Tuesday, November 28, 2023

The Social Shame of Violence Against Women


 
 NOVEMBER 28, 2023
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Photograph Source: Devon Buchanan – CC BY 2.0

Women and men are now organizing across cultures and socioeconomic classes to challenge and change gender-based abuse and injustice. In Argentina, for example, there were 22 femicides in 2019, a number higher than the year before. Worldwide, the most common kind of gender violence is domestic violence, which occurs in the home or within the family. It affects women regardless of age, education or socioeconomic status. Even though the majority of victims are women, men are also abused by their wives or partners. Violence also occurs among same-sex partners.

Although physical violence and sexual violence are easier to see, other forms of violence include emotional abuse, such as verbal humiliation, threats of physical aggression or abandonment, economic blackmail and confinement at home. Many women report that psychological abuse and humiliation are even more devastating than physical violence because of the negative long-lasting effects on their self-confidence and self-esteem.

In many countries, violence against women, especially in the domestic setting, is seen as acceptable behavior. Even more disturbing, a large proportion of women are beaten while they are pregnant. Comparative studies reveal that pregnant women who are abused have twice the risk of miscarriage and four-times the risk of having low-birth-weight babies than non-battered pregnant women.

Extent of the problem

Few precise figures on violence against women exist, but existing numbers are shocking. In every country where reliable studies have been conducted, statistics show that between 10% and 50% of women report that they have been physically abused by an intimate partner during their lifetime.

According to Mexico’s Health Ministry, about one in three women suffer from domestic violence, and it is estimated that over 6,000 women in Mexico die every year as a result. A study of women in Mexico sponsored by the government (Encuesta Nacional sobre la Dinámica de las Relaciones en los Hogares 2006), reported that 43.2% of women over 15 years old have survived some form of intra-family violence over the course of their last relationship.

Domestic violence is rife in many African countries as well. In Zimbabwe, according to a United Nations report, it accounts for more than six in ten murder cases in court. According to surveys, 42% of women in Kenya and 41% in Uganda reported having been beaten by their partners. Although some countries such as South Africa have passed women’s rights legislation, the big test — full implementation, with teeth — has not been passed.

In China, according to a national survey, domestic violence occurs in one-third of the country’s 270 million households. A survey by the China Law Institute in Gansu, Hunan and Zhejiang provinces found that one-third of the surveyed families had witnessed family violence and that 85% of victims were women.

In Japan, as in many other countries, the number of reported cases has increased in recent times. According to some advocates working to end domestic violence, this may signal that survivors may be overcoming cultural and social taboos that once forced them into silence. According to the National Police Agency, the number of consultations with the police from survivors of domestic violence in 2017 rose 3.6 percent compared to the previous year to reach a total of 72,455.

In Russia, estimates put the annual domestic violence death toll at more than 14,000 women. Natalya Abubikirova, executive director of the Russian Association of Crisis Centers, in a statement to Amnesty International, drew a dramatic parallel to capture the scope of the problem, “The number of women dying every year at the hands of their husbands and partners in the Russian Federation is roughly equal to the total number of Soviet soldiers killed in the 10-year war in Afghanistan.”

In a study conducted by the Council for Women at Moscow State University, 70% of the women surveyed said that they had been subjected to some form of violence — physical, psychological, sexual or economic — by their husbands. Some 90% of respondents said they had either witnessed scenes of physical violence between their parents when they were children or had experienced this kind of violence in their own marriages.

Research carried out in several Arab countries, indicates that at least one out of three women is beaten by her husband. Despite the serious consequences of domestic violence, and the increasing frequency of violence against women, not enough is done by the governments of Arab and Islamic countries to address these issues. “To date, there is no comprehensive and systematic mechanism for collecting reliable data on violence against women in Arab countries,” states the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM).

In many Islamic countries, or in countries with a substantial Muslim majority, passages from the Koran are sometimes used to justify violence against women. Yet many religious experts state that Islam rejects the abuse of women and advocates equality in the rights of women and men. In many cases, violence against women — including killings — are based more on cultural than religious grounds and are justified by the need to protect a family’s honor.

There is no single factor that accounts for violence against women, but several social and cultural factors have kept women particularly vulnerable to this phenomenon. What they have in common, however, is that they are manifestations of historically unequal power relations between men and women. In Latin America, a culture of machismo often gives license for such abuses.

