Monday, November 27, 2023

GAZA WAR
Media giants’ tattered credibility
DAWN
Published November 26, 2023 


THE credibility of global media organisations such as the BBC, CNN, SkyNews and even progressive newspapers such as the UK’s Guardian appears to be in tatters as their editorial policies were found seriously wanting in the aftermath of Israel’s massively disproportionate response to the Hamas’s break-out last month from Gaza and attack on Israel that killed 1,200 people, including some 400 soldiers.

Hamas militants also took some 250 hostages from Israel back to Gaza with them as, they said, they needed leverage to secure the release of some of the 8,000 Palestinians in Israeli jails, over 1,000 of whom, mostly women and children, have never been charged and are detained — I’d say held hostage — on what are called ‘administrative orders’.

Israel’s enraged and blind carpet bombing of Gaza City and other northern parts of the Strip has seen a staggering 14,000 Palestinians killed, over 60 per cent of them women and children, while Western powers led by the US and dutifully followed by UK, Germany and others supported Israel’s mass murder, even genocide, by saying it was exercising its right to self-defence.


To start with, tragically, many of these organisations mirrored their governments’ view that see­m­­ed to suggest that the root of the Middle East conflict dated back to Oct 7, 2023, and not as far back as the Nakba in 1948 that saw the mass expulsion of Palestinians from their ancestral land.


Even colleagues are seen as children of a lesser god by some of our Western media outlets.

Since their own governments were endorsing the Israeli occupiers’ view, the media organisations ended up echoing the latter’s propaganda. Take, for example, the numbers of those killed in Gaza, which was always attributed to the ‘Hamas-controlled’ health authority, so as to create doubt about them. This when, from Amnesty International to Human Rights Watch to smaller organisations working in Gaza, all said Hamas figures were always accurate and not dodgy at all. Ironically, the only figure that was revised was the initial Israeli figure of 1,400 killed by Hamas to 1,200. The initial number as well as the revised one has been carried by the media without any attribution except for the day the revision happened.

This revision happened because the Israelis said that some of the charred bodies recovered from the kibbutz that Hamas attacked were assumed to be those of Israelis, but later, forensics tests and analyses made clear those belonged to Hamas fighters.

Despite this admission, the global media did little to cover stories on credible websites, even an eyewitness testimony on Israeli radio that Israeli tanks had fired at houses where Hamas were holding Israelis hostage and many died in such explosions and the resultant raging fires.

Similar treatment was reserved for Israeli Apache (gunship) helicopter pilots’ statements, in which one reserve lieutenant-colonel said they were following the ‘Hannibal directive’ whereby they fired at any vehicle they suspected of carrying hostages.

You only have to google some of these instances to learn more but you can be sure very little of it would have figured in Western mainstream media. This is not to say for a moment that Hamas militants did not attack, kill and take Israelis hostage, among them soldiers, civilians, elderly women and children. They did.

Also, look at the coverage of Israel’s targeting of journalists and their families in Gaza. Declan Walsh, the respected New York Times journalist, in a tweet called our Gaza colleagues ‘titans’ of the profession. They disregarded the danger to their lives and reported on the Gaza genocide.

You may have read/heard of the killing of the family of the stoic Al Jazeera correspondent in Gaza. But, like me, you’d have learnt of the targeted killing of at least 60 journalists by Israel and some of their families in precision bombing runs by the occupation air force via social media. Even colleagues are seen as children of a lesser god by some of our Western media outlets.

With Israel’s wanton targeting of the civilian population in Gaza and the images of slaughtered, bloodied babies reaching the world only because of the heroic and selfless reporting by our valiant colleagues, the tide of blind Western governmental support to the genocidal ultra-right wing Netanyahu-led government is slowly turning.

The Spanish and Belgian prime ministers have categorically said enough is enough. Spain’s Pedro Sánchez appointed a Valencian-born Palestinian with family in the West Bank to his cabinet. Sira Abed Rego is on record saying after Oct 7 that Palestinians have the right to defend themselves against occupation. Sánchez has called Israel’s response excessive and called for a two-state solution, while vowing to recognise Palestine.

Opinion polls in the US and UK are suggesting that parties and candidates who have given Israel carte blanche to carry out mass murder in Gaza are alienating a chunk of their voters. Given Joe Biden’s slim victory margin over Donald Trump in the last presidential election, if he does not address his ‘pro-ceasefire’ voters’ concerns and wins them back by this time next year, he will be in serious trouble.

Israel and its Western supporters both in and out of government, bring to bear enormous pressure on the media. It takes steadfast, surefooted editors and those running editorials in various organisations to steer a path based purely on objective considerations. Impartiality is vital to the long-term credibility and, therefore, good health of the media in a highly competitive marketplace.

As it is, social media is making inroads into the monopolistic space enjoyed by traditional media, and though each one of us has often complained about the volume of toxicity on social media platforms, there are many around the world who are grateful for these in this case because without them, perhaps, the full horror of the Gaza genocide may not have emerged.

Despite large and established media organisations’ dereliction of duty, notwithstanding occasional flashes of brilliance by conscientious journalists breaking their shackles and reporting facts, it was largely social media platforms that helped stem the tide and even turn it somewhat.

If we’re lucky we’ll see traditional media following suit for self-preservation, if nothing else.

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
abbas.nasir@hotmail.com


Published in Dawn, November 26th, 2023

Villain of the piece

Muhammad Ali Siddiqi 
DWN
Published November 28, 2023 

A news item in Dawn’s issue of Oct 13 wasn’t really needed. It informed the readers that Britain had decided to send two naval ships and surveillance aircraft to the eastern Mediterranean to “support Israel and regional stability”.

As history tells us, if there is any country that is solely and unequivocally responsible for the slaughter that is going on in Gaza, it is Britain. By issuing the Balfour Declaration and handing over Palestine to the Jewish minority, Britain paved the way for the massacre happening now and has been ongoing since 1917, not just in the “Eastern Mediterranean” but also between the “river and the sea”, for that is how the Palestinians identify their country — from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean.

In elaborating the Balfour criminality, and dwelling on the crafty language, where every clause was duplicitous, I will be taking readers along the beaten track which scholars have traversed for more than a century.

There will be nothing new in what follows but it deserves to be repeated as long as Palestine remains in bondage. The most farcical part of the declaration is an ‘appeal’ that “nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country”.

Normally, it is a majority to which pleas are made for safeguarding the interest of a minority, but here a minority — the Jewish minority — is being requested to safeguard the interests of the non-Jewish majority.

Over a century ago, Britain paved the way for the Gaza killings.

In 1917, the Jews formed six per cent of the Palestinian population. However, if you include foreign settlers, especially German who had settled in Palestine because of the friendly relations between the Ottoman and Germanmpires, the Jewish population comprised 13pc.

This means it had already been decided that Palestine would be turned into a Jewish majority territory under the British Mandate. (‘Mandate’ needs a separate discussion). In this appeal to a minority, concern is being expressed for the “civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities [read: Arabs] in Palestine”.

