Saturday, July 22, 2023

 

Tube strikes cancelled: Next week’s London Underground strike dates called off by RMT and Aslef unions

Train drivers’ union Aslef hailed the ‘major step forward’ as the industrial action was called off

Strikes planned for next week on the London Underground that were set to cause chaos for millions of commuters have been called off.

The Rail, Maritime and Transport (RMT) and Aslef unions have suspended planned industrial action on the Tube, Transport for London (TfL) confirmed.

Aslef drivers had been due to walk out next Wednesday and Friday, with Tube station staff for the RMT poised to walkout on Sunday until Saturday.

Finn Brennan, Aslef’s organiser on the London Underground, said: “After a week of intense negotiations, we have made real progress in making sure our members’ working conditions and pensions are protected from the impact of the Tory Government cuts to TfL funding.

“There will be no changes to pension benefits before the next general election. And any future changes to working conditions and agreements will only be made by negotiation. This is a major step forward.”

The RMT announced it had suspended all strike action planned for next week on London Underground after progress was made in its dispute over pensions and jobs.

Union leaders claimed “significant concessions” were made by TfL whose original plans for jobs cuts and pension changes would not be carried out, they said.

RMT general secretary, Mick Lynch, said: “There has been significant progress made by our negotiating team in ACAS talks with TfL.

“However this is not the end of the dispute nor is it a victory for the union as yet. Our members were prepared to engage in significant disruptive industrial action and I commend their resolve.”

But he warned that RMT’s strike mandate would remain until October, with the union “prepared to use it if necessary”.

London Mayor, Sadiq Khan, said the negotiations had been successfully completed “despite the onerous funding deal conditions imposed by the Government”.

“I want to thank the RMT, Aslef and Unite who worked really closely with TfL to pull these strikes off for next week,” he added.

“Negotiations are what it is all about. Our transport workers were heroes during the pandemic keeping transport going to allow key workers to get to work.”

This story is being updated

Myanmar’s generals unveil giant Buddha statue as they seek to win hearts and minds during civil war



The military-controlled government in the strife-torn nation of Myanmar is planning to unveil a giant sitting Buddha statue that its backer is calling the world’s tallest marble Buddha statue. (July 21)

BY GRANT PECK
Published July 21, 2023

BANGKOK (AP) — The military-controlled government of strife-torn Myanmar on Friday showed off a new giant statue of a sitting Buddha that is scheduled to be consecrated on Aug. 1, a powerful symbol of nationalism in a very devout nation.

Journalists were given a preview of the 228-acre (92-hectare) site in the capital, Naypyitaw, which includes small pagodas, ordination halls, rest houses, water fountains, lakes and a park.

The military government’s head, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, who is also the project’s patron, supervised installation of various parts of the project, even as a civil war has raged, killing thousands, uprooting millions and causing vast destruction, including to Buddhist monasteries, Christian churches and Islamic mosques.

Min Aung Hlaing has been repeatedly quoted in state media as saying it will be tallest sitting marble Buddha statue in the world, a claim that is difficult to verify.

He also said the building of the Buddha image aimed “to show the flourishing of Theravada Buddhism in Myanmar, to be Myanmar as a focal point of Theravada Buddhism, ensure prosperity of the country and contribute to peace and stability of the world.”

The generals who seized power in February 2021 from the elected government of Aung San Suu Ky i are engaged in battles covering much of the country, with the army’s vast advantage in manpower and weapons unable to subdue the pro-democracy resistance forces.

The army’s fierce attacks, especially in the countryside, including burning down villages and displacing their inhabitants, make its efforts to win hearts and minds urgent, if also difficult.

The construction of the giant Buddha statues is common in the Buddhist-majority Myanmar.

Generals who view themselves as the protectors and patrons of Buddhism have stepped up building pagodas and presenting offerings to highly-respected monks, which they believe will bring them religious merit as well as popular support. It also helps cement a long-standing alliance with right-wing monks who share their ultranationalist views and have their own followings, who can be mobilized for political action.

In 2009, under a previous military government, then military ruler Gen. Than Shwe consecrated the Uppatasanti Pagoda, a replica in Naypyitaw of the country’s famous Shwedagon pagoda, which sits in Yangon, the country’s biggest city. He also had a 11.5-meter-high (37.7-foot-high) sitting marble Buddha statue built in Yangon in 2001.

Thein Sein, the general-turned-president who headed a semi-democratic military-backed government, had a 9.7-meter-tall (32-foot-tall) standing marble Buddha statue built in Naypyitaw in 2015.

The new sitting Buddha, including its its throne, is roughly about 24.7 meters (81 feet) high and weighs more than 5,000 tons, according to reports in state-run media. It is carved in the traditional cultural style of the Yadanabon dynasty of the 18th to 19th centuries, the last before the country was colonized by the British.

Reporting on the project’s progress last month to officials and big business backers, Min Aung Hlaing revealed that the plan to build the statue originated when Than Shwe handed over to the military in 2017 a giant piece of raw marble rock that was given him by a mining company.




  

 

“Oppenheimer” Leaves Out Victims of Nuclear Testing

The movie repeats the myth that the bomb site was in a desolate area with “nothing for 40 miles in either direction.”

