Sunday, October 22, 2023

Kuda Bux: The Indian magician who charmed the West with his 'X-ray eyes'

  • Published
IMAGE SOURCE,PICTURE: BRITISH PATHÉ
Image caption,
Kuda Bux writes on a board with his eyes and face covered

There's nothing spectacular about a man riding a bicycle through a crowded street.

But what if his eyes were covered with lumps of dough, thick swabs of cotton and several layers of gauze - and he had multiple layers of bandages wound tightly around his head in such a way that only his nostrils were left exposed?

Kuda Bux, who was born in Kashmir in 1905, was famous for performing this cycling feat on streets of England and Europe in the 1930s and 40s - something he claimed he was able to do because he could "see without eyes".

He headlined his magic shows "the man with X-ray eyes" and would appear to perform a mind-boggling range of activities - including reading passages from books and threading a needle - while covering his eyes in his signature style.

Bux has fascinated generations with his seemingly superhuman ability. He reportedly inspired Roald Dahl's 1977 short tale, The Wonderful Story of Henry Sugar, which has now been adapted into an eponymously-titled film by Wes Anderson.

Bux, whose original name was Khudah Bukhsh, was born in a wealthy family. In a 1952 interview with Dahl for Argosy Magazine, he spoke about being fascinated by magic after a performance by an Indian conjurer who went by the name of Professor Moor.

Two days later, he ran away from home and followed Moor to Lahore to work as his assistant at the age of 13. In the following years, he would travel through Burma (Myanmar), Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and Bombay (Mumbai), learning tricks and skills from traveling magicians, yogis and theatre artists.

He also changed his name to Professor KB Duke and then to Kuda Bux, author John Zubrzycki writes in his book Empire of Enchantment: The Story of Indian Magic.

IMAGE SOURCE,CAITLYN RENEE MILLER
Image caption,
Kuda Bux on the cover of Genii magic magazine

In May 1935, he sailed to England, where there was an appetite for magicians from the Eastern world.

"India was seen as 'the land of magic,' a perception that grew out of the writings of travellers, missionaries, merchants and historians, who visited India and wrote about their fascinating, but often embellished, encounters with street or court magicians," Mr Zubrzycki tells the BBC.

Many Indian magicians capitalised on the West's fascination with magical acts from overseas, and Bux was one of them. Even though he dressed like an Englishman, he would link his magical abilities to Eastern mysticism.

Writing about Bux in the magic magazine The Linking Ring, historian John Booth describes him as "that mysterious man from the Indian subcontinent who rode bicycles blindfolded in Paris" who had the "air of a mystic".

In England, Bux quickly rose to fame with what he called his X-ray vision act, attracting the attention of sceptics who subjected him to "tests" to check the authenticity of his abilities.

In July 1935, Harry Price - Britain's famous "ghost hunter" - and a team of doctors tested Bux's X-ray vision claims. "Price came prepared with surgical bandages, adhesive tape, pads of cotton wool and a special tie-on mask composed of two thicknesses of heavy black cotton between which was a layer of cotton wool," Mr Zubrzycki notes in his book.

After Bux successfully read from a book with the bandaging on, a doctor redid his blindfold. Bux was still able to read a handwritten note that was placed on a table behind his back.

In September 1935, Bux was put to another test, again by Price, and this ended up propelling him to fame in England and much of Europe.

In the Surrey countryside, Bux performed his fire-walking feat - the first time it was ever performed in England - in the presence of doctors, psychologists and journalists. The observers were charged with testing every aspect of the act, including Bux's feet before and after the walk, to spot any kind of trickery that might be at play.

IMAGE SOURCE,GETTY IMAGES
Image caption,
Kuda Bux performing the fire walk in 1935

A pit was dug and filled with logs of wood, charcoal, paraffin and newspapers that were set on fire. A couple of hours later, Bux walked across the glowing fire-pit not once, but four times. "There was not a suspicion of a blister" on his feet, Price noted in his book, Confessions of a Ghost-hunter.