Here the words “political rights” have been avoided, but when it comes to the followers of the Judaic faith, the declaration makes clear that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the “rights and political status [emphasis added] enjoyed by Jews in any other country”.

The declaration was made in the form of a letter by British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour to Lord Rothschild, who was requested by Balfour to “bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation”. (Incidentally, it was also a Rothschild who in the 19th century had given money to British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli to purchase shares of the Suez Canal).

Having secured Palestine by defeating the Turks militarily, Britain’s task was how to handle(read: dispose of) Hussain bin Ali, the Sharif (governor) of Makkah, who had revolted against Turks under the leadership of T.E. Lawrence and was now waiting for Britain to fulfil its promise and make him the king of the Ottoman Empire’s Arab territories. That he expected Palestine to be part of his kingdom was never accepted by Britain, because the British government insisted that they never promised Palestine to Hussain.

Getting rid of the former governor of Makkah was less problematic, because Abdul Aziz bin Saud knew well the British wanted Hussain out of the picture. The Saudis obliged, captured the Hejaz and made Hussain run. As a sop, however, Britain made one of his sons, Faisal, king of Iraq and Abdullah the king of a newly created country called Jordan.

Even though they installed two of Hussain’s sons as kings, Britain said they would stay on in Iraq because they had been given a mandate by the League of Nations to do so in order to prepare the natives for governance. Sidekick France applied the same principle with some variation and gobbled up Syria after taking Lebanon away from Syria and creating a country.

This was all part of the infamous Sykes-Picot treaty which Britain and France had kept secret to cheat their Arab allies.

That the spirit of the Balfour Declaration is alive was to be seen on London streets 106 years later when police warned pro-Palestinian demonstrators that anyone “showing support” for Hamas could be arrested.

The naval ships which Britain sent to the Eastern Mediterranean were of no military value; they were meant to remove any misgivings Israel and the powerful Zionist lobby back home might have with regard to Britain’s continued loyalty to Israel

It is America which is now Israel’s guardian angel; in reality though America has to obey what the powerful Zionist lobby in the US — nay in the West — orders.

The writer is Dawn’s external ombudsman and an author.
Published in Dawn, November 28th, 2023


Neocolonial agenda

Javid Husain
DAWN
Published November 25, 2023

UNDENIABLY, Israel was created primarily as an outpost of the US-led West in the heart of the Middle East for serving a neocolonial agenda aimed at projecting power in the region and maintaining a stranglehold on energy resources and vital trade routes.


The Zionist movement indeed played its role in the establishment of Israel. However, this goal would have remained a mere dream but for the political, military, and economic support of the US and other Western countries.

It was for this reason that the West, despite its strong commitment to the goal of nuclear non-proliferation, looked the other way while Israel was engaged in the development of its nuclear-weapon programme. It is against this background that the recent tragic developments in Gaza and the West Bank need to be analysed.

World War II, which caused unprecedented loss of human life and material destruction, also led to the unintended result of the dismantling of European colonial empires, resulting in the emergence of the former colonies as independent countries in Asia and Africa in the exercise of the right of self-determination of their peoples.

Thereafter, Western countries resorted to the use of political, economic, cultural, and covert means to control the policies of liberated countries and exploit their resources, giving rise to an era of neocolonialism. This phenomenon in different ways continues to inform the policies of the US-led West in its dealings with the Global South.

Developments in Gaza cannot be viewed in a vacuum.

The Middle Eastern countries, many of which had remained under the British and French control in the aftermath of World War I, have, in particular, been the victims of the neocolonial policies of the US-led West.

The US desire to dominate the region was reflected in the overthrow of the government of the Iranian prime minister Mohammad Mosaddegh in 1953, support to Israel’s expansionism in and military occupation of Palestinian territories, its policies of ‘divide and rule’ in the Middle East, its overt and covert interventions in the region, and its military bases in various Middle Eastern countries.

It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the US was the first country in 1948 to recognise Israel, which is viewed by the US-led West as the most important asset for the protection of its interests in the Middle East. Additionally, Israel serves as an outpost of the Western civilisation in the region.

A recent example of the US support to Israel was the vote in the UN General Assembly last month on a resolution calling for an “immediate, durable and sustained humanitarian truce” in Gaza to provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.

The resolution was adopted by 121 votes in favour, 14 against and 44 abstentions. It is noteworthy that the US was among the small minority of nations which voted against the resolution.

Developments in Gaza cannot be viewed in a vacuum, as rightly pointed out by the UN Secretary General. The Hamas attack of Oct 7 was the direct consequence of the suffocating military occupation of Gaza by Israel for 56 years.

Israel’s genocidal response, which has inflicted collective punishment on the people of Gaza through indiscriminate bombings, military raids, and restrictions on the provision of humanitarian assistance, amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity, besides being a blatant violation of international humanitarian law. Israel must be held accountable for the thousands of Palestinian civilians, including women and children martyred and the huge material destruction caused in Gaza by its criminal assaults.

The need of the hour is for the international community to take steps to provide badly needed humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza, and initiate the process for a just peace settlement between Israel and the Palestinians.

While a four-day truce is in place now, it is a pity that the US and some other Western countries prevented the UN Security Council from ordering an immediate ceasefire, betraying their double standards in dealing with human rights and humanitarian issues. However, it is not surprising, considering the umbilical relationship between Israel and the Western neocolonialism under the US leadership.

It remains to be seen whether the rest of the international community, especially the Arabs and the Muslim world, can generate enough pressure on the US-led West to modify its position in the right direction.

Unfortunately, the chances of that happening anytime soon are remote, primarily because of the weakness and disunity of the Muslim world as reflected in the irresolute outcome of the recent OIC-Arab League summit.

The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder — A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.
javid.husain@gmail.com


Published in Dawn, November 25th, 2023

Smog season

Umair Javed 
DAWN
Published November 27, 2023



LARGE parts of Pakistan are currently engulfed by toxic air, amounting to nothing short of a public health catastrophe. The onset of ‘smog season’, Pakistan and north India’s substitute for autumn and early winter, seems to be worsening with each passing year, and cities in the region regularly top the charts for the worst air quality anywhere in the world.


For the first few smog seasons, public authorities chose not to pay much attention, instead highlighting their own ‘data’ that showed the air wasn’t actually as poisonous as environmentalists were making it out to be. Once this make-believe data was thoroughly debunked, authorities gradually stepped into action with a range of seemingly haphazard measures.

Clampdown on stubble burning during the Kharif season has reportedly produced some results. Data shared by environmental policy specialist Dawar Butt shows that till Nov 20, crop fires in Pakistani Punjab were down by nearly 60 per cent compared to the average for this period between 2016 and 2020.

Some of the punitive and administrative measures taken by local officials have induced behavioural change in farming populations, thus contributing to lower frequency of crop burning.


However, clamping down on crop burning addresses a relatively small segment of the problem, given the widespread and multifaceted nature of poor air quality. The fact of the matter is that crop fires only emerge ahead of winter sowing, while air quality is poor pretty much the year round. It becomes more visible during the last quarter of the calendar year because of changes in climatic and meteorological conditions.