A photograph on display at The Bradbury Science Museum shows the first atomic bomb test on July 16, 1945, at Trinity Site in New Mexico.

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On July 16, 1945, the world ended. Or at least it seemed that way to residents of the Tularosa Basin in New Mexico.

Unbeknownst to local civilians, J. Robert Oppenheimer had chosen their backyard as the proving ground for the world’s first nuclear weapon. The explosion, which U.S. officials publicly claimed to be an accident at a local ammunition depot, tore through the morning sky, leaving a 40,000-foot-tall cloud of radioactive debris that would cake the surrounding area with dust for days on end.

Tina Cordova, whose hometown of Tularosa lies just 45 miles from ground zero, remembers her grandmother’s stories about wiping that infernal dust off every nook and cranny of her childhood home. No one knew what had happened quite yet, but they figured it must have been something special. After all, a local paper reported that the explosion was so bright that a blind woman had actually seen it.

When the initial shock wore off, the 40,000 locals who lived within 50 miles of ground zero returned to their daily lives. They drank from cisterns full of radioactive debris, ate beef from cattle that had grazed on the dust for weeks on end, and breathed air full of tiny plutonium particles. Only later would the real impact become clear.

Bernice Gutierrez, born just eight days before Oppenheimer’s “Trinity Test,” moved from a small town near the blast site to Albuquerque when she was 2 years old. Cancer followed her like a specter. Her great grandfather died of stomach cancer in the early 1950s. She lost cousins to leukemia and pancreatic cancer. Her oldest son died in 2020 after a bout with a “pre-leukemia” blood disorder. In total, 21 members of Gutierrez’s family have had cancer, and seven have died from it.

“We don’t ask ourselves if we’re gonna get cancer,” Gutierrez told RS. “We ask ourselves when, because it just never ends.”

“Oppenheimer” — the latest film from famed director Christopher Nolan — is a three-hour-long exploration of the “dilettante, womanizer, Communist sympathizer,” and world-historic genius behind the ultimate weapon. The movie, based on the book “American Prometheus,” delves deeply into Oppenheimer’s psyche, from his struggles as a young student at Cambridge to his profound melancholy over the world he helped create.

Yet nowhere in the film will viewers find an acknowledgement of the first victims of the nuclear era. Indeed, the movie repeats the myth that the bomb site was in a desolate area with “nothing for 40 miles in either direction.” This was not for lack of effort, according to Cordova, who leads an activist group called the Tularosa Basin Downwinders Consortium. (“Downwinders” refers to those who live in the fallout zone of nuclear tests.)

When Nolan’s team got to New Mexico to film, Cordova and her team published an op-ed in the local newspaper that called on the Oppenheimer crew to “grapple with the consequences of confronting the truth of our stories, of our history.” When that didn’t work, she reached out to the production through Kai Bird, the journalist who co-wrote American Prometheus, in an attempt to get a meeting with the team. She received a flat “no.”

Cordova says she was “aggravated, angry, and disappointed” that the filmmakers had come to New Mexico to shoot the movie (and rake in state-funded tax breaks) but showed little interest in engaging with locals affected by Oppenheimer’s work. “Tens of millions of people are going to flock to theaters to see this movie, and a lot of them have never been exposed to this history,” she added. A short mention at the end of the movie could have changed that, Cordova argues. (Universal Pictures, which produced the film, did not respond to a request for comment from RS.)

And her concerns are not just about recognition. In 1990, Congress passed the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act, which gave insurance and lump-sum payments to the people affected by decades of nuclear testing at the Nevada Test Site. RECA payouts to date total more than $2.5 billion. But New Mexican downwinders were not included in the original law or a broader version of it passed in 2000, a fact that former New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson attributes to a simple lack of awareness about their plight.

Cordova and her team have lobbied for years for an expanded version of RECA that would include New Mexican downwinders and some previously ineligible uranium miners, many of whom had little knowledge of just how dangerous their work was. A bipartisan group of lawmakers introduced a RECA expansion bill earlier this month.

“Imagine having radioactive waste fall down like dirty snow on your homes and communities causing cancer and disease,” said Rep. Teresa Leger Fernandez (D-N.M.), who sponsored the bill in the House, in a statement. “Then think about the despair when you learn that the U.S. government compensated other communities exposed to radiation during the nuclear testing program but not yours.”

Lawmakers have introduced similar proposals several times in recent years, but, with limited public awareness behind their efforts, the proposal has never quite gotten enough support in Congress to pass.

“It’s an inconvenient truth,” Cordova said. “People just don’t want to reflect on the fact that American citizens were bombed at Trinity.”


Born in 1947 in Alamogordo, New Mexico, John Greenwood grew up a short distance from the Trinity Test site. Years of radiation exposure caught up with him in 2008, when he was first diagnosed with colon cancer.

Greenwood and his family spent four years fighting for his life. Their insurance covered 80 percent of costs, but the remaining 20 percent added up quickly given that a single chemotherapy treatment could cost $100,000. Other expenses fell by the wayside. One after another, utilities companies cut off their electricity and phone lines. Their car was repossessed.