Nine days later, and in the presence of more observers, Bux walked twice across a fire-pit hot enough to melt steel. But this time too Bux's feet remained unscathed, leading Price to hypothesise that "there was some obscure relationship between physical and mental forces that helps to make him immune from injury", Mr Zubrzycki writes.

In the interview with Dahl, Bux would claim that he survived fire-walks by "concentrating to such a degree that I see nothing but the fire, and the fire being cold".

He claimed that this "inner sense of sight" also helped him perform his "X-ray vision" feats and that he honed this sense by "concentrating the conscious mind" through exercises a yogi taught him when he was a teenager.

These involved staring at the black spot of a candle flame until "everything around him disappeared" and he could fully visualise the face of the person he loved the most - his brother.

After practising the candle exercise every night for years, Bux realised at the age of 24 that if he shut his eyes and concentrated fiercely on something, "I can see vaguely, dimly, the outline of the object I am looking at".

By the time he was 28, he could read a book blindfolded, he claimed.

IMAGE SOURCE,BRITISH PATHÉ
Image caption,
Doctors tie bandages around Bux's face for a test

Bux's claims didn't go unchallenged. Some who studied his so-called X-ray act concluded that he was peeking down the sides of his nose, says Caitlyn Renee Miller, who has written a paper on Bux. But that didn't interfere with his popularity.

Thousands flocked to watch his shows, while the press labelled him "the wonder of the century" and the "eighth wonder of the world", magician Bill Larsen notes in an article in magic magazine Genii.

Bux appeared on the first televised episode of Ripley's Believe It Or Not and even had his own TV show: Kuda Bux, Hindu Mystic.

So convincing was Bux's act that it made people believe that he could really "see without sight". Booth wrote about how one of Bux's claims, which was widely repeated by the press, led to trepidation among three female performers who were set to perform at one of Bux's shows.

Bux claimed that he had been practising to look through brick walls, which led to the women demanding dressing rooms far away from Bux.

"There is only one brick wall between us and Kuda Bux," they complained.

He eventually left London and moved to the US, where he would continue performing, including at the famous Magic Castle, a club in Hollywood.

Bux died in 1981 in Los Angeles, California. He spent his last days playing cards at the Magic Castle with magicians who - Booth notes - claimed they could beat Bux only if he didn't put on his blindfold.

Argentina election: Javier Milei, TikTok economist, leads polls

By Katy Watson, BBC South America Correspondent


Javier Milei wielded a chainsaw at one of his rallies to symbolise his plans to slash spending. Photo: AFP / Marcos Gomez

Argentina votes on Sunday local time in one of the most open presidential elections for decades. The effects of a deep economic crisis have proved fertile ground for an unorthodox far-right front-runner, with wild hair, big sideburns and a totally radical approach to ruling the country.

Javier Milei was, until recently, a relative unknown. An economist, pundit and rock fan, he came top in recent primaries and polls now put him ahead in Sunday's first round.

He is very clear about wanting to shake things up. At one campaign event, he wielded a chainsaw to send a message that he intends to slash spending to improve Argentina's economy.

"We want an outsider who actually has the guts to fight the mafias in this country," says Alejandro Lazcano, one of thousands of supporters queuing up to get a ticket to Milei's closing campaign event six hours before it started. "Who actually has the guts to be able to make the changes that are needed?"

Javier Milei, who's often compared to former US president Donald Trump, certainly claims he will. He's said he wants to blow up the central bank and introduce the dollar as the country's official currency to put an end to inflation that is running at well over 100 percent.

With Argentina teetering on the edge of economic collapse, that is a message that resonates with millions.

"Milei's mighty candidacy reflects regional anti-establishment sentiment, after a decade of sluggish growth and an economic bludgeoning from the pandemic," says Benjamin Gedan, who heads up the Wilson Centre's Argentina Project.