Given what needs to be done to clean up Pakistan’s air, the scale of the task is daunting.

To date, all existing work on toxic air quality in Pakistan has shown that vehicular emissions are a central part of the problem. Even when smog is not functionally visible, air quality indicators continuously show high levels of particulate matter and toxicity. This means that any interventions designed to clean up the air will also have to address these year-round causes, rather than just tackling time-bound issues.

A recent article by Pakistani scientists Abdullah Bajwa and Hassan Sheikh, based at Oxford and Cambridge respectively, in the journal Air does a comprehensive job of summarising the literature and evaluating the contribution of road transport to urban air pollution.

Their analysis of existing source apportionment studies shows that vehicular emissions are responsible for anywhere between a third to more than half of poor air quality, depending on the parameters of evaluation.

While existing research may be insufficient to provide more precise estimates, there is a general consensus among environmentalists that a) vehicle emissions are a major part of the problem, and b) within emitting vehicles, two- and three-wheelers are likely responsible for most of the issue.

As per the authors mentioned, “The emissions profile presented for Pakistan’s urban automotive fleet identifies two-/three-wheelers, almost all of which are carburetted and a significant fraction are powered by 2SC engines, as the largest (36-64 per cent) vehicular pollution source.

High sulphur content in fuel (especially diesel) and lube oil, poorly tuned and maintained engines that burn rich, and lack of exhaust after-treatment systems are recognised as reasons for Pakistan’s disproportionately high vehicular emissions.“

Given what needs to be done to clean up Pakistan’s air, the scale of the task is daunting for several political and institutional reasons. It is true that many cities around the world have cleaned up their air, contributing to better public health outcomes for their citizens.

London, Chicago, Los Angeles, and a host of other Western cities have all done remarkably well on this front. Closer to home, the example of Chinese cities and their ability to improve domestic environmental conditions over the preceding three decades is frequently cited as an example worthy of emulation.

The issue of using China as a model for environmental policies is a complex one. Recent analyses by environmental economist Dr Sanval Nasim identifies exactly why: China is a high-capacity, well-resourced state, with a bureaucracy and local governance apparatus that can take a range of difficult, often very costly, steps to control local populations.

Given the political system in China, administrators have the capacity to absorb political and social blowback with little consequences. Simply put, they have a centralised, disciplined governance apparatus that can successfully ban old vehicles, sanction polluters, impose heavy fines etc.

While no system is entirely free from leakages, the Chinese have the ability to coordinate across multiple governing tiers and departments to produce desired outcomes.

The Pakistani state, on the other hand, is a low-capacity state with limited infrastructural power, ie, it has reduced the ability to coordinate across multiple state and societal actors; has a hard time getting orders implemented; and suffers from leakages and resource constraints that limit the effectiveness of field officers tasked with implementing legislation and policy directives. In other words, punitive and administrative steps to evaluate engine fitness, stop polluting vehicles or banning two-stroke engines from the road are unlikely to succeed.

Should Pakistanis then wait for a high-capacity, more disciplined governing system to emerge before thinking about a resolution to the smog issue? It is a luxury that citizens of the country unfortunately do not have.

Instead, as part of his analysis, Dr Nasim identifies pricing-based interventions for the short to medium term, such as congestion charges and subsidies that can help make transitions to better, cleaner technologies possible.

Ultimately, though, the issue of poor air quality can only be resolved by taking polluting vehicles off the road and by offering citizens the opportunity to meet their mobility requirements through public transport. And, unfortunately for Pakist­anis, progress on the latter seems to have stalled, with billions, instead, continuously being spent on private-vehicle-supporting infrastructure in cities such as Lahore.

With no change in priorities on this front, citizens will have to bear the toxic brunt of smog seasons for the foreseeable future.

The writer teaches politics and sociology at Lums.
X: @umairjav


Published in Dawn, November 27th, 2023
A billion Indians minus the four
DAWN
Published November 28, 2023






ELECTIONS are underway in five Indian states. The BJP lost all five last time, though it has created the impression that it won the round hands down. Many see the races as the pre-finals before the general elections due in six months. Prime Minster Narendra Modi is seeking a third successive term and the BJP has cast the net wide, with its standard blend of religious polarisation, caste-based promises and claims of glitzy development.

The BJP faces the centrist Congress one on one in three states of the five — Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh — while in Telangana and Meghalaya the two national parties must challenge or woo local satraps. Though the BJP lost all five races, it wrested power in Madhya Pradesh after engineering defections from the Congress, which otherwise had a clear majority. The BJP also outfoxed the Congress by shoring up a coalition with local parties in Meghalaya where it secured all of two seats in the 60-member assembly!

Apart from its humongous financial clout, and its honed street power, albeit mostly in states it rules, the BJP has another arrow in its quiver — the federal police and tax sleuths that raid opposition leaders. It has all but decapitated the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) — which came to power on a platform of fighting corruption — with the arrest of key ministers from the Delhi government for alleged graft.

A criminal probe has been initiated against Mahua Moitra, the articulate opposition woman MP from West Bengal. Charges of corrupt practices against her are widely seen as spurious and contrived. A BJP MP has accused her of asking questions in the Lok Sabha on behalf of a businessman and taking money for it. A BJP-led house committee investigated the matter and recommended her removal as MP.

The BJP is whipping up a polarised campaign ahead of next month’s proposed inauguration of the Ram temple.

Ms Moitra and AAP ministers are leading voices in targeting tycoons close to Mr Modi, together with Rahul Gandhi of the Congress. He too was expelled from Lok Sabha for allegedly slurring the name ‘Modi’. The supreme court restored his membership although the case continues.

Gandhi, Moitra and AAP leaders are ferociously critical of Mr Modi’s proximity with the Adani Group. On the media front too, journalists filing unflattering reports on Gautam Adani have been targeted and threatened with arrest. A senior executive and the editor of the NewsClick news portal are currently in jail over allegations of accepting money from a businessman of Indian origin considered close to China. NewsClick has led a sustained campaign against crony capitalism, which it says deeply benefits the Adani Group.

On the communal front, the BJP is whipping up a polarised campaign ahead of next month’s proposed inauguration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, built at the site of the destroyed Babri Masjid. The BJP government in Uttar Pradesh has unleashed a range of measures to provoke communal backlash from Muslims, a pleasure thus far happily denied. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s government recently placed a ban on food products carrying the label of ‘halal’. It frowns on meat-eating even as many Hindus eat meat and eggs, foods shunned by puritans among them. A ‘halal’ label, in any case, not only enables practising Muslims to identify the food permitted by their religion, but also cautions Sikhs and other communities that avoid ‘halal’ food prohibited by their religion. The halal ban order wouldn’t stand scrutiny in a court of law, but it’s enough to create distractions from what are counted as Mr Modi’s failures in 10 years of his rule.