But Laura Greenwood, John’s wife, knew their only option was to keep going. “I can’t tell you how stressful it was,” she remembered. “You go to bed crying every night wondering what you’re going to do the next day.”

John passed away in 2012, just six months after learning that the cancer had metastasized to his liver. He was the thirteenth member of his family to die from cancer since the Trinity Test.

Greenwood’s story highlights the devastating economic impact that years of health problems have had on downwinders. This, in part, is why RECA expansion has struggled to get off the ground in Congress, according to Laura. Many lawmakers argue behind closed doors that it would simply be too expensive to compensate downwinders and cover future medical costs related to radiation exposure.

Advocates of RECA expansion also have limited data to back up their claims of a link between the test and later cancers, which they blame in part on government secrecy surrounding the event. “The specter of endless lawsuits haunted the military, and most of the authorities simply wanted to put the whole test and its after-effects out of sight and mind,” according to a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report on the history of the Los Alamos National Laboratory.

A years-long study from the National Cancer Institute found that “no firm estimates can be established” of how many cancer cases came from the test due to limited radiation data from Oppenheimer’s team and a lack of reliable information on cancer rates and daily habits in rural New Mexico at the time. Sen. Ben Ray Lujan (D-N.M.), who supports RECA expansion, called the NCI research “limited” when it was released.

But one impact of the test is clear. In the months after the explosion, the entire state of New Mexico saw an unprecedented spike in infant mortality, with 56 percent more New Mexican babies dying during live births in 1945 than in 1944. That number went back down in 1946 and has never reached such high levels since, a statistical anomaly with a 0.0001 percent chance of being caused by natural conditions, according to the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

To Nolan’s credit, “Oppenheimer” includes affecting scenes in which the scientist wrestles with the pain wrought by his life’s work. While it leaves out some notable parts of the history, the film offers a powerful and largely accurate account of Oppenheimer’s quest to build — and later try to contain — the ultimate weapon, according to Stephen Schwartz, an expert on the history of nuclear weapons and a non-resident senior fellow with the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

“I don’t think it glorifies nuclear weapons at all, which was the concern that some people had,” Schwartz told RS. Viewers will leave with “a better understanding of why he did what he did and all the complications that ensued,” he added. “I hope that it sparks many conversations.”

But Cordova sees the lack of engagement with downwinders as a major missed opportunity. She remembered back in 2018, when the Santa Fe Opera put on a production of “Dr. Atomic,” an opera about the lead-up to the Trinity Test. When Peter Sellars, who wrote the show’s libretto, found out about the problems faced by downwinders, he invited Cordova and her team to talk about their experiences on stage before each performance.

At a climactic moment of the show, Sellars portrayed a general arguing with scientists over whether to warn locals about the blast as a group of downwinders quietly watched on from the other side of the stage. “History is about what’s happening to people you’ve never met,” Sellars told RS. “Their bodies are carrying the traces of what you did.”

Sellars says the engagement with locals affected by the blast — most of whom were Latinos or native New Mexicans — helped make the show a hit. “The show was sold out, and the talks were packed,” he remembered.

Despite her lack of luck with the Oppenheimer team, Cordova remains optimistic. She hopes the movie will encourage people to learn more about the impacts of nuclear tests and boost support for her cause. “Every movement that has ever been started has a tipping point,” she said. “This movie could [have been] that tipping point. And it still might be that tipping point.”

ISRAEL MIGHT TRY TO MAKE JENIN THE NEW GAZA
Israel has made it clear that this is not the end of its operations in Jenin, and the latest raid has left Palestinians asking: Is Israel moving towards a Gaza-type model in Jenin?

View of destroyed cars in the Jenin refugee camp near the city of Jenin in the northern West Bank. The withdrawal of troops from the camp ended an intense two-day operation that killed at least 13 Palestinians, drove thousands of people from their homes and left a wide swath of damage in its wake. One Israeli soldier was also killed. 
Photo by Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

JULY 6, 2023

This story originally appeared in Mondoweiss on July 5, 2023. 


Earlier this week, Palestinians in the occupied West Bank witnessed the bloodiest and most violent Israeli military operation in recent memory. Over the course of 48 hours, Israeli land and air forces besieged the Jenin refugee camp in the northern West Bank, killed 12 Palestinians, and wounded over a hundred others. For the first time since the Second Intifada in 2002, the people of Jenin refugee camp came under heavy aerial bombardment, and witnessed Israeli bulldozers wreak mass destruction on their roads and infrastructure.

While the city of Jenin, and the camp in particular, have been the subject of countless Israeli army raids over the past year targeting Palestinian resistance groups, the events of the past few weeks have witnessed a clear change in Israel’s military strategy in the city.

On June 19, Israeli forces deployed helicopters during a deadly raid on the camp and fired rockets towards a building in the refugee camp, marking the first use of helicopters in Jenin in more than 20 years. Just two days later, on the 21st of June, three Palestinian fighters were assassinated in a targeted airstrike on their vehicle outside Jenin. At the time, the use of helicopters and drone strikes caused alarm among Palestinians in Jenin, who feared it could mark a return to Israel’s military tactics of the Second Intifada, and the 2002 Battle of Jenin, when more than 50 Palestinians were killed inside the camp.