When this kind of relationship becomes established, people become conditioned to accept violence as a legitimate means of settling conflicts — both within the family and in society at large — thus creating and perpetuating a vicious cycle.

Women who marry at a young age are more likely to believe that sometimes it is acceptable for a husband to beat his wife, and are more likely to experience domestic violence than women who marry at an older age, according to a UNICEF study.

Lack of economic resources and the capacity to lead economically independent lives also underscore women’s vulnerability to violence, and the difficulties they face in extricating themselves from a violent relationship.

Consequences of violence against women

Worldwide, violence is as common a cause of death and disability among women of reproductive age as cancer. It is also a greater cause of ill health than traffic accidents and malaria together. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) violence against women claims almost 1.6 million lives each year — about 3% of deaths of all causes.

What’s more, sexual violence increases women’s risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases, including AIDS (through forced sexual relations or the difficulty in persuading men to use condoms), increases the number of unplanned pregnancies, and may lead to various gynecological problems such as chronic pelvic pain and painful intercourse.

According to the WHO’s “World report on violence and health,” between 40% and 70% of female murder victims in Australia, Canada, Israel, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States were killed by their husbands or boyfriends — often within the context of an ongoing abusive relationship.

Studies conducted in the United States reveal that each year approximately 4 million women are physically attacked by their husbands or partners. One U.S. study concludes that violence against women is responsible for a large proportion of medical visits, and for approximately one-third of emergency room visits. Another study found that in the United States, domestic violence is the most frequent cause of injury in women treated in emergency rooms, more common than motor vehicle accidents and robberies combined.

In the United States, 25% of female psychiatric patients who attempt suicide are survivors of domestic violence, as are 85% of women in substance abuse programs. Studies carried out in Pakistan, Australia and the United States show that women survivors of domestic violence suffer more depression, anxiety, and phobias than women who have not been abused.

Domestic violence can have devastating consequences on children as well. According to a UNICEF report, as many as 275 million children worldwide are currently exposed to domestic violence. One of the findings of the report is that children who witness domestic violence not only endure the stress of an atmosphere of violence at home but are more likely to experience abuse themselves.

It is estimated that 40% of child-abuse victims also have reported domestic violence at home. In addition, children who are exposed to domestic violence are at greater risk for substance abuse, teenage pregnancy, and delinquent behavior.

Although doctors and health personnel can greatly help the victims, many times they are not trained to diagnose abuse accurately. And women are often reluctant or afraid to report abuse.

Various cultural and socioeconomic factors, including shame and fear of retaliation, contribute to women’s reluctance to report these acts. Legal and criminal systems in many countries also make the process difficult. Currently, in the U.S., the fear of deportation has kept many immigrant women, particularly from Central America, from denouncing violence at the hands of their husbands and partners. Men threaten to report women to immigration authorities should they seek legal assistance.

Frequently, fear keeps women trapped in abusive relationships. It has been found that almost 80% of all serious gender violence injuries and deaths occur when female survivors of violence attempt to leave a relationship — or after they have left.

Preventing violence against women

Governments and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have been increasingly responsive to women groups’ demands to deal seriously with this issue. In Bangladesh, new laws make violence against women a punishable offense. Belgium, Peru, and Yugoslavia have amended laws to more clearly define sexual harassment.

The Dominican Republic, Portugal, Spain, Uruguay, and Belgium, among others, have passed laws that increase penalties for domestic abuse. The Kingdoms of Jordan and Morocco have made strides to protect women’s rights — denouncing so-called honor killings in the former and providing confidential victims’ assistance hotlines in the latter.

In India and Bangladesh, a traditional system of local justice called salishe is used to address abuse on a case-by-case basis. For example, when a woman is beaten in Bangladesh, the West Bengali non-governmental organization Shramajibee Mahila Samity sends a female organizer to the village to discuss the situation with the people involved and helps find a solution, which is then formalized in writing by a local committee.

In China, there has been some progress regarding this issue as well, such as placing posters on some roads and in subways stressing the problems that domestic violence represents to society. The All-China Women’s Federation has been playing a significant role in bringing domestic violence into the legislative and policy-making processes.