Another distraction is the proposal to rename Aligarh town, host to the fabled Aligarh Muslim University, to a Hinduised ‘Harigarh’. This is part of the campaign to change names of cities and avenues with a Muslim connection to Hindu names — Allahabad to Prayagraj, Mughalsarai Junction to Deen Dayal Upadhyaya station. Aurangzeb Road in New Delhi, where Mohammed Ali Jinnah had his classy home, is, however, Abdul Kalam Road, after the Muslim nuclear scientist.

Despite its indifferent electoral grades in recent years, the Congress party alone commands a reach right across the country, from the north to the south, and east to west. The BJP on its part is struggling to get a toehold in the south, and the northeast barring Assam. The pivotal role for the Congress in the newly minted INDIA opposition alliance in the campaign is to depose the Modi government in May thus makes the current state elections important.

The Congress has undergone a notable change from its pro-business Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh days to become a strong voice against the intrusive role for businesses in politics. It has also adapted to a new focus on social justice triggered by a caste census carried out by allies in power in Bihar. That’s a worry for Mr Modi whose claims of representing Hindu interests have been gobsmacked by revelations in the census.

Consider the example of four men who died in Gujarat in a septic tank that they were cleaning for a living when the rest of the state and the country were glued to TV sets, watching a cricket tournament. The headline after the finals said Australia broke a billion hearts in defeating India. A billion minus the four, perhaps, would have been a truer description. What should worry the BJP more is that of the four men, three were Hindus and the fourth a Muslim.

This was not a stand-alone tragedy as manual scavenging, although illegal, is rampant in states like Gujarat. There have been deaths in septic tanks in Ahmedabad too. What the tragedy illustrates is that Hindus are being exploited remorselessly by their own spokesmen. It also shows that Muslims are equal victims in the deeply unjust system. Here the picture of Modi hugging Indian bowler Mohammed Shami may not yield political dividends, even if it makes an unusual statement of the Muslim-baiting prime minister embracing a Muslim cricket star.

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
jawednaqvi@gmail.com


Published in Dawn, November 28th, 2023
BALOCHISTAN/PAKISTAN
Sit-in against Turbat ‘killings’ enters fifth day

Behram Baloch 
Published November 28, 2023 

QUETTA: The sit-in against the alleged extrajudicial killing of Balaach Mola Bakhsh entered the fifth day on Monday as no headway was made in talks between protesters and authorities.


All shops remained closed due to a shutter down strike as family members, along with supporters of the Baloch Yakjehti Council (BYC) and political parties, held sit-ins at the D-Baloch China-Pakistan Economic Corridor road linking Turbat to Karachi and other areas, suspending all kinds of traffic.

The family members are holding the sit-in with the victim’s body.

The FIR into the killing, ordered by the Turbat session judge on Friday, has yet to be registered.

Baloch Yakjehti Council leaders and victim’s family members alleged that Najma Baloch, Mr Bakhsh’s sister, was taken to an unknown place by officials of the Kech District Council chairman’s office for talks.

“There was no contact as her mobile phone remained silent for many hours,” they alleged and added that on her return, Ms Baloch claimed that authorities were pressuring her to call off the sit-in and bury her brother.

The participants have, however, refused to call off the sit-in until the FIR was registered and a judicial inquiry was announced into the alleged extrajudicial killing of Mr Bakhsh in CTD custody.

“We will not come under any pressure to end the protest,” vowed BYC leaders.

They announced a complete shutter down and wheel jam strike across Makran division on Tuesday (today) and urged traders and transporters to observe the strike.

Published in Dawn, November 28th, 2023
Pro-Khalistan activists heckle Indian envoy in New York

DAWN
Published November 28, 2023 

WASHINGTON: Pro-Khalistan activists heckled the Indian ambassador to the United States, Taranjit Singh Sandhu, during his visit to a gurdwara in New York, forcing him to leave.

Viral videos showed activists confronting Ambassador Sandhu and making statements about attacks on Sikh activists Hardeep Singh Nijjar and Gurpatwant Singh Pannun.

Mr Sandhu visited the Gurunanak Darbar Gurdwara in Long Island, New York, on Sunday to participate in Gurpurab celebrations — the most important festival for the followers of the religion of Sikhism.



Nijjar was assassinated in the parking lot of a Sikh temple in British Columbia on June 18, 2023. In September, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau blamed India for the assassination.

Last week, the Financial Times reported that Washington recently thwarted another Indian plot to assassinate Pannun as well.

On Wednesday, the White House announced it was treating the reported assassination attempt on American soil “with utmost seriousness” and has raised the issue with the Indian government “at the senior-most levels”.

Videos from the Gurdwara show protesters chanting slogans against India’s attempt to suppress the Sikh movement. One protester can also be seen raising the Khalistani flag as the ambassador was leaving the Gurdwara.

“Ambassador Sandhu aborted his visit and fled the Hicksville Gurdwara in haste, embarrassed and without answering the questions raised by the pro-Khalistan Sikhs about his role in the assassination attempts,” Mr Pannun said in a statement.

“From the incoherent answers of… the fleeing ambassador” it was obvious that India was “using mercenaries to stop the Khalistan referendum voting,” he added.

“Despite India’s attempt to assassinate me, Khalistan referendum voting will continue, and the American phase is going to start from January 28, 2024, in San Francisco, California,” he said.

The activists asked the Indian ambassador if he was also involved in the failed bid to assassinate Pannun.

Himmat Singh, who leads pro-Khalistan Sikhs at the Gurdwara, claimed that New Delhi had assassinated Mr Nijjar. The slain Sikh leader was the president of Surrey Gurdwara in Canada and the coordinator for the Canadian chapter of Khalistan Referendum.

“I only wanted answers from Ambassador Sandhu as to why India is using violence to stop the global Khalistan Referendum voting,” said Himmat Singh, who heads the East Coast Coordination Committee.

Published in Dawn, November 28th, 2023

India's envoy to US Taranjit Singh Sandhu visits Gurudwara in New York, Khalistan supporters heckle him

Sandhu received a warm welcome at the Hicksville Gurdwara against the perceived notion of opposition from Khalistanis

PTI New York Published 27.11.23

Sandhu, accompanied by Consul General in New York Randhir Jaiswal and Deputy Consul General Varun Jeph, highlighted growth in the India-US partnership, whether in the healthcare, energy, IT, new emerging technologies, semiconductor or education sectors.
X/ @SandhuTaranjitS


India's Ambassador to the US, Taranjit Singh Sandhu, offered prayers at a gurudwara in Long Island in New York on the occasion of Gurpurab where a group of Khalistani supporters heckled him but were escorted out by members of the Sikh community.


"Privileged to join the local Sangat, including from Afghanistan, at Guru Nanak Darbar of Long Island in celebrating Gurpurab- listened to Kirtan, spoke about Guru Nanak’s everlasting message of togetherness, unity, & equality, partook langar, and sought blessings for all,” Sandhu said in a post on X on Sunday.



Sandhu received a warm welcome at the Hicksville Gurdwara against the perceived notion of opposition from Khalistanis. A few nuisance makers tried to heckle him but were escorted out by members of the Sikh community, sources said.