Just over two weeks later, on Monday July 3, the camp’s fears were realized. Over the course of the two-day invasion, Israel deployed everything from helicopters, drones, bulldozers, and thousands of ground troops. Residents also reported electricity and water outages.

Though Israeli military officials have tried to downplay the scale of the operation, the most recent raid marked a clear departure in Israel’s military strategy when it comes to raiding West Bank cities like Jenin, which usually features raids that last a few hours and are conducted by special forces on the ground. Many Palestinians and political analysts likened the events of the past few days to the way Israel operates in Gaza – a total siege, the constant humming of drones, and using airstrikes as its primary mode of destruction and killing.

And though the raid ended with both sides claiming victory, Israel has made it clear that this is not the end of its operations in Jenin, with Israeli media saying the next raid could happen in as little as just a few days.

So, is Israel moving towards a Gaza-type model in Jenin? And what will future raids look like in the city?
‘MOWING THE LAWN’

You’ve likely heard the term “mowing the lawn” or “mowing the grass,” most commonly associated with Israel’s military strategy in the Gaza Strip. The idea is that every few years, or months, Israel “weeds out” the growing capabilities of Palestinian militant groups in the strip. When military capabilities of groups like Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad are viewed as becoming too strong, or in many cases Israel needs to score a political win, it goes into Gaza, drops some bombs, and “mows the lawn.”

Amjad Iraqi, a member of the Palestinian think tank Al-Shabaka and senior editor at +972 magazine, says that this is the same policy Israel seems to be employing in Jenin.

“Israel doesn’t really have a full solution of what to do with Palestinian resistance. The only thing it can rely on is this doctrine of what it describes as ‘mowing the lawn’ or ‘mowing the grass’,” Iraqi told Mondoweiss on the second day of the army’s operation in Jenin.

“It’s this idea of just trying to constantly undercut or put a lid on Palestine militant groups when they get exceptionally active, as we’ve been seeing in the past few months especially,” he continued. “And that’s like you’re ‘cutting the grass’, just to keep stopping it from getting too long. And this is the only real strategy that they currently have in these West Bank cities.”

Israeli military officials have been clear that the operation this week was a precursor to what can be expected for future operations in Jenin. “There is a series of operations here,” the chief of the Israeli army’s Central Command, Maj. Gen. Yehuda Fox, said on Monday. “Just like we were here a week ago and two weeks ago, we will finish this operation, and we will come back in a few days or a week, and we will not allow this city of refuge for terror.”

As Israeli media pointed out, this week’s operation “had no intention of being a magic bullet” for quashing Palestinian resistance in Jenin, but rather “aimed to be the start of a restoration of Israeli deterrence.”

Essentially, Israel wants to be able to go into Jenin and other hubs of Palestinian armed resistance in the West Bank and “do what it wants,” while the Palestinian Authority, which technically rules the area of Jenin, sits aside, Iraqi said.

It’s a policy of “conflict management” and maintenance, rather than solutions, and is a “run of the mill” strategy for Israel, Iraqi said.

Israel’s mentality, in essence, Iraqi said, is “until we can find a permanent solution, our solution is to maintain the apartheid regime, military dominance, the power of the settlers, and the status quo.”

He added, however, that despite Israel’s messaging of fully erasing Palestinian resistance, what the Israeli occupation will never admit to, is the reality that this policy of “mowing the lawn” is not a deterrent for resistance, but rather serves to reinvigorate it.

“The occupation itself is what regenerates resistance. Whether it is in Gaza, Jenin, or elsewhere, the occupation is what Palestinians are fighting against; the theft of land, robbing of dignity, etc.”
THE ‘GAZAFICATION’ OF JENIN

What was most clearly demonstrated this week is the fact that Israel is drastically changing its military approach in Jenin and the West Bank, returning to a style of warfare previously used in the Second Intifada. Iraqi says that what is happening in Jenin could be understood as the “Gazafication” of Israel’s military approach to dealing with the resistance in the city.”

“We have seen that what’s happening in Gaza isn’t isolated from what’s happening in the West Bank,” Iraqi said, adding that Israel is shifting towards a more “Gaza style of management” in Jenin.

Gaza has been turned into a bantustan, with Israel using various systems of blockades and siege, making sure to keep the people in cages and controlling everything that goes in and out of the strip. When Israel feels that the military factions in Gaza are pushing the boundaries too much, the army conducts airstrikes or invades.

The airstrikes in Jenin, Iraqi said, shows “the extent to which the Israeli military is seeing Gaza as the model.” Israel is asking itself, “how do we create little Gazas in the West Bank?”

This process can also be seen, Iraqi added, in the way Israeli officials and media are talking about Jenin. By using terms like “city of refuge for terrorists” and “a hotbed of terror,” Israel is actively demonizing Jenin in the public consciousness, as a justification for its current and future invasions, and for the bombing and targeting of densely populated civilian areas, like the refugee camp. It’s the same tactics that have been used to demonize Gaza for years, Iraqi said.