Given the difficulties in properly diagnosing abuse or reluctance report it, prevention of violence against women is a key strategy. As a World Health Organization report states, “The health sector can play a vital role in preventing violence against women, helping to identify abuse early, providing victims with the necessary treatment and referring women to appropriate and informed care. Health services must be places where women feel safe, are treated with respect, are not stigmatized, and where they can receive quality, informed support.”

Studies carried out in industrialized countries shows that public health preventive approaches to violence can lower the negative impact of domestic violence. Prevention acts at three levels: primary prevention stops the problem from happening; secondary prevention stops it from progressing further; and tertiary prevention teaches survivors, after the fact, how to avoid its repetition. In England, primary prevention strategies have included educating children and youth in schools and community centers about effectively managing challenging emotions such as anger and frustration which can lead to violence. Lessons also focus on promoting positive gender relations and healthy self-esteem which can mitigate violence,

Many governments find it difficult to work with women at the community level, which is where NGOs come into play. This is the case in Jamaica, Malaysia, and Mozambique, among others, where these organizations have been particularly active. In Ethiopia, the Association of Women’s Lawyers is actively working against sexual violence and domestic abuse.

However, more work needs to be done if this pandemic is going to be controlled. Government and community leaders should spearhead an effort to create a culture of openness and support to help eliminate the stigma associated with women victims of violence. Also, stricter laws should be enacted and enforced, followed up with plans for specific national action.

In the U.S., the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has devised a set of strategies to help control this kind of violence through a technical package of programs, policies, and practices. Because it has a comprehensive approach, its use can have a definite effect in lowering the considerable burden of intimate partner violence.

The involvement of men is also critical to curb the spread of violence. In this case, also, NGOs have proven to be more effective than government agencies. In Cambodia, Jamaica and the Philippines, NGOs are working effectively with men to support women’s empowerment and rights. The Women’s Centre of the Jamaica Foundation counsels young male parents and trains male peer educators through its program Young Men at Risk.

Domestic violence is a threat to equality and justice. Forced out of the shadows and into the light, violence against women is finally being addressed worldwide, but efforts need continued attention and mobilization in order to succeed in the long term.

Dr. Cesar Chelala is a co-winner of the 1979 Overseas Press Club of America award for the article “Missing or Disappeared in Argentina: The Desperate Search for Thousands of Abducted Victims.”

Rise of Geert Wilders in Netherlands, and the growing far right in Europe: Analysis

The recent electoral success of Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom in the Netherlands signals a broader trend of right-wing populism in Europe, challenging traditional politics and raising concerns about the future of liberal democracy on the continent.



Geert Wilders, leader of the Party for Freedom, known as PVV, speaks during an event
(Credits: AP)


Geeta Mohan
New Delhi,
INDIA TODAY
UPDATED: Nov 28, 2023
Edited By: Vani Mehrotra


The recent success of Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom (PVV) in the Netherlands marks a pivotal moment. Wilders, a divisive figure in Dutch politics, has led the PVV to a significant victory in the latest elections, winning approximately 37 of the 150 parliamentary seats, a substantial increase from their previous count. This outcome signals a potential shift in Dutch politics, moving away from the centrist governance that has dominated under Mark Rutte's leadership.

Geert Wilders, leader of the Party for Freedom (PVV), has become a central figure in the changing political climate of the Netherlands. Born on September 6, 1963, Wilders has been at the forefront of Dutch politics since founding the PVV in 2006. His political journey started much earlier with his election to the Netherlands' national parliament in 1998. Initially, a member of the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), Wilders left in 2004 due to disagreements over the EU accession of Turkey, forming his own party, the PVV. Known for his criticism of Islam and the European Union, Wilders' views have made him a polarising figure both domestically and internationally.

Geert Wilders: A Polarising Figure

Wilders, who has been at the helm of the PVV since its establishment in 2006, is known for his strident criticism of Islam and the European Union. His political journey began within the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), but he defected in 2004 due to disagreements over the party's stance on EU policies, particularly due to disagreements over the EU accession of Turkey, forming his own party, the PVV. Wilders’ views have shaped the PVV's political platform, which advocates for strict immigration controls, particularly from Muslim countries, and opposes the construction of new mosques. His rhetoric has not only made him a prominent figure in Dutch politics but also a contentious one on the international stage.