In his remarks at the gurudwara, Sindhu assured members of the Sikh community that Indian diplomats in the US will provide all help and support to them.

Sandhu, accompanied by Consul General in New York Randhir Jaiswal and Deputy Consul General Varun Jeph, highlighted growth in the India-US partnership, whether in the healthcare, energy, IT, new emerging technologies, semiconductor or education sectors.

On the occasion, the gurudwara members and officials honoured and felicitated the Indian Ambassador.

Sandhu also spoke about the historical linkages between Sikh Gurus, Sikhs and Afghanistan. He noted that Afghan Sikhs have shown how to face adversities.

He mentioned that three Saroops of the Sikh scripture Guru Granth Sahib were brought from Kabul to Delhi in August 2021 after the Taliban took over the war-torn country.

During the visit to the gurudwara, some pro-Khalistan elements heckled Sandhu and shouted questions about Khalistani separatist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, killed in Canada in June this year, according to videos being circulated of the incident.

Earlier, in a separate tweet, Sandhu said Guru Nanak Dev ji’s timeless message of equality and universal oneness in the well-known Shabad of Guru Ravidass as he paid his respects at Sri Guru Ravidass Temple in New York on Saturday.

'Responsible for Nijjar killing': India envoy heckled by Khalistani backers in US

During a visit to a New York gurdwara, Indian envoy to the US Taranjit Singh Sandhu was heckled by Khalistani supporters, who accused him of involvement in the killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar.

Taranjit Singh Sandhu heckled
Indian Ambassador to the United States, Taranjit Singh Sandhu, was heckled by pro-Khalistanis at Hicksville Gurdwara in Long Island, New York. (Credits: X)

Indian Ambassador to the United States, Taranjit Singh Sandhu, was heckled by Khalistani supporters during his visit to a gurdwara in New York, according to a video circulated on social media.

"You are responsible for Nijjar's killing. You plotted to kill Pannun," some people are seen shouting at the envoy, referring to Khalistani terrorists Hardeep Singh Nijjar and Gurpatwant Singh Pannun. The video was shared by BJP spokesperson RP Singh.

The incident occurred as Sandhu attended Gurpurab prayers at the Hicksville Gurdwara in Long Island on Sunday (US local time).

Sandhu was warmly welcomed at the gurdwara, news agency PTI said quoting sources, adding that a few troublemakers tried to heckle him but were escorted out by members of the Sikh community.


"Privileged to join the local Sangat, including from Afghanistan, at Guru Nanak Darbar of Long Island in celebrating Gurpurab- listened to Kirtan, spoke about Guru Nanak’s everlasting message of togetherness, unity, & equality, partook langar, and sought blessings for all," Sandhu said in a post on X on Sunday.

The envoy assured members of the Sikh community that Indian diplomats in the US will provide all help and support to them.

Sandhu was accompanied by Consul General in New York, Randhir Jaiswal, and Deputy Consul General Varun Jeph.

The Indian envoy is seen leaving the gurdwara after the heckling, while a lone protester waved the Khalistani flag outside the premises.

BJP leader Manjinder Singh Sirsa condemned the incident, calling the hecklers "goons".

"He [Sandhu] went to the Gurudwara in New York to pay obeisance at the occasion of Gurupurab. He was heckled and threatened by Khalistani thugs. Is this the message of Sikhi? Is this the message of Guru Nanak? These goons are not Sikhs!" Sirsa told news agency ANI.

The incident comes amid a backdrop of heightened tensions between India and Canada following the killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar on June 18. The killing led to a diplomatic spat between the two nations after Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau alleged Indian involvement, an accusation that New Delhi has firmly denied, calling it "absurd."

In a similar incident back in September, Indian High Commissioner to the UK Vikram Doraiswami was denied entry to a gurdwara and heckled by a group of radical British Sikh activist in Scotland's Glasgow.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) had expressed serious concern over the safety of its diplomats and has taken up the matter with the United States, calling for measures to prevent such incidents in the future.

Published By:
Devika Bhattacharya
Publi
Ireland’s Housing Crisis Is an Indictment of Irish Capitalism

A dysfunctional housing system is putting intense strain on Ireland’s social fabric as rents spiral out of control. The current malaise has deep roots in the structure of Irish capitalism, and radical reform is the only way to turn things around.


Rental signs outside Georgian buildings in Dublin city center, Ireland on February 15, 2023. 
(Artur Widak / Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

BY COLIN GANNON
05.06.2023
JACOBIN

On April 1, amid a protracted housing crisis that has been steadily mounting in scale and intensity, the Irish government lifted an eviction ban that had protected tenants since last October. As the current housing minister Darragh O’Brien conceded, the predictable outcome will be a rise in already record-breaking levels of homelessness.

Whatever way you look at this hydra-headed housing crisis (which seems increasingly unmanageable for the ruling parties), it has produced catastrophic effects for the country’s residents, particularly in urban areas. Emergency accommodation houses 11,988 people, with others sequestered away in more hidden forms of homelessness. Those who wish to buy will see that house prices are now seven times the median income.

But we can find the most striking symptoms of the crisis in the private rental sector, as is the case in many other countries. One day last August, only 716 homes were available to rent in the south of Ireland, and rents stood at an all-time high. Even mainstream liberal commentators detect unmistakable signs that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have “decided to bring back nineteenth-century landlordism, to reshape Ireland as a nation beholden to private property owners.”

Overcoming the crisis will require a comprehensive transformation of the Irish housing system. But how are we going to achieve this?
The Irish Housing Question

Exasperated at the ineffectual efforts of bourgeois reformers, Friedrich Engels wrote in 1872 that the “housing question” could only be resolved by ending the capitalist mode of production. Yet Ireland’s capitalist class and its political elite are clearly not staring down the barrel of social revolution, however unanchored they may be in economic reality. While the problems with housing “may not be resolvable under capitalism,” argue Peter Marcuse and David Madden in their book In Defense of Housing, “the shape of the housing system can be acted upon, modified, and changed.”To make sense of the Irish housing crisis, you have to understand why the development of the southern Irish state has been so bound up with housing and property.

If you want to make sense of the housing crisis, you have to understand why the development of the southern Irish state has been so bound up with housing and property. By drawing this historical arc, we can see how the underlying philosophy shaping Irish housing policy for a hundred years in the South — the North deserves its own analysis — has been an unhealthy obsession with owner-occupation. This preference interacted with the forces of globalization and the neoliberal turn to bring us to where we are today.

In the apocalyptic aftermath of an Gorta Mór (the Great Famine), an agrarian movement called the Land League, formed in 1879, organized the rural poor in Ireland into a mass national campaign that resisted evictions and employed rent strikes and boycotts. It eventually concluded that the only way to defeat a vampiric form of rural landlordism was through widescale farmer-tenant proprietorship. This dream soon became a reality.

