Tuesday, November 28, 2023

Our Rich: Fooling Themselves and Fouling Our Planet


 
 NOVEMBER 28, 2023
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Sam Pizzigati writes on inequality for the Institute for Policy Studies. His latest book: The Case for a Maximum Wage (Polity). Among his other books on maldistributed income and wealth: The Rich Don’t Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970  (Seven Stories Press). 

Working With Hackers: Where — and How — Journalists Should Use These Sources


The OCCRP's Jan Strozyk addressing the audience at the Working with Hackers panel at GIJC23. 
Image: Rocky Kistner for GIJN

by Rowan Philp • November 28, 2023

The use of hacked data is an increasingly common ethical challenge for investigative journalists.

There are now terabytes of hacked datasets about corporations and government institutions available to reporters that trusted nonprofit groups have already obtained and curated for verification, source protection, privacy, and public interest value. And the careful and responsible use of this information can lead to key public interest revelations.

However, the prospect of using purloined data, even when verified, brings up core ethical questions: Is the story sufficiently important, and difficult to prove, to justify the use of hacked data — and how much detail about its origins should reporters disclose to their audiences?“If it doesn’t have public interest value, we will discard it.” — DDoSecrets Editor Lorax Horne

Questions like these remain a case-by-case challenge, because the hackers can have all manner of motives — noble, partisan, and criminal — and range from brave whistleblowers to exiled hacktivists doing cyber attacks on autocratic institutions to, yes, even ransomware extortionists.

In a session on Working with Hackers at the 13th Global Investigative Journalism Conference (#GIJC23), three veteran data journalists shared their insights on how to work with hacked information, and how to deal with sources who use cyberattacks to get it.

The panel included Lorax Horne, editor of Distributed Denial of Secrets (DDoSecrets), Jan Strozyk, chief data editor at the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), and Alena Prykhodzka, an exiled Belarusian reporter at Partisan Wave and a collaborator with the Cyberpartisans hacktivist group.
Look for Trusted Gatekeepers

Raw hacked datasets can present various legal, privacy, and accuracy perils for newsrooms. They might be peppered with personal identifiable information (PII) that would be highly inappropriate or even dangerous to publish. This data might have no public value beyond gossip or commercial competition. And these leaks can sometimes contain disinformation or hate speech or subtle tells that identify the leaker, potentially putting them in jeopardy.

As a result, the panel agreed that newsrooms should browse for this kind of information from trusted archives that filter leaks for these issues before posting the files on their databases.

Launched in 2018, DDoSecrets is a journalism collective that fills this role. It curates and publishes leaked public interest information on both open and limited-access platforms, and has worked with newsrooms such as ICIJ, Der Spiegel, Forbidden Stories, and the European Investigative Collaborations network.

Meanwhile, OCCRP’s Aleph archive includes a collection of over 1,100 leaked datasets — including 260 internally classified as “hacked” data — which journalists at both OCCRP partner organizations and independent newsrooms around the world frequently mine for major investigations.

At the session, Horne and Strozyk confirmed that both of these archives only post leaks after the data has been verified, evaluated for public interest value, checked for inappropriate PII, and selected for either open access or limited access for verified journalists and researchers.

Public Interest Is Paramount



DDoSecrets calls itself a journalistic nonprofit devoted to publishing and archiving leaks, and to the free transmission of data in the public interest. Image: DDoSecrets

Horne said that DDoSecrets seeks important data that is not otherwise publicly available, and that their team evaluates leaks in terms of “a very broad and historical perspective.”

“If it doesn’t have public interest value, we will discard it,” Horne said. “Then, we’ll look to see if it contains passport scans or national ID numbers or personal addresses, especially from non-public persons. If it doesn’t contain PII, we can publish the data via the censorship-resistant ‘torrents’ publishing method. If it does, we’ll see if the PII can be stripped or redacted.”

Last year, a hacked leak published by DDoSecrets revealed that numerous members of the far-right Oath Keepers militia in the United States were also elected officials or members of the military, and detailed the membership totals by US state. However, Horne explained that the organization redacted membership lists because the thousands of names could not all be independently verified. The team also obtained and published a massive hacked database from the Bahamas corporate registry, as well as 489 gigabytes of meeting notes, audio files, and emails from Russia’s censorship agency, Roskomnadzor Moscow.

A new, cross-border collaborative investigation into a sharp change in global drug trafficking routes – NarcoFiles: The New Criminal Order — offers a great illustration of the public interest benefits, security hazards, and criminal threats involved with hacking, all in one story.

Led by OCCRP and Centro Latinoamericano de Investigación Periodística (CLIP) — both of which are GIJN members — and including several other groups, the investigation originated with the hacking of highly sensitive emails from the Colombian Prosecutor’s Office by a local hacktivist group in 2022.