“The first goal of settler-colonial regimes is to erase and expel the native population. When that is not possible, the next goal is what we are seeing as Gazafication,” Iraqi said. It’s the creation of bantustans, the concentration of centers of “unwanted Palestinians,” all while the colonial power “swallows more land and gains more control.”
MAINTAINING APARTHEID THE ULTIMATE GOAL

No matter the policy that Israel decides to use in Jenin or Gaza, the end goal is apartheid, Iraqi said.

“If expulsion isn’t possible, then maintenance of apartheid is viable and necessary. This maintenance is what gives way to the idea of mowing the lawn. If you can’t get rid of them, you can tame them,” he said.

Israel does not want a political solution, he says. And so, they resort to the idea of “constant management.”

“We see this in the way Israeli apartheid is structured. It has no new ideas, because it doesn’t want to give Palestinians any aspects of their rights. It isn’t interested in a two-state solution or real full equality. The state is entirely premised on Jewish supremacy from the river to the sea,” Iraqi said.

“Even when the army will end the operation, whether in days, hours, or weeks, we can still expect the Palestinians of Jenin to experience the military. Whether through constant raids and incursions, or through airstrikes.”

Iraqi added that while it is still too early to tell the full extent to which Israel’s military strategy will evolve in Jenin, in the end, “the occupation is going to remain” and “Palestinians are going to remain denied of their basic rights in all forms.”

 

Militant Black Unionism Offers Best Resistance to Growing White Nationalism

Organized Black labor combats the false barrier between racial and economic justice to achieve systemic change.

Thousands of SEIU 32BJ janitors from across the Mid-Atlantic region took to the streets to demand fair contracts, vowing to strike if their demands weren't met in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on September 26, 2019.

The United States economy keeps Black labor at the bottom because when bosses conceded on slavery, they settled on poverty wages. While white nationalism’s most visible soldiers are terror organizations and politicians, the quest for racial purity is made possible by Sears, General Motors, Dow Chemical, ExxonMobil, Chase Bank, and other so-called job creators. Corporate benefactors fund extremist organizations like Heritage Foundation and Americans for Prosperity. The old Confederacy sought profit through a system of white apartheid. The new confederacy moves the same way through different means.

Yankee Institute is Heritage Foundation’s operation in Connecticut. Advertising as unbiased economic experts, somehow their expertise always seems to favor the elite. Their extremist political program hides behind flowery language about “fairness for taxpayers … and an open road to opportunity.” Which taxpayers get the most opportunities won’t surprise you. Working families in Hartford, Connecticut, pay a higher percent on their income taxes than the richest of the rich down the road in Greenwich.

Tax cuts for the rich mean more wealth for Yankee Institute’s wealthy patrons. Lawmakers compromised by the elite deplete government revenue and open private markets that displace public services; or as the Yankee Institute would say, offer “limited government solutions.” Their mission is to destroy the public sector, and their goal is corporate dictatorship.

Yankee Institute’s line on markets mirrors many corporate Democrats. Our two business parties draw the line mostly according to class. The same rich donors work to elect both Democrats and Republicans loyal to capital. With exceptional privilege comes exceptional cluelessness, but some, like Connecticut’s governor, seem to genuinely believe in the merits of austerity. Blue dog democrats born into U.S. royalty, who can’t see Hartford from Greenwich, are allowing privatization to erode the general welfare.

Corporate lobbyists looking to cut public services find themselves with a problem: democracy. The question is how to cut a service when the public benefiting from it can vote. The new confederacy’s white conservative base usually gets outvoted by Connecticut’s broadly enfranchised multiracial majority, but even here, business politics still dominate, and business economics are the result.

Austerity dominates economically, but also ideologically; the goal being to turn the voting public against the public sector. Apparently new confederates know better than most Democrats about the correlation between funding and performance. Less funding makes public services less effective, and that’s exactly the point.

Austerity sets the fire, and gasoline fire extinguishers like “merit-based funding” do the rest. Despite what arsonists say, budget cuts on underfunded public institutions aren’t intended to make them succeed. After years of burning, people ask, what’s the point of a public service that isn’t serving the public? And then they vote.

That’s white capital’s way around democracy. Corporations dressed as politicians use their unprecedented wealth and power to make reality fit their lie. What follows is the public’s loss of support for its own institutions. Deftly executed white capitalist statecraft undermines the people’s will and bends it to the right.

The elite’s economic sabotage is more than that. It’s an attack on majority political power, particularly Black political power. Public sector decline weakens one of the most effective vehicles for racial and economic justice in this country: public sector unions.

The Power of Public Sector Black Labor

U.S. movements for multiracial democracy historically have Black leadership. Bishop William J. Barber leads an organization called the Poor People’s Campaign aimed at a Third Reconstruction. Their strategy starts with poor Black people and poor white people organizing to win democratic rights. It’s a strategy that’s led to victories like the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments, and those were just a warm-up.

Like any army, our united front has primary fighting forces, recruited at the point of production. In the war against the new confederacy, our side relies on controlled chaos exercised through superior numbers. Poor, working- and middle-class people of all races make up the strategic alliance that can advance the united front furthest. The process of building multiracial democracy is Black-led class struggle.