PVV's Ideological Stance and Electoral Strategy



The PVV's platform reflects a broader European trend of populist right-wing parties gaining ground. The party's stance on issues such as immigration control, tax reductions, and stricter policies on drugs and infrastructure investment mirrors the populist approach of the late Rotterdam politician Pim Fortuyn. Wilders’ willingness to compromise on some of his more extreme views, particularly his anti-Muslim rhetoric, for the sake of forming a government, indicates a strategic shift aimed at transforming electoral success into tangible political power.

The Growing Far-Right Trend in Europe


Hungary: Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party has significantly altered Hungary's political environment, emphasising national conservatism and anti-immigration policies. The party's approach has raised concerns about the erosion of democratic norms and press freedom, highlighting the challenges that such shifts pose to the European Union's liberal democratic values.

Poland: The Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland has taken a similar route to Hungary's Fidesz, focusing on traditional family values, national sovereignty, and challenging EU norms, particularly concerning the judiciary and media freedoms. The PiS represents the growing influence of nationalist and conservative ideologies within the region.


Italy: The rise of Giorgia Meloni's Brothers of Italy and Matteo Salvini's League has reshaped Italy's political landscape. Both parties champion nationalist and anti-immigrant policies, reflecting broader European concerns about sovereignty and cultural integrity.


Sweden: The Sweden Democrats, initially rooted in neo-Nazi ideology, have gained significant electoral support, capitalising on societal concerns about immigration and cultural integration. Their rise indicates a shift in Swedish politics towards more nationalistic and conservative views.

France: Marine Le Pen's National Rally, a key player in French politics, focuses on nationalism, anti-immigration policies, and Euroscepticism. The party's influence has been significant in shaping the national discourse around these issues.

Spain: In Spain, Vox has emerged as a significant force, advocating for national unity against regional separatism, stringent immigration control, and traditional values. The party's rise is in part a response to issues surrounding Catalan independence and reflects a broader European trend of right-wing populism.

Germany: The Alternative for Germany (AfD) began as a Eurosceptic party but later adopted far-right positions, focusing on anti-immigration and anti-Islam policies. The AfD's rise is indicative of the broader challenges that Germany faces in terms of integrating immigrants and managing cultural change.

These far-right parties across Europe share a common thread in their appeal to public concerns over national identity, sovereignty, and the cultural impact of immigration and European integration. Their ascent reflects the complex interplay of economic uncertainties, cultural fears, and a perception among voters of being left behind by globalization and traditional political elites.

Implications and Future Outlook

The rise of Geert Wilders and the PVV in the Netherlands, along with similar trends in other European countries, signals a transformation in the political discourse of the continent. These shifts towards the far right challenge the liberal democratic order and the values of pluralism and tolerance. They underscore the need for traditional political forces to address the underlying causes of voter discontent, such as economic inequality, cultural integration challenges, and effective governance while upholding democratic norms and institutions.

The trajectory of these nations' politics will have significant implications for Europe's future, both in terms of internal cohesion and its global standing. As traditional political landscapes continue to evolve, the responses to these changes will be crucial in shaping the direction of European democracies.

In the Netherlands, the challenge for Wilders and the PVV will be to navigate the complex coalition dynamics inherent in Dutch politics. Despite their significant electoral gains, forming a government may prove difficult due to the reluctance of other parties to align with the PVV's controversial positions. This scenario is reflective of the broader European context, where far-right parties often struggle to translate electoral success into governing power due to their polarizing stances.

The Role of Mainstream Politics in the Rise of the Far Right

The growth of far-right parties can also be attributed to the perceived failures of mainstream political parties in addressing key public concerns. Issues such as economic insecurity, cultural changes due to globalisation, and the challenges of immigration and integration have not been adequately addressed by traditional political entities, leading to voter disillusionment. This disillusionment provides fertile ground for far-right parties, which often present simplified solutions to complex problems.

European Union's Response to the Far Right

The European Union faces a delicate balancing act in responding to the rise of the far right. On one hand, it must uphold its foundational values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. On the other hand, it needs to engage constructively with member states where far-right parties are part of the government or hold significant influence. This engagement is crucial to maintain the unity and integrity of the EU.