Despite this group’s claims of noble, anti-corruption intent, OCCRP pointed out that the raw hacked dataset could expose Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents, informants, and witnesses “to severe danger.” So, DDoSecrets and hacking news site Enlace Hacktivista obtained and carefully curated five terabytes of data from the hackers — including seven million emails — to mitigate these security risks, and worked with OCCRP and its partners to offer public interest leads.

In a detailed disclosure, OCCRP explained how the leak was verified, and noted that “measures were also taken to protect third parties and to avoid disrupting ongoing investigations.”

OCCRP and several other investigative outlets used hacked data for its latest cross-border collaboration, NarcoFiles: The New Criminal Order.
 Image: Screenshot / James O’Brien/ OCCRP


Working With Data Thieves: Where to Draw the Line

In addition to datasets submitted by more altruistic sources like whistleblowers and ideological hacktivists, journalists sometimes encounter leak archives originally posted by extortionists. In these cases, mercenary hackers have carried out their ransomware threat to publish non-public data in some dark corner of the internet.

While fishing for new sources online, Strozyk said he often encounters links to potentially newsworthy ransomware files published in places like the dark web. “Part of my job is to also go out into the internet and look for datasets that our reporters might be interested to work with,” said Strozyk. But finding this data doesn’t automatically mean a journalist should accept it.

James Ball — a trustee at the Ethical Journalism Network (EJN) and the former global editor of the Bureau of Investigative Journalism — stressed that journalists should consider public interest values at every step when dealing with hacked documents.

“Should we even look at a [hacked] dataset? Do we have a reason to believe it might contain information in the public interest? We should reassess — is it living up to what we thought? Is it more intrusive than we first realized?” Ball said, presenting examples of the questions news organizations should be asking when considering hacked or extorted data.

“So, not just as a tack-on at the end,” Ball added. “This can often be helpful to evidence in the case of legal complaints, but is often good practice too.”“Even on Telegram groups, I’m in there with my real name, and that I’m with OCCRP, so everyone knows I’m a journalist.” — OCCRP’s Jan Strozyk

He pointed to the blockbuster whistleblower leak from Edward Snowden that used massive amounts of data illicitly shared from the US National Security Agency. The Guardian and The Washington Post decided that the public interest value of the information, which they vetted, outweighed the potential legal risks, and that — because he was entitled to access the data — Snowden was technically a whistleblower, rather than a hacker. Ball said he shared that opinion as well.

“The hack/leak distinction is never a clean one,” he explained. “Most countries’ laws define a hack (or at least computer misuse) as accessing data that you’re not entitled to access, or accessing for purposes for which you’re not supposed to access it.”

When it comes to information sourced from unrepentant bad actors, like extortionist hackers, Ball said media outlets should prominently disclose to the audiences the nature of any ransomware data that they end up using. However, he recommended that the press avoid naming them.

“Ransomed data increases the public interest threshold at which publication is merited, and you probably owe it to the audience to say it was the result of ransomware,” he said. “I personally would not name the ‘gang’ behind it, as that might help them claim future ransoms.”

Ransomware Data Rules of Engagement

Both Horne and Strozyk said they use the following guidelines for dealing with information illicitly published by ransomware groups.They never pay for the use of this data.
They never publish a previously leaked dataset if the source has current access to the same institution’s data. “We don’t engage with anyone who is in a system live,” Strozyk explained. “This is partly for legal reasons — otherwise, you might accidentally instruct someone to hack something for you, or be accused of collusion.”
They take care to avoid being used as leverage to increase future ransom demands. “We don’t let ourselves be used as a negotiating tactic with extortion attempts,” said Horne.
They don’t provide public access to ransomware data. Instead, they restrict access to requests made by verified journalists and researchers.
They retain full, independent editorial control of the dataset. “We remain in control of the use of the data; we could never take a dataset along with any set of instructions, or spin, from the source,” said Horne.

Strozyk finds leads and links to some of these datasets in Telegram groups — but cautioned that it’s important to be open about your role as a journalist in your profile.

“Even on Telegram groups, I’m in there with my real name, and that I’m with OCCRP, so everyone knows I’m a journalist. This can also immediately scare people away who don’t want to follow our rules, which is good,” he noted.

Strozyk also monitors sites like ransomwatch and RansomLook for datasets of potential interest to investigative reporters, and closely follows the vx-underground Twitter channel for tips about new illicit leaks.

“I don’t find hackers very different from other types of sources — every source has an agenda,” Horne noted. “We do mirror ransomware datasets, but we don’t pay for data. These are datasets that the ransomware groups themselves have already published. We don’t deal with those groups directly.”