"Voters seem genuinely intrigued by Milei's promise to dollarise the economy. They are ready to drop the peso like a bad habit, whether or not Milei could effectively adopt the US currency."
Army of TikTok influencers

They're bold promises that are making a noise here, but go on to the streets of Buenos Aires and you'd be hard-pushed to know he even exists.

The walls and billboards are full of posters with smiling candidates asking people to vote. But none of them have Javier Milei's face on.

And that's because he's campaigning with an army of influencers, spreading his word, mostly on TikTok.

Iñaki Gutierrez is one of them - a 22-year-old law and economics student, he saw Brexit as inspiration for how to run a political campaign.

"I saw lots of campaigning on Facebook - there was a lot of money for the Leave campaign and it blew my mind in communication terms," Iñaki says.

So he went to see Javier Milei and convinced him that he needed to be on social media. Iñaki and his girlfriend have since spearheaded Javier Milei's campaign on TikTok. The couple have their own massive fan base too.

"It's changing the way people inform themselves," says Iñaki.

"You don't have to have big structures any more to do politics, to go to towns [to campaign] - you can, with a phone, reach the whole country in hours and talk to everyone."

Up against Javier Milei are Peronist Economy Minister Sergio Massa and former security minister, conservative Patricia Bullrich: two candidates from Argentina's traditional ruling classes.

"Milei's vote cuts across all socio-economic levels," according to political analyst Ana Iparraguirre.

She says these elections are not, as they so often have been in the past, about Kirchnerismo (the populist political movement formed by supporters of Nestor Kirchner and his wife Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) or Argentina's most famous and enduring political movement, Peronism.

"He's talking about a political caste against everyone else," says Ana Iparraguirre. "That's why it changed how the whole political system is organised."

Javier Milei paints himself as the outsider, one with very strong opinions: he wants to loosen gun laws and restrict abortion.

And in a recent debate, Javier Milei also disputed the widely accepted figure of 30,000 people who were disappeared during Argentina's brutal dictatorship between 1976 and 1983, arguing the number was a much lower 8,753.

"People see him as someone authentic who says what he really thinks even if what he says is politically incorrect," says Ana Iparraguirre. "I think that is a big part of why people vote for him."

But for Massa supporter Malena Haboba the future is worrying.

"Everything is at risk, even the most simple things," she says of a Milei presidency. "I'm worried about persecutions for women who choose to abort - it'll be a return to the kitchen for women."

Javier Milei's critics are trying to break down the political debate and demystify the sound bites and fake news that has come to shape so many political campaigns. And many are responding through the medium his supporters know best - TikTok.

"With our content we're trying to debunk some baseless proposals, they're just spouted in the media," says Caro, who makes videos for the TikTok account @indisciplinadxs, which was set up in response to Javier Milei's rise.

"For us, it's really important to bring Argentina's political history to the fore - the social history, economic history, to realise that what he is proposing isn't anything new, in fact it's already happened and it didn't work - and had many economic and social implications for our country."

But if the polls are right, voters don't care. As he addressed a packed stadium for his closing campaign event on Wednesday, the crowd clearly identified with this rebel politician in a well-worn leather jacket.

With their fists in the air, they energetically chanted "Freedom" in response to his campaign promises. In a country where millions struggle each and every day, the opportunity to try something radically different - no matter the uncertainty that comes with it - is appealing.

With additional reporting by Jessica Cruz

- This story was originally published by the BBC


Argentines to vote, seeking escape from economic shambles

By AFP
October 21, 2023

Political outsider Javier Milei, former security minister Patricia Bullrich, and Economy Minister Sergio Massa, are the frontrunners in the election(L to R) -

 Luis ROBAYO, JUAN MABROMATA
Fran BLANDY

Argentines head to the polls on Sunday in a presidential election dominated by fury over decades of economic decline and record inflation that has propelled political outsider Javier Milei to the front of the race.