Black median income in Connecticut is 50 percent below white median income. That gap narrows to 5.4 percent for state workers. Black and Brown state workers, according to a report from Steven C. Pitts, “are more likely to be in the top third of income, enabling them to anchor stable Black and Latino communities.” Higher public sector union density is a factor, but racial and economic uplift in the public sector is the outcome of successful fights, recent and historic.

Public sector agencies in the U.S. are the largest employers of Black workers. When organized, Black labor leads workplace fights that win higher standards, the whole working-class benefits. Pitts’s report on equity among Connecticut state workers, concludes that public sector unions are “the most effective organizations struggling for racial and gender parity in the workplace and the larger society.”

Organized Black labor was instrumental in the Second Reconstruction, including the civil rights movement of the ‘50s and ‘60s. More than 40,000 union members across industries mobilized to the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Despite U.S. unions’ problem of mostly white leadership and history of discrimination, some supported Black civil rights struggles and even gave substantial resources. Unions engaged in militant racial justice fights using nonviolent direct action tactics. Workers leveraged their collective power at the point of production toward racial justice demands.

In 1969, nurses’ aides at an acute care hospital in Charleston, South Carolina, were organizing the Drug, Hospital, and Health Care Employees Union-District 1199B. Back then certified nursing assistants were called “nurses’ aides,” and like today, they were mostly Black and Brown women paid poverty wages.

The boss refused to recognize their union and fired several activists. If the workers wanted to win, it was time to escalate. After voting to strike, they walked off the job and galvanized their whole community. High school students joined the strike and even took part in civil disobedience alongside the workers. In the heart of the old Confederacy, these workers fought the false barrier between racial and economic justice.

They connected poverty wages to Southern white apartheid, understanding their fight as part of a broader Black freedom struggle. After months on the line, throats sore from chanting “Soul power!” and “I am somebody!” the boss agreed to raises, rehiring unjustly fired workers and a formal grievance process. When addressing a mass strike meeting, Coretta Scott King called the organized Black women workers “my favorite union.”

All the greatest economic progress in this country traces to organized Black workers leading multiracial fights for common good demands. Building Black-led worker organizations is a primary necessity for a Third Reconstruction program, and attacking Black organized labor is central to the new confederate strategy.

The super exploitation of Black labor is enforced through the subjugation of Black people, without which elite profit crumbles. Oppression deepens exploitation and devalues all labor relative to violently lowered standards. If Black labor is the essential basis of U.S. capitalism, it’s also the vanguard of its overthrow.

Southern slavery ended when war made abolition the only Northern option. President Abraham Lincoln only issued the Emancipation Proclamation after tens of thousands of Black workers had already freed themselves and shut down plantations. Crisis creates change.

Massive change takes massive crisis. Fighting creates situations for the enemy where meeting our demands seems better than letting the crisis continue. We only have one thing capable of sustaining a crisis on the scale of our vision. It’s our most powerful weapon, and it’s unlikely we’ll win expansion of the public sector without it.

Using the Strike and Ballot Weapons

Some public sector union organizers see a couple paths at least for generalizing the strike weapon. One is building statewide public sector union coalitions on a national scale to wage coordinated campaigns demanding the legal right to strike. Another focuses on building up the internal unity of public sector unions and emphasizing community support, so coordinated illegal strikes become winnable state by state.

The education sector, being one of the most experienced striking outside the law could offer valuable leadership in that. Since the backwardness of most public sector unions includes opposition to class struggle, any mass strike campaign will need militant progressive leadership. Defeating the right electorally is no less a priority, but nothing changes the terrain in our favor like the ability to shut down production.

A Third Reconstruction depends on lessons from the earlier two. Those attempts give us insight to fight and lead better on a federal scale. Our broad united front consists of everyone on the wrong side of the new confederacy, but without militant leadership, historically, progress is temporary.

The ballot in the hands of organized workers and poor people is a powerful weapon for progress. Electoral class struggle drove this country’s most politically progressive period when Black workers overthrew the slave system and exercised decisive governing power in the South. In 1870 and in 2023, expanding ballot access grows majority political power, which generalizes forward motion.

Sometimes after a hard fight, the ruling class retreats on democracy, but all the ground they’ve given up they’ve wanted back ever since. Our right to vote is a concession, not a guarantee. Defending progress puts us in constant battle. Every right we have started as a demand.

In 2011 the Supreme Court started eviscerating the Voting Rights Act. To balance the battlefield, a growing set of progressive forces have gone on offense. Some view the united front on a federal level as having stalled right-wing momentum, putting us in a partial stalemate with the new confederacy. Regardless, the struggle continues. Our enemy will never give an inch unless given no other choice. Everything they have is stolen. Everything we have is a victory.

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Zara Jemuel is a labor movement activist with an organizing background in health care and the public sector.

Threat or not? Elon Musk gets new hearing on tweet about Tesla workers’ stock amid UAW union effort

ASSOCIATED PRESS
BY KEVIN MCGILL
Published July 21, 2023

NEW ORLEANS (AP) — A federal appeals court Friday said it will reconsider its March ruling that Tesla CEO Elon Muskunlawfully threatened to take away employees’ stock options in a 2018 Twitter post amid an organizing effort by the United Auto Workers union.