Later, Strozyk told GIJN: “We don’t provide access to ransomware datasets to the public, but we do to our ‘Friends of OCCRP’ user groups, which are open to anyone who can demonstrate that they are working as a journalist. These datasets come with a label that they’ve been originally published by a ransomware/hacker group, and that the user needs to take appropriate measures.”

Source of Last Resort“I do think the motivation of the source matters… A principled whistleblower, versus a hacker seeking revenge, versus a company discrediting a rival, all would have different implications.” — EJN Trustee James Ball

Why risk all of these ethical pitfalls in the first place? Because, the speakers said, these leaks are sometimes the only way to find leads that could expose an issue of overwhelming public interest.

These ethically fraught cases are comparable to some notable — and rare — journalistic uses of black market data. In 2020, Bellingcat researchers made small payments to data brokers to investigate the attempted murder of Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny. That data helped them find individuals whose personal travel patterns matched Navalny’s air travel, which led them to identify the state agents they believe were behind the poisoning attempt. (Bellingcat Executive Director Christo Grozev told GIJN that this difficult ethical decision was made because no law enforcement unit was willing to investigate, and because suspects included professional spies skilled at covering their tracks.)

“The way we see it is that this ransomware data is out there anyway, and it’s best if there is a central place where it is accurately described and labeled for journalists, rather than someone else out there selling or abusing it,” said Strozyk.

This ends-justifies-the-means approach is an everyday reality for the exiled hacktivist groups trusted by independent media.

“The independent media landscape in Belarus was absolutely destroyed in 2020,” exiled reporter Alena Prykhodzka explained. “Independent journalists became refugees and now work in exile. This was the precondition for creating hacktivist groups, because there was only one way to survive against the regimes” of Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko and Russia’s Vladimir Putin. “There was no other option,” she said.

Prykhodzka said exiled journalists created a hacktivist group called Cyberpartisans, which, she said, has since hacked dozens of repressive institutions in Belarus and Russia. She said they had curated and republished hacked datasets on, for instance, rail transport, internal affairs, passport documentation, passenger traffic, and law enforcement conduct complaints made via the Belarus “102” police contact line.


Exiled Belarusian investigative reporter and hacktivist Alena Prykhodzka discusses working with hacked data at GIJC23. 
Image: Rocky Kistner for GIJN

Prykhodzka noted that the group — which works within the guidelines of an ethical code of conduct — has even obtained more than 100 hours of wiretapped phone calls made by that autocratic country’s security services.

Prykhodzka said verified journalists could request access to any of these databases via the @probivator_bot Telegram chat, or by contacting the group at cyberpartisans@protonmail.com.

“You will be asked to verify who you are and to explain clearly why you want to use the data,” she explained.

“I do think the motivation of the source matters here,” Ball said. “A principled whistleblower, versus a hacker seeking revenge, versus a company discrediting a rival, all would have different implications. But if a story is important enough, you could potentially use the information whether it came from any of those three. The more you can share what you know about your source’s motivations, or how you got the information (without revealing a confidential source) the better, and it is not appropriate ever to lie about the source of information.”


Rowan Philp is GIJN’s senior reporter. He was formerly chief reporter for South Africa’s Sunday Times. As a foreign correspondent, he has reported on news, politics, corruption, and conflict from more than two dozen countries around the world.

U$ HEGEMONY IN SPACE
Saudi Arabia, US Agree to Boost Bilateral Cooperation in Space for Peaceful Purposes


Saudi Minister of Communications and Information Technology Abdullah al-Swaha with the Saudi delegation and US officials (SPA)

Washington :
Asharq Al Awsat
November 2023 AD Ù€ 14 Jumada Al-Ula 1445 AH

Saudi Arabia and the US have agreed to enhance cooperation in outer space exploration and use for peaceful purposes and in commercial opportunities for space industries.

The announcement came during the official visit of the Saudi Minister of Communications and Information Technology and the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Saudi Space Commission, Abdullah al-Swaha, to the US.

Swaha chaired a delegation representing the digital economy, space, and innovation system in Saudi Arabia.

Riyadh and Washington issued a joint statement focusing on enhancing cooperation in the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes and discussing signing a framework agreement on bilateral cooperation in space for peaceful purposes.

Saudi Arabia is a signatory to the Artemis Accords, and it agreed with the US to expand discussions on potential collaborative activities in space, earth sciences, and space missions.

The Saudi Minister confirmed that the joint statement reflects the ambitions of the two friendly countries to expand the strategic partnership to empower people, protect the planet, and form new horizons for cooperation in space, earth sciences, and exploratory missions.

Swaha indicated that this step would contribute to the sector's sustainability, enhance research and development activities, and accelerate the growth of space-related technologies. It would also develop talents and qualify national cadres through exchanging and transferring experiences between the two sides.