Once one of the richest countries in the world, Argentina has stagnated in recent decades, unable to escape cycles of fiscal crises marked by debt, financial mismanagement, and inflation which now stands at 140 percent year-on-year.

With 40 percent of the population living in poverty and a middle-class brought to its knees, many voters are keen to see the back of the traditional parties they see as the architects of their misery.

“It’s total uncertainty — you never know if your rent will go up, (or) prices in the supermarket. It’s madness,” said university student Valentin Figarra, 20. “One wants to grow… but this generation is falling behind, it’s sad.”

Milei, a libertarian economist who formed his party Libertad Avanza (Freedom Advances) only in 2021, blindsided most experts and pollsters when he surged to the front of the election race, winning a primary with 30 percent of votes.

The self-described “anarcho-capitalist” with disheveled hair and a rock-star persona has lured voters with his diatribes on television and social media — where he vows to “dynamite” the central bank and ditch the peso for the US dollar.

He has run his campaign on TikTok and YouTube and showed up at live rallies with an actual powered-up chainsaw vowing to slash public spending by 15 percent.

– ‘Already broken’ –


Political science student Agustin Baletti, 22, said he will be voting for Milei because past governments have “left young people without hope.”

“Everything is already broken. Milei isn’t going to break anything.”

While Milei has topped opinion polls, these have not proved reliable in the past, and analysts say anything can happen between the three frontrunners out of five total candidates.

Charismatic Economy Minister Sergio Massa represents the ruling center-left Peronist coalition, a populist movement heavy on state intervention and welfare programs that has dominated Argentine politics for decades but has grown deeply unpopular.

Having overseen the country’s recent economic pains, he has been an easy punching bag for his rivals.

To woo voters, Massa has gone on a pre-election spending spree, slashing income tax for much of the population in a move analysts say will only make the country’s fragile financial situation worse.

To counter Milei, his government has taken pains to explain to voters what a loss of key subsidies that keep public transport and electricity, among others, dirt cheap, will mean.

– ‘Highly incompetent’ –


The other frontrunner is the stern and tough-talking Patricia Bullrich, a former security minister who has also vowed radical change from the overspending, money-printing Peronists and their strict currency controls.

Bullrich served in the government of former president Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), a pro-market, non-Peronist who failed in his promise to contain spending and took out a record $44 billion loan with the International Monetary Fund, which has bailed Argentina out 22 times despite several massive defaults.

Irene Landa, 70, a psychoanalyst said she believes Bullrich is the “most coherent” of the lot.

“Milei, to me, it would be like giving a revolver to a monkey,” Landa said. “But I think people are so fed up, so tired, that they believe in what he says.”

Voters are fed up with “politicians who have been highly corrupt, highly incompetent, who have never paid attention to something we learn in high school, that you shouldn’t spend more than you earn,” said Buenos Aires-based economist Andres Borenstein.

Argentina’s 35,8 million registered voters will be able to cast their ballots from 8am local time (1100 GMT) to 6pm (2100 GMT).

Preliminary results are expected on Sunday evening.

To avoid a runoff election on November 19, a candidate needs to win 45 percent of the vote Sunday, or 40 percent with a difference of 10 points or more over the nearest rival.

My father, the war criminal: Children of Argentina's dictatorship grapple with dark past

FRANCE 24 Eng
France 24 is a French public broadcast service.


Oct 21, 2023
Some Argentinians carry a heavy family secret. Under the country’s military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983, their fathers were police or military officers. As such, they were responsible for the disappearance of up to 30,000 people, according to human rights groups. These men have since been accused – and sometimes convicted – of crimes against humanity. After decades of living in shame and silence, some of their now grown-up children have decided to make their voices heard and recount their terrible family legacy. They call themselves "the children of those who committed genocide". 