Three judges on the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New Orleans upheld a National Labor Relations Board order to delete the tweet. The panel also upheld an order to rehire a fired Tesla employee, with back pay.

But Friday’s brief order says a majority of the court’s full-time judges have voted to hear the matter again — this time before the full court. The March ruling was vacated — snatching away, at least for now, a UAW legal victory.

The case arose amid UAW organizing efforts at a Tesla facility in Fremont, California, and years before Musk bought the platform in 2022.

On May 20, 2018, Musk tweeted: “Nothing stopping Tesla team at our car plant from voting union. Could do so tmrw if they wanted. But why pay union dues and give up stock options for nothing? Our safety record is 2X better than when plant was UAW & everybody already gets healthcare.”

The 5th Circuit panel ruled in March that “substantial evidence supports the NLRB’s conclusion that the tweet is as an implied threat to end stock options as retaliation for unionization.”

The panel also said there was evidence that the terminated employee “was fired for lying about protected union activity and not related to his job performance or Tesla’s legitimate business interests or workplace rules.”

The 5th Circuit currently has 16 full-time judges and one vacancy, pending Senate confirmation of a judge nominated by President Joe Biden.

In March, the judges that ruled on the panel were James Dennis, who was nominated to the court by former President Bill Clinton and now has part-time senior status; Leslie Southwick, nominated by former President George H.W. Bush; and Cory Wilson, nominated by former President Donald Trump.

A UAW spokesperson did not immediately respond Friday afternoon to an email query.

Tesla attorneys have argued that the March panel decision conflicted with Supreme Court and appellate court precedents regarding First Amendment free speech protections. And they said the employee in the case was properly fired for giving false information during an investigation of employee harassment.


IN HEAT AND SMOKE, WORKERS FIGHT NEGLIGENT BOSSES
This summer’s smothering air quality from Canadian wildfires is fueling class struggle, as outdoor workers demand better protections for their safety.


This photo taken on June 7, 2023 shows smoke from wildfires in Canada shrouding New York, the United States. 
Photo by Michael Nagle/Xinhua via Getty Images


BY CAITLYN CLARK
JULY 17, 2023


This story originally appeared in Labor Notes on July 12, 2023.

On June 29, the air quality in Detroit was among the worst in the world.

“Outside it smelled like burnt plastic, almost like trash,” said UAW member Cody Zaremba, who works at a General Motors plant in Lansing, Michigan. He and his co-workers were experiencing coughing, runny noses, watery eyes, and trouble breathing.

But GM didn’t even acknowledge the smoke, Zaremba said, much less offer any protection.

“Everybody just had to go about it their own way,” he said. “We can all see it and smell it. But what are we going to do about it?”

As wildfires, drought, floods, and scorching heat disrupt the supply chain, the logistics industry is starting to worry about the impact of climate change…on profits.

But workers are the ones bearing the brunt—forced to work through extreme weather events, induced by climate change, that are getting more frequent and more severe.

Wildfires in Canada this summer have spread hazardous smoke through the U.S. East Coast and Midwest. Semi-regular wildfires throughout the West Coast have produced what are now known as “fire seasons.”

Outdoor workers like those in delivery, construction, and farming are among the hardest hit. On the frontlines of the climate crisis, some workers are standing up to their employers’ negligence.

‘UPS’S PLAN WAS HOPE’


Teamsters say UPS was unprepared this summer when New York City’s Air Quality Index spiked to a record high of 484 as smoky air clogged the city.

An AQI above 300 is categorized as hazardous. Besides the immediate effects of burning eyes and coughing, particulate matter from wildfires can damage the lungs and heart, triggering asthma and heart attacks.

“The company didn’t do anything. We went out there, business as usual,” said UPS driver Basil Darling, an alternate steward in Teamsters Local 804. “It was only customers who were concerned. Customers offered me masks.”

One co-worker at his hub in Brooklyn was taken to the emergency room after working half the day in the smoke.

Local 804 members did what the company should have done—distributed KN95 masks to UPS workers in Brooklyn and Queens.

This wasn’t the first summer that UPS ignored this problem. Geoff Donnelly, a package delivery driver in Reno, was still making deliveries even after his family had packed up their belongings in preparation to flee the Caldor fire in 2021.

The fire blazed across Nevada and Northern California, burning more than 220,000 acres and lasting nearly two months before it was contained.

“UPS’s plan was hope,” said Donnelly, a Teamsters Local 533 shop steward: “We hope that the fire isn’t coming our way.”

The company lied, he said: “They told me that they had a plan, but they didn’t.” UPS handed out surgical masks, not high-quality N95s—even as the AQI shot up to a record high of almost 700 in Tahoe City, California.

DODGING OBLIGATIONS

When AQI reaches 500, under California OSHA guidelines, employers must not only offer but require employees to wear respirators such as N95 masks. But Donnelly emphasized that UPS suffers no consequences for dodging its safety obligations.

“You can say the company must provide masks or respirators, but if they don’t, there’s no penalty,” he said. “If there’s no penalty, why have the language? What good does it do?”

Like California, Oregon and Washington have passed statewide OSHA guidelines requiring the provision of respirators.

