party’s desire to make major reforms in how the military and the lese-majeste laws are handled will alienate many senators. Already, too, the establishment is using typical tactics to try to push Move Forward aside and essentially nullify its votes. A case has been lodged against Pita that could potentially ban him from politics and even put him in jail, and it is not out of the question that the Move Forward party, given Thailand’s compliant judiciary, could be banned.

Punchada Sirivunnabood notes in The Diplomat that if Move Forward and its allies attempt to obtain the support of 376 legislators but fail to do so, parliament will be left open to all sorts of horse-trading of the type common in Thai coalition-building after elections. As Punchanda also comments, one real possibility stemming from such a failure is a coalition then built in a "second round [of parliamentary voting]...[around] a Pheu Thai candidate or one of the other conservative parties, likely General Prawit Wongsuwan, the leader of the PPRP, proposed for prime minister. This would potentially force Move Forward into the opposition” and, almost surely, infuriate millions of Thai voters, a dangerous situation.