 

A slow-motion Gaza or how to 

carbonize  Planet Earth

November 28, 2023

Imagine this: humanity in its time on Earth has already come up with two distinct ways of destroying this planet and everything on it. The first is, of course, nuclear weapons, which once again surfaced in the ongoing nightmare in the Middle East. (An Israeli minister recently threatened to nuke Gaza.) The second, you won’t be surprised to learn, is what we’ve come to call “climate change” or “global warming” — the burning, that is, of fossil fuels to desperately overheat our already flaming world. In its own fashion, that could be considered a slow-motion version of the nuking of the planet.

Put another way, in some grim sense, all of us now live in Gaza. (Most of us just don’t know it yet.)

Yes, if you actually do live in Gaza, your life is now officially a living (or dying) hell on Earth. Your home has been destroyed, your family members wounded or killed, the hospital you fled to decimated. And that story, sadly enough, has been leading the news day after day for weeks now. But in the process, in some sense even more sadly, the deepest hell of our time has largely disappeared from sight.

I’m thinking about the urge to turn our whole planet into a long-term, slow-motion version of Gaza, to almost literally set it ablaze and destroy it as a habitable place for humanity (and so many other species).

Yes, in the midst of the ongoing Middle Eastern catastrophe, the latest study by James Hanson, the scientist who first sounded the climate alarm to Congress back in the 1980s, appeared. In it, he suggested that, in this year of record temperatures, our planet is heating even more rapidly than expected. The key temperature danger mark, set only eight years ago at the Paris climate agreement, 1.5 degrees Centigrade above the pre-industrial level, could easily be reached not in 2050 or 2040, but by (or even before) 2030. Meanwhile, another recent study suggests that humanity’s “carbon budget” — that is, the amount of carbon we can put into the atmosphere while keeping global temperature rise at or under that 1.5-degree mark — is now officially going to hell in a handbasket. In fact, by October, a record one-third of the days in 2023 had broken that 1.5-degree mark in what is undoubtedly going to prove another — and yes, I know how repetitive this is — record year for heat.

Oh, and when it comes to the globe’s two greatest greenhouse gas emitters, China is still opening new coal mines at a remarkably rapid pace, while the U.S., the world’s biggest oil producer, is expected to have “a third of planned oil and gas expansion globally between now and 2050.” And the news isn’t much better for the rest of the planet, which, given the dangers involved, should be headline-making fare. No such luck, of course.

Setting the Planet Afire

In fact, I’ll bet you hardly noticed. And I’m not surprised. After all, the news could hardly be worse these days in a country that, however indirectly, seems distinctly bound for war. There’s Ukraine, turning into ever more of a disaster zone by the week; there’s Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank promising yet more of the same, whether you’re listening to Hamas or Benjamin Netanyahu (with American military activity increasing in the region as well); and then there’s that “cold war” between the U.S. and China — yes, I know, I know, President Biden and China’s President Xi Jinping actually met and chatted recently, including about climate change — but don’t hold your breath when it comes to truly improving relations.

And yet, if you were to look away from Gaza for a moment, you might notice that significant parts of the Middle East have been experiencing an historic megadrought since 1998 (yes, 1998!). The temperatures baking the region are believed to be “16 times as likely in Iran and 25 times as likely in Iraq and Syria” thanks to the warming caused by the burning of fossil fuels. Meanwhile, if you take a skip and a jump from the flaming Middle East to Greenland, you might notice that, in recent years, glaciers there have been melting at — yes, I know this sounds unbearably repetitious — record rates (five times faster, in fact, in the last 20 years), helping add to sea level rise across the planet. And mind you, that rise will only accelerate as the Arctic and Antarctic melt ever more rapidly. And perhaps you won’t be surprised to learn that the Arctic is already warming four times faster than the global average.

If you have the urge to put all of this in context for 2023, you need to remind yourself that we’re now ending November, which means a final accounting of the devastation wrought by climate change this year isn’t quite in. Admittedly, it’s already been one hell of a year of record heat and fires, floods, extreme drought, and so on (and on and on). You’ve probably forgotten by now, but there were those record heat waves and fires — and no, I’m not thinking about the ones that swept across Europe or that broiled parts of Greece amid record flooding. I’m thinking about the ones in Canada that hit so much closer to home for us Americans. The wildfires there began in May and, by late June, had already set a typical seasonal record, only to burn on and on and on (adding up to nine times the normal seasonal total!) deep into October, sending billows of smoke across significant parts of the United States, while setting smoke pollution records.