But “workers don’t just need respirators,” said Peter Dooley of the National Council for Occupational Safety and Health (COSH). “The idea that outside workers are going to be wearing respirators all day is just not realistic.”

“When you work outside, there is really no escape,” said a Postal Service (USPS) letter carrier in Washington state who asked to be anonymous and has worked through both high heat and wildfire conditions. “The actual solution is, if the AQI is 300, 500, we should just be able to go home.”

There are still no federal regulations to protect workers from heat exposure or unhealthy air quality. And since letter carriers are considered federal employees, state-specific OSHA protections don’t apply to them either.
WE KEEP EACH OTHER SAFE

Despite several years of wildfires, companies on the West Coast still lack coherent safety policies on air quality.

Jorge Torres, an electrician with IBEW Local 46, was working on wiring a new Microsoft office compound in Redmond, Washington, last year when the skies got smoky.

The general contractor told workers they could use their sick leave to take the day off if they felt unsafe, or take an unpaid day. The electrical contractor’s plan consisted of providing three face masks for nearly 20 people.

Torres called his shop steward, but was told to wait until the union hall opened at 9 a.m.—two hours later—to be advised on what to do.

Torres decided not to wait. He went around the worksite talking to fellow workers. Everyone wanted to go home, but people were apprehensive about being the first to leave.

After he rallied his co-workers one by one, all 10 workers at his building walked out together and went home. The remaining six members of the electrical crew, who were working in another building, followed their foreman out shortly after.

SAFETY WALKOUT WORKED

Torres made sure to develop a paper trail in the form of text messages to his steward, documenting his initial discomfort with the smoke as early as 7 a.m., and explaining why he and his co-workers had walked out.

“If the union takes the company’s position and tells us that it’s up to each individual, the union is telling its members that the union isn’t there for them,” Torres warned the steward. “[The contractor] can consider the crews of [the building]’s decision to perform a safety stop work as an opportunity for [the contractor] to spend the rest of the day planning out and implementing a robust and clear health and safety plan for wildfire smoke conditions.”

As he drove home, Torres received an update from a foreman—nobody would be docked sick time, and everyone would get a full day of pay. When the AQI remained dangerously high the following day, the general contractor paused work for the entire jobsite.

Other members of his local couldn’t believe they had done it. Torres attributed the surprise to a culture of “passivity, deference, a sense of inability to assert what you need or what you deserve.”

DEADLY HEAT

The dangers of unhealthy air are compounded by extreme heat, another result of climate change.

Last year, as temperatures in the Los Angeles area climbed to the high 90s, 24-year-old UPS driver Esteban Chavez Jr. collapsed in the back of his truck while working and died.

UPS workers rallied to demand fans and air conditioning instead of surveillance cameras on their trucks. In this summer’s bargaining, ahead of an August 1 strike deadline, the Teamsters have won air conditioning in new trucks and the installation of fans and heat shields in existing ones.

Meanwhile in June, 66-year-old Postal Service letter carrier Eugene Gates Jr. collapsed and died on the job in Dallas, where the heat index had reached 115 degrees that day.

According to a Public Citizen report last year, environmental heat is likely responsible for more than 170,000 work-related injuries every year and 600 to 2,000 fatalities, making it one of the leading causes of death on the job.

‘KEEP IT MOVING!’

Amonth before his death, Gates Jr. had received a disciplinary letter for what USPS calls a “stationary event.”

A stationary event occurs when a letter carrier’s scanner registers as standing still for a few minutes—there’s no announced definition of exactly how long. Supervisors harass carriers about these events and push to minimize them.

Basic safety measures any worker should take in extreme heat—stopping in the shade to cool down and drink some water—could register as stationary events.

A scanner message sent out to carriers by management in one Dallas post office, shared with local news by the union branch president, says, “BEAT THE HEAT!!! NO STATIONARY EVENTS; KEEP IT MOVING!”

During a daily “stand-up” meeting at USPS, when supervisors warned about stationary events, the Washington letter carrier quoted above spoke up, informing co-workers that the union contract bans covert surveillance and that any disciplinary action on the basis of scanner data wouldn’t hold up. A supervisor spoke over her, apparently trying to drown this information out.

The Postal Service has touted its heat safety training. But many workers report they never received the training—even though management marked them as having received it. Virgilio Goze, an officer and steward in Letter Carriers Branch 79 in Seattle, has been helping members file grievances over this.

Since postal management routinely pays out grievance penalties without changing its behavior, Goze has gotten more creative in developing remedies. Rather than taking payouts, he combined monetary remedies to get an ice machine for his station. At least it’s “something communal,” he says. “You can point to it and say, ‘We won that.’”

Public Citizen estimates that California’s heat regulations, while imperfect, have reduced injuries by 30 percent. In New York, members of Local 804 are canvassing door to door to help pass the Temperature Extreme Mitigation Program (TEMP) Act, which would require employers to guarantee access to water and shade, and increase rest times for outside workers.

Still, much more is needed. The deadly combination of rising temperatures and wildfire smoke has to be understood as “climate injustice,” says Nancy Lessin, an advisor with National COSH. “This is yet another reason why the labor movement and the climate justice movement need to come together stronger than ever, to look to the future for the kind of prevention needed.”