Future of Liberal Democracy in Europe


The rise of the far right poses a significant challenge to the future of liberal democracy in Europe. While these parties have capitalised on genuine grievances, their solutions often undermine the very principles of liberal democracy, such as minority rights, judicial independence, and media freedom. The response to this challenge must be multifaceted, involving not only political and institutional responses but also broader societal engagement to reaffirm the values of pluralism, tolerance, and inclusive democracy.

Published By:
Vani Mehrotra

Our Rich: Fooling Themselves and Fouling Our Planet


 
 NOVEMBER 28, 2023
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Sam Pizzigati writes on inequality for the Institute for Policy Studies. His latest book: The Case for a Maximum Wage (Polity). Among his other books on maldistributed income and wealth: The Rich Don’t Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970  (Seven Stories Press). 

Working With Hackers: Where — and How — Journalists Should Use These Sources


The OCCRP's Jan Strozyk addressing the audience at the Working with Hackers panel at GIJC23. 
Image: Rocky Kistner for GIJN

by Rowan Philp • November 28, 2023

The use of hacked data is an increasingly common ethical challenge for investigative journalists.

There are now terabytes of hacked datasets about corporations and government institutions available to reporters that trusted nonprofit groups have already obtained and curated for verification, source protection, privacy, and public interest value. And the careful and responsible use of this information can lead to key public interest revelations.

However, the prospect of using purloined data, even when verified, brings up core ethical questions: Is the story sufficiently important, and difficult to prove, to justify the use of hacked data — and how much detail about its origins should reporters disclose to their audiences?“If it doesn’t have public interest value, we will discard it.” — DDoSecrets Editor Lorax Horne

Questions like these remain a case-by-case challenge, because the hackers can have all manner of motives — noble, partisan, and criminal — and range from brave whistleblowers to exiled hacktivists doing cyber attacks on autocratic institutions to, yes, even ransomware extortionists.

In a session on Working with Hackers at the 13th Global Investigative Journalism Conference (#GIJC23), three veteran data journalists shared their insights on how to work with hacked information, and how to deal with sources who use cyberattacks to get it.

The panel included Lorax Horne, editor of Distributed Denial of Secrets (DDoSecrets), Jan Strozyk, chief data editor at the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), and Alena Prykhodzka, an exiled Belarusian reporter at Partisan Wave and a collaborator with the Cyberpartisans hacktivist group.
Look for Trusted Gatekeepers

Raw hacked datasets can present various legal, privacy, and accuracy perils for newsrooms. They might be peppered with personal identifiable information (PII) that would be highly inappropriate or even dangerous to publish. This data might have no public value beyond gossip or commercial competition. And these leaks can sometimes contain disinformation or hate speech or subtle tells that identify the leaker, potentially putting them in jeopardy.

As a result, the panel agreed that newsrooms should browse for this kind of information from trusted archives that filter leaks for these issues before posting the files on their databases.

Launched in 2018, DDoSecrets is a journalism collective that fills this role. It curates and publishes leaked public interest information on both open and limited-access platforms, and has worked with newsrooms such as ICIJ, Der Spiegel, Forbidden Stories, and the European Investigative Collaborations network.

Meanwhile, OCCRP’s Aleph archive includes a collection of over 1,100 leaked datasets — including 260 internally classified as “hacked” data — which journalists at both OCCRP partner organizations and independent newsrooms around the world frequently mine for major investigations.

At the session, Horne and Strozyk confirmed that both of these archives only post leaks after the data has been verified, evaluated for public interest value, checked for inappropriate PII, and selected for either open access or limited access for verified journalists and researchers.

Public Interest Is Paramount



DDoSecrets calls itself a journalistic nonprofit devoted to publishing and archiving leaks, and to the free transmission of data in the public interest. Image: DDoSecrets

Horne said that DDoSecrets seeks important data that is not otherwise publicly available, and that their team evaluates leaks in terms of “a very broad and historical perspective.”

“If it doesn’t have public interest value, we will discard it,” Horne said. “Then, we’ll look to see if it contains passport scans or national ID numbers or personal addresses, especially from non-public persons. If it doesn’t contain PII, we can publish the data via the censorship-resistant ‘torrents’ publishing method. If it does, we’ll see if the PII can be stripped or redacted.”