Before the British state carried out agrarian reforms in response to popular mobilizations known more broadly as the Land Wars, thirteen thousand landlords owned the land of rural Ireland. By 1920, tenants had purchased 316,000 holdings. These tenants became private land- and homeowners, beneficiaries of a mass division and redistribution of estates held by the Anglo-Irish ruling class.

Politically, as the historian Diarmaid Ferriter writes, the implication was that the descendants of the “Land War generation” were “imbued with the idea that home ownership was the ultimate goal and renting was wasted money.” Those descendants, Ferriter concludes a little too definitively, were the “inheritors of a conservative impulse.”
Housing and the Irish State

After gaining independence, the nascent post-partition state in the South would come to assume a leading role in providing housing capital by funding a relatively large social-housing construction program, which constituted a majority of the housing built from the 1920s to the 1950s. At the same time, it also played an outsized role in the funding and building of dwellings for owner-occupation, its preferred type of tenure.

Similar surges in output during the 1960s and ’70s could not conceal the fact that government subsidies still favored, to a considerable degree, the private home-buyer more than the social-housing tenant. The 1966 Housing Act was a further boon for private ownership, extending the right of purchase to all local authority tenants. Come 1969, local authorities had sold an astonishing 64,490 council homes.

As the Sinn Féin housing spokesperson and author Eoin Ó Broin points out, the “largest output of housing in the history of the State” during the 1970s was severely undercut by the “massive transfer of stock from the public to the private sector via tenant purchase.” This transfer tipped the balance in favor of homeownership further still.Irish governments prioritized ownership of property over other forms of social protection.

Private homeownership, having stood at 52.6 percent in 1946, rose to 70 percent in 1971. The ruling conservative parties could reasonably have felt that this was the crowning achievement of the modern Irish state, after centuries of absenteeism, dispossession, and insecurity.

In a landmark study, Michelle Norris disputes the widely held assumption that the southern Irish state failed to develop a comprehensive welfare regime like many of its Western European counterparts. Instead, she argues, a paradigm called “asset-based welfare” meant that Irish governments prioritized ownership of property over other forms of social protection, reminding us of Ferriter’s contestable, if resonant, notion of the inherited conservative impulse.
Financialization

From the 1980s onward, the structure of the system did not change — just the way in which it was financed. In his book Sins of the Father, Conor McCabe writes of a kind of “revolution” that was underway at the time:


Banks were becoming “one-stop shops” for financial services, and the Irish government played its part by changing the rules and allowing building societies and insurance companies to compete with high-street banks in the areas of personal and business loans.

The impact of credit and financial liberalization combined with the withdrawal of the Irish state from providing homes and funding their construction. The 1980s saw a 30 percent collapse in the output of social housing compared to the previous decade.The 1980s saw a 30 percent collapse in the output of social housing compared to the previous decade.

Yet as Ó Broin explains, the effects of credit liberalization on house prices were “more delayed than in Britain,” where the Thatcher government was engaged in a mass sell-off of council housing. By the time prices started creeping upward, financial deregulation and banking standardization steered through by the European Union in the 1990s exacerbated the trend — in particular the newfound access to cheap credit for Irish financial institutions arising from membership of the single currency.

Housing in Ireland, now thoroughly financialized, was thus central to the boom and bust of the Celtic Tiger. In 1994, the average price of a house in the state was €72,000. By 2004, it had soared to €249,000.

Then came the crash of 2008. Construction, private sector investment, and capital spending vanished overnight. Successive austerity budgets by the Fianna Fáil–led government slashed capital expenditure in social and affordable housing from €1.5 billion in 2008 to €485 million in 2011. After the bailout, when the Irish state lost its fiscal sovereignty to the European Union–European Central Bank–International Monetary Fund troika, social-housing output plummeted, shrinking to a new historic low of 642 units in 2014.
Getting Boomier

Meanwhile, housing affordability became a growing problem in the private rental sector, which had expanded during the Celtic Tiger as investors flooded into the market through buy-to-let mortgages. Rents in the state ballooned by 68 per cent between 2010 and 2021. Across the EU as a whole during that period, rents rose by just 16 per cent.By explicit design of government policy, the latest phase of the crisis has increasingly been fueled by investment from what scholars call asset-manager capitalism.

In 2014, the introduction of the landlord-friendly Housing Assistance Payment led, as Ó Broin notes, to a situation whereby “non-subsidised renters were being crowded out of the private rental sector by increasing numbers of social housing tenants.” He describes this as ground zero for the terrifying excesses of the homelessness crisis. All the while, house prices were rocketing skyward, squeezing prospective home-buyers into an ever-larger pool of tenants.

By explicit design of government policy, the latest phase of the crisis has increasingly been fueled by investment from what scholars call asset-manager capitalism. In the words of Rory Hearne, real estate investment trusts (REITS) and similar funds of that kind desire the creation of “a permanent renting class,” out of which they can wrench endless rents.


The economist Josh Ryan-Collins observes that this state-sponsored swarming of asset-management institutions around real estate in Ireland is a global phenomenon, as the “wall of liquidity created by Quantitative Easing” resulted in a search for “high yielding, but safe assets.” When those engaged in this search made it to Ireland, they set their sights on distressed commercial assets that were being held by Ireland’s National Asset Management Agency (NAMA).

Now that the market for commercial assets is contracting, the “wall of liquidity” has moved into the domain of residential development. Deploying scorched-earth investment strategies, these institutional landlords — who bought just seventy-six units in Ireland in 2010 — scooped up 5,132 homes in 2019, and now own more than forty-five thousand across the country.

Put simply, the private rental sector is completely broken, blighted by severe supply shortages and unaffordable, exploitative rents. Various rent subsidy schemes for social-housing tenants also drain close to €1 billion from the exchequer to fill the coffers of private landlords. Only harebrained schemes to line the pockets of developers are forthcoming from the government. The crisis thus rages on with no end in sight.

To make matters worse, the coalition government, in full knowledge of the scale of the crisis and the breadth and depth of hardship, has failed to spend over €1 billion of its housing budget over the last three years. Of perhaps greater concern is the unforgivable refusal of local authorities to spend 90 percent of their allocated affordable housing budget across 2021 and 2022. But if the system appears to be at a tipping point, then where are the main, viable solutions coming from on the Irish left?
Alternatives

On behalf of Sinn Féin, Ó Broin has put forward various proposals, mapping out in detail the most compelling reformist alternative. This vision closely resembles the housing policies supported by the strongest socialist force in the Dáil, People Before Profit (PBP). PBP’s ideas differ from those of Ó Broin in making an explicit call for rents to be set at a percentage of take-home pay and advocating the nationalization of all dwellings owned by corporate landlords. Few on the Left would resist such moves to radically rebalance the system.On behalf of Sinn Féin, Eoin Ó Broin has put forward various proposals, mapping out in detail the most compelling reformist alternative.

So what are Ó Broin’s solutions? Chiefly, in the medium to long term, “the expansion of public housing on a scale not seen in the history of the State,” with something in the order of an additional 230,000 public housing units over the next ten years. Ideally, he argues, this would be led by resurgent local authorities that had been reassigned the power to build and build. Developments would be mixed-tenure and mixed-income, as well as world-class from the point of view of amenities and architecture. The housing movement also sees a constitutional right to housing as an imperative.