Read more about this story in our article: https://f24.my/9sNd.y




New ‘healing’ prison in Ireland points to long history of progressive penal reform

The new women’s wing of the Limerick prison is a symbol of the view the best system is when there is the least amount of imprisonment


Ireland has formally opened the new women’s wing of the Limerick prison.

This expansion was desperately needed. The former wing was at 164% capacity, with women reportedly sleeping on mattresses on the floor of what were already inadequate conditions of a dilapidated 19th-century building.

The new build now offers space for 50 women, an increase in capacity of 78%. It also eschews the dehumanising cliches of the traditional prison environment.

Corridors follow gently bending routes into skylight-lit spaces. Rooms are painted in what has been described as a “calming colour palette” of lilac and pale blue.

The windows don’t have bars. The prisoners’ cells look like student accommodation. In place of a prison yard, there is a garden and a children’s play area.

A colourful view of a prison recreation room.
An architectural rendering of the new Limerick female prison wing. Department of Justice|Louise Brangan, CC BY-NC-ND

Like anyone in the care of the state, prisoners should expect clean and humane living conditions. More than good conditions, though, this design project has been hailed as an “architecture of hope”, providing a healing space in which the prisoners might be “thrive and flourish”.

This is not Ireland’s first experiment in progressive incarceration. My research shows that in the 1960s and 1970s, the nation cleaved to the idea that the best kind of penal system is when there is the least amount of imprisonment.

Policies to avoid imprisonment

Before the 1970s, prison policy in England and much of the western world was underpinned by a rehabilitative ambition. The idea was that by employing the likes of criminologists, social workers and psychologists, prisons could transform people and ultimately reduce crime.

In Ireland, things were a little different. The prison system was managed by the Prison Division, a small group of generalist civil servants who were unconvinced by the new prison professionals and their individuated schemes.

The Division held that prisoners were not inherently criminal. Poverty in Ireland at the time was endemic. Officials assumed that prisoners’ crimes had socio-economic, not pathological, causes.

Contrary to other nations, the Division also worried that prison was, in fact, fundamentally damaging. In 1963, Minister for Justice Charles Haughey stated in an internal memo that “the institutionalisation, psychological deterioration and disruption to family and individual life, consequent on imprisonment”, must be avoided.

This was a widely held view. During a debate on prisons in 1970, TD (member of the Irish parliament) for Fine Gail John Bruton said that prison was “basically unsuitable” as a tool for encouraging people to become responsible members of society.

An old manor house in rural Ireland.
Shelton Abbey, in County Wicklow. Wikimedia

Ireland’s humane penal reforms

It was in this sceptical spirit that the Irish government would go on to implement significant reform. In 1973, the Republic of Ireland’s first open prison, Shelton Abbey, was established in a former country manor. A maximum of 90 prisoners spent their days tending to the gardens.

In 1975, the Training Unit, the nation’s first purpose-built prison, opened on the site of Mountjoy prison in Dublin. Modernist in style, it was lauded for its semi-open regime. Its 90 prisoners wore their own clothes and came and went during the day for work and training purposes.

Perhaps the most radical of these changes was the permissive and liberal use of temporary release. Established in Ireland in 1960, this allowed an increasing number of prisoners to return home for days, weeks and sometimes permanently, serving the end of their sentence at home.

None of this was undertaken with the central ambition of reducing crime. That kind of rehabilitation was beyond the prison, they believed. The Division hoped that by being released more frequently and by having access to more engaging activities and less austere spaces, it might help prisoners develop as people, but at least it would reduce the pains of imprisonment. As an internal 1981 Prison Division report put it:

[The aim is] to equip the offender with educational, technical and social skills which will help him to turn away from a life of crime, if he so wishes. However, even if the offender on release does not turn away from a life of crime, those services can be regarded as having achieved some success if they bring about an improvement in the offender’s awareness of his responsibilities to himself, his family and the community.

Success, they concluded, was impossible to measure. Best to be lenient, first and foremost.