Nor is the news exactly great when it comes to climate change and this country. Yes, heat records are still being set month by month this year in the U.S., even if the record highs are still to be fully tallied. Just consider those 55 days in which our sixth largest city, Phoenix, suffered temperatures of 110 degrees or more (31 of them in a row), resulting in a heat version of Gazan casualties, a 50% surge in the deaths mostly of seniors and the homeless to almost 600. A recent congressionally mandated report released by the Biden administration on global warming found that this country is actually heating up faster than the global average. “The climate crisis,” it reported, “is causing disruption to all regions of the U.S., from flooding via heavier rainfall in the northeast to prolonged drought in the southwest. A constant is heat — ‘across all regions of the U.S., people are experiencing warming temperatures and longer-lasting heatwaves’ — with nighttime and winter temperatures rising faster than daytime and summer temperatures.”

A Planetary Gaza?

For some global context, just consider that, in 2022, the planet’s greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere were the highest on record, according to the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration. So were the temperatures of ocean waters, while sea levels rose for the 11th straight year! There were also record-shattering heat waves across the planet and that was the way it all too disastrously went.

And yet none of that will hold water (or do I mean fire?), it seems, when it comes to 2023, which is clearly going to set another heat record. After all, we already know that, month by sweltering month, from November 2022 to the end of October 2023, a major heat record was set that seemingly hadn’t been topped in the last 125,000 years. It’s a near certainty as well that this full year will prove similarly record-breaking. And given the way we humans are still burning fossil fuels, we won’t have to wait another 125,000 years for that to happen again. The odds are, in fact, that 2024 will indeed set another global heat record.

So, tell me, how’s that for a planetary Gaza? And yet, strangely enough, while the nightmare in the Middle East is being covered daily in a dramatic fashion across the mainstream media, often by brave reporters like the PBS NewsHour‘s Leila Molana-Allen, the burning of the planet is, at best, a distinctly secondary, or tertiary, or… well, you can fill in the possible numbers from there… reality.

The sad truth of it is that there aren’t enough reporters spending their time on the front lines of global warming and nowhere do I see the staff members of up to 40 government agencies protesting over the weakness of climate-change policy the way so many of them recently did over the Biden administration’s policies on Israel and Gaza. While every night we venture into the devastated Gaza Strip with reporters like Molana-Allen (not to speak of the 41 journalists who died in the first month of that conflict), rare is the night when we do the same in our overheating world. All too few journalists are focusing on the humans already being driven from their homes, experiencing (and even dying from) unprecedented heat, storms, flooding, and drought.

Nor are there many reporters stepping directly into the flames. I’m thinking, in this case, of the coverage (or lack of it) of the drilling for or mining of fossil fuels, the companies making record profits — absolute ongoing fortunes — off them, while their CEOs are pulling in unbelievable sums yearly, even as the ferocious burning of their products continues to pour carbon into the atmosphere.

And mind you, fossil-fuel emissions are still — a word that once again seems all too appropriate — hellishly high. Yes, the International Energy Agency does expect such emissions to peak before 2030, if not earlier. Still, we humans are going to be burning coal, oil, and natural gas for one hell (that again!) of a long time and those fossil-fuel companies will continue making fortunes while damaging all our lives and those of our children and grandchildren into the distant future.

There’s no question that Gaza has truly been a hell on Earth. Deaths in that small strip of land had already exceeded 11,000 (many of them children) while I was writing this. Meanwhile, from hospitals to homes, Israeli bombs and missiles have turned staggering amounts of its living (or now dying) spaces into rubble. And that is indeed a horror that must be covered (just as the nightmarish initial Hamas attack on Israel was). But in the process of watching Gaza burn, it would be good to remember that we’re also turning the whole planet into a Gazan-style catastrophe. It’s just happening in relative slow motion.

World War II ended in September 1945 and since then — despite endless wars — there hasn’t been another “world” version of one. Gaza and Ukraine remain horrific but relatively localized, just as the Korean and Vietnam conflicts once were.

But while, whatever the horrors and damage done, there hasn’t been another world war, there has been and continues to be a war on the world, a slow-motion global Gaza that will only grow worse unless we put our energy into moving ever faster to transition from coal, natural gas, and oil to alternative energy sources. In truth, that is the war we should all be fighting, not the ones that distract us from the worst dangers we face.

In fact, it’s past time to start talking about World War III, even if this time it’s a war on the planet itself.

END GERMAN SHEPARD BUL-GO-GI
South Korea’s dog meat supporters threaten to let 2 million dogs out near presidential office

A special bill will outlaw farming dogs for meat, slaughtering them, distributing the meat and any businesses related to dog meat. 

PHOTO: REUTERS

SEOUL - An umbrella group for those in the dog meat industry in South Korea has vowed to hold a protest on Nov 30 against the government’s move to ban dog meat consumption, while allegedly threatening to release two million dogs around the presidential office in Yongsan-gu, Seoul.

Daehan Yukgyeon Hyephoi (Dog Meat Federation), a group consisting of dog meat farm operators and dog meat restaurant owners across the country, has recently decided to hold a protest in front of the War Memorial of Korea in Yongsan, just across the street from the office of President Yoon Suk Yeol.