Ó Broin’s most interesting policy idea may be his lease-holding suggestion. Firstly, he argues, “the land on which the affordable purchase home sits should never be sold, rather it should be leased to the homeowner indefinitely at no or low cost.” Secondly, to avert re-commodification, it should not be possible to sell the property on the private market. A slightly diluted version of this model of affordable housing has already been developed, on a micro-scale, by Ó Cualann Cohousing Alliance in Dublin since 2017.

According to Ó Broin, public-private partnerships, sales of public land, private rental subsidies, and long-term leasing arrangements “all introduce ever greater levels of profit maximisation” and should be phased out of the public housing sector. To address the short-term affordability crisis as we await the largest house-building program in the state’s history, O Bróin has proposed an immediate three-year rent freeze, which would replace the existing, unfit-for-purpose Rent Pressure Zones.

To achieve a reduction in existing rents, he also wishes to introduce a refundable tax relief, pegged to “8.3 percent of rent paid in the previous year.” A three-year rent freeze, combined with a refundable tax relief alongside an ambitious program of public house-building, should in Ó Broin’s view see “private rental supply and in turn rents start to return to pre-peak levels by the time the freeze and relief expire.”

Even if these policies are successful, should the limit of our ambition, against a backdrop of hyperinflated rents and stagnating wages, be to return the cost of rent to precrisis levels? For Sinn Fein at least, that seems to be the case.
Supply Is Not Enough

Other policy interventions called for by Ó Broin include greater tenant participation in policy formulation and decision-making as well as far-reaching land reform. The latter could, he maintains, be tackled by actively increasing the stock of publicly owned land, reintroducing credit controls, and reviewing the current vacant tax rate. More broadly, he wants a reconsideration of how “land speculation is financed and taxed” in order to “end the corrosive impact of speculative investment in land on the housing system.”

The continued use of Irish housing as an asset class by international asset-management institutions deepens the links between the domestic housing system and global financial markets. For economist Ann Pettifor, the main “propellant” of this crisis is not supply shortages but an excess of finance. House prices will fall, she has argued, “when the propellant is withdrawn — and flows of finance decline.”

There is a serious engagement with the history of financialization in the interventions of Ó Broin, Hearne, and others. However, they fail to fully connect the financial exuberance that underpins the current economic order in Ireland to the need for a reformed housing system. Extra supply will not resolve everything.Irish housing activism must make arguments that challenge the entire edifice of housing commodification and Irish capitalism.

We should therefore place greater emphasis on land reforms. We should also give more consideration to whether a continuation of the current Irish economic model — based on an overreliance on foreign direct investment, with Ireland as an intermediary zone between US and European capital — will allow for the kinds of reforms that are required, and not simply bake further instability and pricing flux into the system.

As the example of Finland has shown, the policy of Housing First — giving homeless people a home unconditionally, preferably with integrated support in a context of higher supply — can work and come close to ending different types of homelessness. It is also necessary to rein in the brutal predations of landlordism through regulation and possibly new taxes.

A common narrative suggests that this whole crisis was not a necessary outcome of Irish economic policy in general but rather a housing-policy failure in particular, which arises from the misjudgments of politicians, not any inner logic of capital. If not for those misjudgments, everything might be okay.

However, this reasoning is seriously flawed and myopic. Irish housing activism must make arguments that challenge the entire edifice of housing commodification and Irish capitalism.
Housing Activism

Amilitant uprising in the style of the nineteenth-century Land Wars seems unlikely, and not only because those struggles arose from the specific historical conditions of post-famine rural Ireland. It is also because Sinn Féin, on the brink of real power for the first time in the South, has effectively monopolized the debate on an alternative model, ably assisted by housing activists, the socialist left, and even some social democrats in other parties.Postcrash Ireland witnessed a new wave of extra-parliamentary housing activism.

Over the past decade, however, there have been real echoes of the Land Wars on the ground, particularly in Dublin. Postcrash Ireland witnessed a new wave of extra-parliamentary housing activism, from Housing Action Now to Home Sweet Home to Take Back the City. These campaign groups emerged to build a counternarrative on the housing crisis and engaged in forms of direct action such as the occupation of vacant buildings. Many were connected to the Right2Water campaign, Ireland’s largest grassroots mobilization so far this century.

Formed in 2019, Community Action Tenants Union (CATU), the only tenants’ union in Ireland, has gone from strength to strength, accumulating members across the island on an all-Ireland basis. Along with the inherent difficulty in organizing atomized tenants, Irish tenant politics, in the judgement of Michael Byrne, suffers from political centralization, which moves sites of organized conflict away from the city or town to central government.

This is an obstacle CATU must overcome, but it is not helped by the passivity of the trade-union movement and the pacifying effects on the housing movement of NGOs. A number of small charities that rely heavily on state funding are among the loudest voices in the debate, yet simultaneously find themselves unable to advocate for sufficiently radical change because of “service level agreements” and the threat of losing access to funding.

We can see the consequences of this “NGOization” of the response to the housing crisis most starkly in advocacy over homelessness. As some scholars have observed, the Apollo House occupation maintained a rather “restricted focus on homelessness” that “failed to connect up with the wider impacts of the housing crisis.”
Fighting Back

Today, we run the risk of succumbing to the same temptations: focusing our attention on rising homelessness and evictions at the expense of reexamining a wider system that also alienates us in our workplaces and in our everyday interactions with the world around us. As Marcuse and Madden argue, a “truly radical right to housing” cannot be limited to a narrow legal right: it must “comprise a similarly expansive set of political demands”.

Even if a left-leaning coalition led by Sinn Féin comes to power, it would leave the current economic model largely untouched, so activists should not rest on their laurels. Given the scale of the crisis, all actions should be on the table. During the Land Wars, the Whiteboys and Ribbonmen — secret organizations whose tactical repertoires included attacking landlords and their property — attracted notoriety.

But much more recently, at a time when levels of trade-union density and activity were high in Ireland in a European context, tenants still undertook national rent strikes. In 1972 and 1973, tens of thousands of tenants fought back against deteriorating housing conditions and spiraling rents. Powered by a social movement, the Left can confront the beast head on, smashing the neoliberal consensus on housing and cleansing the system of predatory land and property speculation.

Colin Gannon is an Irish journalist and researcher who has written for the Baffler, Tribune, the Guardian, and the Verso Books blog, among other outlets.
An unexpected friendship: The graveyard keeper and the polio survivor

In Lampedusa, friends of 30 years, Vincenzo and Michele, observe the refugee crisis close-up and discuss the value of human life.

Vincenzo Lombardo (R), who was Lampedusa's graveyard keeper for nearly 20 years, meets with his friend, Michele Cappadona (L), at the end of Via Roma, the main street on the island
 [Gianfranco Rescica/Al Jazeera]

By Alessandro Corso
Published On 27 Nov 2023

Lampedusa, Italy – The tourist season has ended and the cafes along Via Roma are almost empty.