A black and white archival photograph of people playing sport indoors.
The recreation hall at the Training Unit. Department of Justice|Louise Brangan, CC BY-NC-ND

The damage prison causes

The temporary release system still operates today, though in a much more restricted form. As Ireland changed, so too did public and political attitudes.

By the 1990s, it was felt that prisons in Ireland should do a little more confining and a little less releasing. In 1995, 21% of prisoners served their sentence on temporary release, that figure has now dropped to 9%.

In the decades since these innovative regimes were instituted, a formidable body of research has amassed, proving that the Prison Division’s scepticism of imprisonment’s benefits was well founded.

Being deprived of liberty and cut off from society puts a person at greater risk of poor mental health, homelessness and poverty after imprisonment. It also contributes, as research in Scotland has found, to a greater risk of dying prematurely.

Prison officials in the 1960s and 1970s saw incarceration as inescapably repressive – a site of harm for individuals, their communities and the wider society. Their bold new policies (open facilities; the temporary release scheme) sought to reduce the use and impact of the prison. The Irish Prison Division thought the prison was the problem, not the prisoners.

Limerick’s new women’s unit embodies the opposite idea: that prison can fix damaged prisoners and help reduce crime, all while expanding the size of the prison estate.

The Prison Division was right. Humane penal policy has to be about much more than buildings, design and physical spaces. Using incarceration sparingly – cautiously, leniently – is better for individuals and society at large.

Louise Brangan, Chancellor’s Fellow | Senior Lecturer, University of Strathclyde

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

 bitcoin crypto bullets

Bullets And Bitcoin: Financing Conflict – Analysis


By 

By Sauradeep Bag

Cryptocurrency’s role in the ever-evolving arena of geopolitics is a narrative imbued with intricate complexities. Especially given the state of flux and turmoil in the current world order, this narrative often evokes concern and not optimism. The Russia-Ukraine conflict brought focus on the intricate relationship between cryptocurrency and global affairs, a connection far from straightforward.

A similar trend is now emerging in the Israel-Palestine conflict. The ongoing and intensifying Israel-Palestinian conflict poses vital questions: What are the financial mechanisms behind such contentious actions? And how deeply are cryptocurrencies involved in such an intricate puzzle?

Digital coins on the battlefield

The war in Ukraine saw cryptocurrency playing a central role. Over US$ 212 million in crypto donations have flowed into pro-Ukrainian efforts, including US $80 million directly to the Ukrainian government. These funds have supported various war-related needs, from protective gear to medical supplies, thanks to the rapid and decentralised nature of cryptocurrencies.

Similarly, unravelling the funding sources behind recent attacks by Hamas in Gaza has brought the role of cryptocurrency into the spotlight. Investigations have shed light on the substantial inflow of cryptocurrencies to groups active in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, including HamasPalestinian Islamic Jihad, and Hezbollah. These revelations have raised questions about the extent to which cryptocurrency is aiding these groups in their operations.

An extensive analysis unveiled that the Palestinian Islamic Jihad received an astounding US$ 93 million in cryptocurrency between August 2021 and June of this year. Meanwhile, Hamas managed to secure US$ 41 million in cryptocurrency funding between August 2021 and June 2023.

In January 2019, Hamas, through its military arm, the Al-Qassam Brigades (AQB), began using cryptocurrency for fundraising. They launched a social media campaign to support their militant activities. Initially, Bitcoin donations were modest, totalling only a few thousand dollars over a few months. They shared Bitcoin-related infographics and a donation address on social media, rapidly receiving about US$ 900 within a day, although the source of these funds remained unverified. Most donations were small, with a few larger contributions. They posted an additional Bitcoin address, accumulating over US$ 2,500 worth of Bitcoin in less than a week.