The group has warned they will release the dogs in Yongsan and in front of Agriculture Minister Chung Hwang-keun’s residence in South Chungcheong Province.

“Each participant will be there with at least one dog (at the protest). Whether or not the dogs will be released will be left to the discretion of each participant,” the group told local media.

The Yoon government and ruling party are shooting to propose legislation that would ban dog meat sales by 2027, which is when Yoon’s term is set to end.

The special bill will outlaw farming dogs for meat, slaughtering them, distributing the meat, restaurants and any businesses related to dog meat. Violators of the proposed law will be subject to criminal punishment.

If the special bill passes in the National Assembly, those in the dog meat industry will be granted a three-year grace period.

The government’s drive to end dog meat consumption, backed feverishly by first lady Kim Keon Hee, has touched off controversy in South Korea, where eating dog is not common but has never been restricted by law.

An August 2022 poll by Gallup Korea on 1,514 adults across the country showed that 85.5 percent of respondents do not eat dog meat, while 80.7 per cent said they never plan to.

A government-civilian committee launched last year on the legislation of a dog meat ban researched across the country to find that there are 1,156 farms in South Korea breeding dog for meat, and some 1,600 restaurants here consume an annual average of 388,000 dogs.

Over half of South Koreans — 55.8 per cent — think that eating dog meat should be discontinued, while 28.4 per cent thought the practice should continue as-is, the aforementioned Gallup poll showed.

Those in the dog meat industry say that the government plan lacks any specific measures to support them to transition to other livelihoods if the bill is passed.

The Dog Meat Federation has urged the government at minimum to postpone the plan for the time being, as the majority of the those involved in the industry are at least in their 60s and near retirement. THE KOREA HERALD/ASIA NEWS NETWORK
MORE ON THIS TOPIC
Paris Mayor Quits Elon Musk's Twitter With Blistering Final Post

“I refuse to endorse this evil scheme,” wrote Anne Hidalgo.

AP
Nov 28, 2023

PARIS (AP) — The mayor of future Olympic host city Paris says she is quitting X, accusing Elon Musk’s platform previously known as Twitter of spreading disinformation and hatred and of becoming a “gigantic global sewer” that is toxic for democracy and constructive debate.

“With its thousands of anonymous accounts and its troll farms, life on Twitter is the exact opposite of democratic life,” Mayor Anne Hidalgo said in a long post titled, “Why I am leaving Twitter.”

“I refuse to endorse this evil scheme,” she wrote.



An Associated Press request for comment emailed to X got an automated reply, “Busy now, please check back later.”

Hidalgo’s office said posts on Monday in French and English that announced her departure from X would be the Socialist mayor’s last and that she will then close her account — which has 1.5 million followers — at the end of the week.

Her office said that Paris City Hall is keeping its own separate account on X.

Hidalgo’s withdrawal from X follows a fractious period for the mayor. She has faced criticism from political opponents over the expense and need for a trip she made in October to the French South Pacific territories of New Caledonia and Tahiti. The Olympic surfing competition next July is being held on Tahiti’s world-famous Teahupo’o wave.


Anne Hidalgo’s office said her decision to leave X was not in response to the recent criticism but was thought out over time.
VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS

She also locked horns last week with government ministers over the French capital’s readiness for the 2024 Summer Games. Hidalgo said some transport options won’t be ready for the July 26-Aug. 11 Olympics. Firing back, Transport Minister Clement Beaune said the mayor’s comments were a “shameful” attempt to divert attention from her Pacific voyage.

Hidalgo’s office said her decision to leave X was not in response to the recent criticism but was thought-out over time. Musk took control of Twitter in October 2022 and has dismantled some of its core features.

“We are dealing here with an utterly clear political project to push aside democracy and its values in favor of powerful private interests,” Hidalgo wrote. “This medium has become a gigantic global sewer, and we should continue to wade into it?”
PIECEWORK

Untangling the North Korean Wig Manufacturing Industry

Listening to the stories of North Korean wig makers in their homes, factories, and in secret overseas, their voices echo the tales of their South Korean counterparts 60 years ago


By Rose Adams
- 2023.11.28


Workers at a textile factory in Pyongyang making face masks. 
(Rodong Sinmun - News1)

While much of the current discussion of North Korea’s trade has revolved around its arms sales, a new trend has been quietly emerging. Arms sales to Russia may be profitable at the moment considering their big ticket nature, but North Korean trade has long been dominated by the Chinese market, which makes up approximately 70% of North Korea’s exports and over 90% of its total trade. While arms sales are dependent on wars beyond North Korea’s borders, trade with China provides a stable foundation for the newly-recovering North Korean economy. At the heart of this recovery and number one on North Korea’s export list for the last eight months? Hair products.