Until a few weeks ago, Lampedusa’s main street was full of tourists, sitting at the hundreds of cafe tables that lined the pedestrian walkway. But now that winter is coming, most of the tables have been removed, and most people have left.

For Michele Cappadona and Vincenzo Lombardo, two friends who have been meeting here for the past 30 years, the quiet isn’t unusual. On a warm and windy afternoon, with the wind blowing in from the south, they take their seats outside a bar and begin their usual commentary on the news.

“Michele, did you hear about Palestine and Israel?” Vincenzo asks.

“Oh, I don’t know, Vince. Always something bad around the corner,” Michele replies.

“Poor them. Children, innocent souls,” Vincenzo says before declaring of both the Hamas fighters who attacked communities in southern Israel on October 7 and the Israeli military which has responded by attacking and invading the Gaza Strip: “They are all criminals, assassins.”

These are words Vincenzo has repeated many times over the years, usually to critique people in power he blames for not doing enough to stop human suffering.

When they first met more than 30 years ago, Vincenzo was a strong working man in his 40s with a deep Christian faith. Michele was in his 20s; smaller, lame as a result of childhood polio and with a rather more cynical perspective on religion.Via Roma, the main street on the small island of Lampedusa, south of Sicily, on September 25, 2023 [Tiziana Fabi/AFP]

Born on the island in 1959, Michele moved to Naples as a one-year-old when his parents discovered he had polio. He stayed there, living in a specialist clinic, at first with his parents and then by himself, until he was a teenager and the doctors declared that his treatment had come to an end. In 1975, he returned to Lampedusa to live with his parents and complete his secondary school education.

He remembers first spotting Vincenzo a few years later from the window of his room. Vincenzo had recently returned from Turin, where he had been working at the Fiat car company, and started working as a dustman.

Michele would “see him every morning”. Then, one day, he says, “We met somehow”. He thinks it was at a cafe, but he cannot recall which one.

“Vince, do you remember where we met the first time?” Michele asks, repeating the question more loudly for his friend who is now almost deaf.

“Oh, I see,” Vincenzo finally answers. “I don’t know, it must have been somewhere, maybe at the Amicizia cafe? Anyway, who cares? It doesn’t matter.”

“I only remember that we liked each other,” Michele says with a smile. “It was a very spontaneous thing. And the next day or the day after, we decided to meet again. Since then, we have been meeting here, in Via Roma, pretty much every day. There it is. This is our story. As simple as that.”

Michele, who has never had a job and receives a modest disability pension, says his whole life has been lived in the shadow of his disability. Before he met Vincenzo, he says, he felt as though he was living on the margins of society. “People, you know, how they are. Always judging,” he says. “They see one who cannot work or use his strength as they do, and they turn their back to you. But Vincenzo was different. He didn’t care about that.”
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In death, ‘we are all the same’

In 1996, Vincenzo took a job as a graveyard keeper. When he accepted the role, he had little idea that he would have to bury the bodies of people who had died at sea while trying to reach Lampedusa. But soon after he started, bodies started to be found off the island’s shores.

Nobody knew what to do with the first bodies that were retrieved. With no formal processing system in place, Vincenzo stepped in to take care of them. “What did Jesus say? What you do to my brother, you do it to me,” he says.

The graveyard for unnamed refugees who died at sea, pictured in 2004, three years before Vincenzo retired as the graveyard keeper 
[Eric Vandeville/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images]

He continued doing this up until his retirement in 2007, writing whatever information he could find about the migrants and refugees he buried in a register.

The oldest document the registry office in Lampedusa has is dated April 25, 1996, and identifies the deceased as an “unknown non-EU citizen, possibly Tunisian, between 25 and 30 years old, wearing a ring with the initial letter of his name. His name was Mustafa.”

Vincenzo tried to give the dead he buried some dignity by making wooden crosses that he would erect, adding a number according to his own records and praying for the deceased every day.

He complains that Europe has shown no serious intention of stopping refugees and migrants from dying at sea or of providing “any dignity to the dead and their families”.
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One thing he is grateful for, however, is that he never had to bury a child who had died at sea. “I think that I would have given up,” he says.

The anger Vincenzo feels towards those in power is palpable. He calls it a “travesty” that the world has normalised a situation where thousands of people are left to die in the Mediterranean. “Governments do not care about their lives. Nobody cares,” he says.

For Vincenzo, the living may be treated very differently, but in death, we are “all the same”.
Makeshift wooden crosses mark the graves of unnamed refugees who died on sea voyages to Lampedusa, pictured in 2004 when Vincenzo was still the graveyard keeper [Marco Di Lauro/Getty Images]


The view from the end of the road

From one end of Via Roma, Michele and Vincenzo watch the coastguard or Guardia di Finanza (Italy’s antismuggling agency) boats approaching the Favaloro pier, where most small boat landings take place in Lampedusa.

From this spot, they have a clear view and notice some rescue boats in the distance, full of people wrapped in thermic blankets.

“Do you think this is right?” Michele asks. “Crammed like that? And how many are still dying? Yesterday, or the day before, six died.”

These days, such deaths no longer make it to the global news. Nor is there much coverage of the refugees and migrants who do make it to shore or of the conditions they endure at the “welcome” centre where they are detained.

Michele and Vincenzo are not particularly surprised by this. They have become used to observing how the world’s attention shifts so easily from one tragedy to the next.

“It is always the same. They come, they talk, and they leave. But no worries, at least we stay here to watch these awful situations,” Vincenzo says.
Vincenzo, left, and Michele watch the Lampedusa harbour from the end of the main street on the island, Via Roma 
[Gianfranco Rescica/Al Jazeera]

A never-ending story

In September, Lampedusa did hit the front pages again – albeit fleetingly. National and international newspapers wrote about an “invasion” of thousands of refugees and migrants fleeing from Tunisia.

The number of people who landed in Lampedusa had reached 5,000 or 6,000 in a few days, according to the humanitarian organisations working inside the island’s “reception centre”.

“Yes, they were all there, at the dock. Hundreds of them. There, without water and food,” Michele says, describing how people were left to lie on the pavement under the hot sun. When most of the refugees and migrants were transferred elsewhere in Sicily, the news reporters went away.

But Vincenzo and Michele remain, watching and talking as they have for the past 30 years. “You will always find us here … For as long as we are on this Earth,” Michele explains. Then they return to their earlier conversation, debating the Israel-Palestine conflict.

“They talk about peace. Peace, how to make peace if they keep bombing and playing at war?” Michele says. “And then, can you imagine how many more will come? How many more immigrants? This story will never end, it will never end.”

It is almost 6pm and Vincenzo has pills to take. So the two friends say goodbye. They will meet again the next day to continue their conversation.

“You know how it is,” says Michele with a resigned shrug of his shoulders. “There is the good and the bad, but the bad always wins. Because that one is stronger than the other, and it will always be.”


SOURCE: AL JAZEERA