The move towards crypto assets may have been driven by the group’s search for alternative fundraising avenues, particularly in response to previous counter-terrorism financing measures targeting their use of traditional banking and money remittance sectors. Hamas heavily relied on social media for outreach, particularly after their television station almost ceased broadcasts in December 2018 following Israeli Defense Forces airstrikes and financial crises. The cost-effectiveness of using social media for Bitcoin crowdfunding was a significant advantage.

In the summer of 2021, amid escalating conflict with Israel, AQB witnessed a significant surge in crypto donations, accumulating more than US$ 73,000 in Bitcoin donations in a matter of days. By July 2021, AQB’s wallets held over US$ 7.7 million worth of crypto assets, including Bitcoin, the Tether stablecoin, and other cryptocurrencies like Ether, Tron, and Dogecoin.

However, Israel identified 84 crypto wallets controlled by AQB, leading to orders for the seizure of the funds held within them. Subsequently, in April 2023, Hamas announced its decision to halt crypto donations, recognising the vulnerability of using cryptocurrencies to fund their activities, as the transparency of the blockchain allowed for tracking illicit funds, facilitating the successful freezing of assets held by terrorist groups.

Around the same time, crypto transactions received by the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), another US-designated terrorist organisation in the region, also dwindled. This suggested that groups involved in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict had abandoned cryptocurrency as a fundraising tool, realising the risk associated with its use.

The AQB also saw millions of dollars in cryptocurrency transfers, including Bitcoin, the stablecoin tether, and even Dogecoin. Despite the economic isolation experienced by Gaza under Hamas rule, funding for these groups has come from multiple sources, including private donors in the Gulf region, with Iran being one of the prominent financial backers, providing an estimated US$ 100 million annually. Qatar and Türkiyé have also supported Hamas financially, further illustrating the multifaceted nature of these groups’ funding mechanisms.

The adoption of cryptocurrency by such organisations adds a layer of complexity to the challenge of terrorism financing, necessitating ongoing efforts to address this evolving landscape. More often than not, such transactions have a confusingly circuitous route.

Following the money trail to India 

Intriguingly, an Indian crypto heist in 2022 unravelled a startling connection to Hamas. In its initial stages, the case revolved around the questionable transfer of cryptocurrencies—Bitcoins, Ethereum, and Bitcoin Cash—valued at approximately INR 30 lakhs, all originating from a cryptocurrency wallet in India.

As investigators ventured down the cryptocurrency rabbit hole, unexpected revelations unfolded. The trail led to wallets linked with the AQB. Intriguingly, some of these wallets had previously fallen under the scrutiny of Israel’s National Bureau for Counter-Terror Financing, leaving no stone unturned.

In a swift response, Israel acted decisively, freezing the cryptocurrency accounts tied to Hamas and channelling the funds toward the state treasury. Notably, while cryptocurrencies had been a favoured fundraising channel for Hamas, the group, under increasing scrutiny, recently decided to halt accepting Bitcoin donations.

Double-edged sword

The intersection of cryptocurrencies and global conflicts has illuminated the dual nature of this innovative financial landscape. On one hand, the Ukraine conflict showcased the remarkable agility of crypto in enabling rapid emergency fundraisingand promoting the potential of decentralised finance, non-fungible tokens, and decentralised autonomous organisations. However, this bright side is marred by the shadows cast by pro-Russian entities accepting crypto for potentially heinous purposes.

The Israel-Palestine conflict is multifaceted, with deep-seated issues related to nationality, politics, territory, culture, and religion. As the world confronts these intricacies, the ongoing tug-of-war between security and innovation continues to advance.




About the author: Sauradeep Bag is an Associate Fellow at Observer Research Foundation

Source: The article was published by Observer Research Foundation


Observer Research Foundation

ORF was established on 5 September 1990 as a private, not for profit, ’think tank’ to influence public policy formulation. The Foundation brought together, for the first time, leading Indian economists and policymakers to present An Agenda for Economic Reforms in India. The idea was to help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.