Hair products – wigs, fake facial hair, and false eyelashes – constituted as much as 65% of North Korea’s exports to China this September, according to Chinese customs data. In the month of September alone, North Korea exported 182 tons of hair products, worth a total of USD 17.96 million. In the first seven months of 2023, North Korean exports of wigs and fake lashes totaled USD 90 million, three times the country’s exports of hair products for the same period in 2019 prior to the COVID-19 pandemic.

In addition to ballooning export figures, signs from inside the country also seem to suggest that the industry will continue to expand, both as a labor-intensive task for political prisoners and as a high-earning lifeline for urban entrepreneurs. Considering the growing role of the industry and its potential to be a major economic driver, let’s take a moment to “untangle” the complex supply and manufacturing chain behind North Korea’s wig business.

North Korea’s “Contract Manufacturing” (임가공 ì—…ì²´) System

One of North Korea’s most valuable economic assets is its labor force. Since the state decides where people work and pays a paltry salary, state-owned enterprises (SOEs) can cheaply produce labor-intensive products like knit goods, shoes, beadwork, watch components, and wigs. Trade officials at state enterprises search out Chinese businesses and offer these goods at a fraction of what it would cost to produce with Chinese workers. Textiles have long been a fixture of North Korea’s contract manufacturing system, also often referred to as “toll processing” or “OEM” production, but the role of wig manufacturing has been gradually expanding since trade enterprises reportedly entered the wig and eyelash manufacturing market in 2010.

In the case of wig-making, for example, when a North Korean company might receive an order from a Chinese company, the company will import raw materials from China, which workers then weave into wigs. Trade officials then collect and inspect the wigs before sending the finished products to Chinese companies for further processing or distribution. A basic wig at this stage of production is generally valued around RMB 25-50 (USD 3.5 – 5).

The workers at North Korea’s wig and eyelash factories are overwhelmingly young and female. Many workers are assigned to factories without much choice, but others join the factories due to their relative profitability. The work itself requires a high attention to detail, extreme dexterity, and sharp eyesight. As such, many students, including those as young as nine, work in the factories to help supplement their family’s income.

Prior to the pandemic, in 2018, hair exports rose 121% over the previous year and were projected to have grown a similar amount in 2019 prior to the pandemic. Contract manufacturing for all goods took a massive hit when North Korea completely shut its borders during the COVID-19 pandemic. Hair product exports in 2019 had been valued at USD 31 million but fell to USD 375,000 for the whole of 2020. Unable to import necessary raw materials and with finished goods being held up indefinitely at customs, many trade companies went bankrupt during the pandemic.

Prison Labor

Yet, even as official China-DPRK trade dipped an additional 41% in 2021, the state still managed to produce some goods. The state-affiliated wig and eyelash factories remained closed, but in 2021 the authorities began allowing imports of raw materials for wig-making for a specific group: labor camps.

An estimated 20 – 30% of contract manufacturing products are made by political prisoners inside the country’s labor camps. While workers at state enterprises might receive paltry wages (such five cents per set of false lashes), prisoners don’t need to be paid at all. The Ministry of Social Security (and to a lesser extent, the Ministry of State Security) use prison labor to produce export goods at next to no cost for labor. Labor is divided within the camps according to age, gender, and sentence, and wig-making and eye-lash making appears to be designated as exclusively female labor, generally for women in their 20s and 30s. According to a 2015 HRNK report, women in the wig units did not work on a fixed schedule like other work units, rather but in direct response to the influx of orders from outside the camps.

Using prison labor to fill orders from Chinese companies is particularly profitable for the state, since profits on prison-made exports are split 70-30 between the state and the relevant ministry, but this split can reportedly be as extreme as 85-15 (as was the case in December 2022 when contract manufacturing began to resume post-pandemic).

Considering the official PRC-DPRK trade figures for September and assuming a conservative 20% was manufactured in re-education camps, prison labor netted USD 3.6 million for the North Korean authorities. Of this revenue, roughly USD 2.5 – 3 million went directly to state coffers.

This number will likely only get higher in the coming months. North Korean companies generally receive more contract manufacturing orders in winter than in summer, and the end of the fall harvest season means that labor camps can mobilize a greater percentage of the incarcerated population for manufacturing. Reports from inside a re-education camp in Hamhung this November, for example, corroborate this trend with reports that the Ministry of Social Security is pushing prison workers to further increase production before the end of the year.

The Cottage Industry

While a large portion of North Korea’s wigs are produced by forced labor in prison camps and the more ambiguously voluntary labor of ordinary workers at factories, the sheer demand for wigs and their profitability has led the industry to spill over into North Korea’s private sector. Recent reporting from Daily NK paints a picture of individuals from a variety of backgrounds, still primarily women, becoming involved in the hair industry.

With demand for wigs going up, the demand for hair with which to make wigs has also risen. In the month of September, North Korea’s number one import from China was hair for use in wig manufacturing. State enterprises are also buying up domestic hair, offering corn in exchange for bundles of hair. According to one report, a relatively long 25 centimeters (9.8 inches) bundle can fetch 20 to 25 kilograms of corn. As a result, many women are growing out their hair to sell off, even going so far as to avoid “fashion police” street task forces that might crack down on their non-regulation hair length.

Selling hair, while not a sustainable means of income, is a relatively accessible way for women to put a little food on the table. Wig-making, by contrast, requires a higher level of skill. Reports from border region cities Hyesan and Sinuiju suggest that women looking to learn wig-making can undergo two-week long apprenticeships from officers at the provincial trade office and, if they pass their final skills test, begin to fill orders for trade enterprises by working at home.

With pandemic economic difficulties persisting due to the state’s continued limitations on private trade, free-lancing for state enterprises offers an appealing alternative to spending the day hawking wares at the market. A Daily NK source in Hyesan estimated that a typical person might earn KPW 20,000 a week selling at the market, equivalent to about four kilograms of rice. By contrast, a single hairpiece can fetch anywhere between 5-12 kilograms of rice, depending on size and quality. A Nikkei Asia column reported that these first-stage wigs take approximately four to five hours to manufacture, while the Daily NK piece suggests that workers may make two hairpieces a week working during the night. Profits likely vary significantly depending on an individual’s work speed and the amount of time in the week they can dedicate to the craft, but even two pieces a week could earn a family 10 kilograms of rice. This represents a significant boost in the standard of living for households eating only two meals a day and relying on cheaper alternatives like corn.

There has even been a report that North Korean laborers overseas have entered the hair product industry to supplement their meager incomes. One Daily NK report found that workers deployed to textile factories in Liaoning, China, were spending three hours a day after work manufacturing false lashes. Unlike income at their official jobs where state officials take 2/3rds of their wages, workers can secretly keep profits from their “side gig.” Workers can make 20 jiao per set of lashes, which can add up to about RMB 35 (USD 4.80) for three hours of work. This low piecemeal rate has led workers to cut costs wherever possible, including using a cheaper glue that releases toxic fumes. Moreover, these three hours of meticulous and often nauseating or downright painful work come after the women have already spent their day working in the clothing factory from eight in the morning until seven at night.

Conclusion

Listening to the stories of North Korean wig makers in their homes, factories, and in secret overseas, their voices echo the tales of their South Korean counterparts 60 years ago. South Korea, like North Korea, relied on a cheap and skilled labor force and an export-driven economy to recover from the devastation of the Korean War. South Korean women and girls, many teenagers or younger, also flocked to textile factories for work. These women were simultaneously empowered to independently earn money while simultaneously being exploited in deplorable working conditions that often shortened their lives. As the wig-making industry grew, South Korean women, just like North Korean women now, cut and sold their hair (or had it cut by family members) to buy food and clothing. By 1970, wigs alone represented 12% of South Korea’s exports, third only after textiles and plywood.

By contrast, the precedent for the use of prison labor to make wigs is dim. China’s Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) has come under suspicion of using prison labor to make hair products for China’s booming hair export industry. Multiple Uighur women have also reported having their heads shaved upon entrance to the camps, sparking concerns that the hair in wigs and other products produced in the XUAR are made with hair taken from incarcerated women. Considering the dehumanizing treatment of prisoners inside North Korea, it is not hard to imagine a similar exploitation of female prisoners’ hair, as well as their labor, for the wig manufacturing industry.

The story of North Korean wig-making is a tangled one. Will wig-making be the salvation of North Korea’s foundering economy during a time when pandemic restrictions have threatened to plunge the country into a “second Arduous March?” Or does the widespread use of child and prison labor give us a moral imperative to crack down on North Korean hair products altogether, such as including hair products under UN sanctions? To what degree can we tolerate the exploitation of a vulnerable class inside North Korea so that another class of North Koreans can seize a new economic lifeline? These are the kinds of questions that can leave anyone tearing their hair out in frustration, but they deserve to be considered all the same.

North Korea’s wig industry will almost certainly continue to grow over the next few years. The majority of these wigs will pass through Chinese companies and are sold onwards to the rest of the world. At the same time, the United States is the single largest importer of hair products in the world. As the main drivers of demand, we are obligated to think more critically about where these hair products come from and whether they do suppliers more harm than good.

Views expressed in this guest column do not necessarily reflect those of Daily NK.

Rose Adams
Rose Adams is an aspiring North Korean scholar specializing in media, marketization, and women's rights in North Korea. She holds a master's degree in East Asian Studies from Stanford University.