Last year, a hacked leak published by DDoSecrets revealed that numerous members of the far-right Oath Keepers militia in the United States were also elected officials or members of the military, and detailed the membership totals by US state. However, Horne explained that the organization redacted membership lists because the thousands of names could not all be independently verified. The team also obtained and published a massive hacked database from the Bahamas corporate registry, as well as 489 gigabytes of meeting notes, audio files, and emails from Russia’s censorship agency, Roskomnadzor Moscow.

A new, cross-border collaborative investigation into a sharp change in global drug trafficking routes – NarcoFiles: The New Criminal Order — offers a great illustration of the public interest benefits, security hazards, and criminal threats involved with hacking, all in one story.

Led by OCCRP and Centro Latinoamericano de Investigación Periodística (CLIP) — both of which are GIJN members — and including several other groups, the investigation originated with the hacking of highly sensitive emails from the Colombian Prosecutor’s Office by a local hacktivist group in 2022.

Despite this group’s claims of noble, anti-corruption intent, OCCRP pointed out that the raw hacked dataset could expose Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents, informants, and witnesses “to severe danger.” So, DDoSecrets and hacking news site Enlace Hacktivista obtained and carefully curated five terabytes of data from the hackers — including seven million emails — to mitigate these security risks, and worked with OCCRP and its partners to offer public interest leads.

In a detailed disclosure, OCCRP explained how the leak was verified, and noted that “measures were also taken to protect third parties and to avoid disrupting ongoing investigations.”

OCCRP and several other investigative outlets used hacked data for its latest cross-border collaboration, NarcoFiles: The New Criminal Order.
 Image: Screenshot / James O’Brien/ OCCRP


Working With Data Thieves: Where to Draw the Line

In addition to datasets submitted by more altruistic sources like whistleblowers and ideological hacktivists, journalists sometimes encounter leak archives originally posted by extortionists. In these cases, mercenary hackers have carried out their ransomware threat to publish non-public data in some dark corner of the internet.

While fishing for new sources online, Strozyk said he often encounters links to potentially newsworthy ransomware files published in places like the dark web. “Part of my job is to also go out into the internet and look for datasets that our reporters might be interested to work with,” said Strozyk. But finding this data doesn’t automatically mean a journalist should accept it.

James Ball — a trustee at the Ethical Journalism Network (EJN) and the former global editor of the Bureau of Investigative Journalism — stressed that journalists should consider public interest values at every step when dealing with hacked documents.

“Should we even look at a [hacked] dataset? Do we have a reason to believe it might contain information in the public interest? We should reassess — is it living up to what we thought? Is it more intrusive than we first realized?” Ball said, presenting examples of the questions news organizations should be asking when considering hacked or extorted data.

“So, not just as a tack-on at the end,” Ball added. “This can often be helpful to evidence in the case of legal complaints, but is often good practice too.”“Even on Telegram groups, I’m in there with my real name, and that I’m with OCCRP, so everyone knows I’m a journalist.” — OCCRP’s Jan Strozyk

He pointed to the blockbuster whistleblower leak from Edward Snowden that used massive amounts of data illicitly shared from the US National Security Agency. The Guardian and The Washington Post decided that the public interest value of the information, which they vetted, outweighed the potential legal risks, and that — because he was entitled to access the data — Snowden was technically a whistleblower, rather than a hacker. Ball said he shared that opinion as well.

“The hack/leak distinction is never a clean one,” he explained. “Most countries’ laws define a hack (or at least computer misuse) as accessing data that you’re not entitled to access, or accessing for purposes for which you’re not supposed to access it.”

When it comes to information sourced from unrepentant bad actors, like extortionist hackers, Ball said media outlets should prominently disclose to the audiences the nature of any ransomware data that they end up using. However, he recommended that the press avoid naming them.

“Ransomed data increases the public interest threshold at which publication is merited, and you probably owe it to the audience to say it was the result of ransomware,” he said. “I personally would not name the ‘gang’ behind it, as that might help them claim future ransoms.”

Ransomware Data Rules of Engagement

Both Horne and Strozyk said they use the following guidelines for dealing with information illicitly published by ransomware groups.They never pay for the use of this data.
They never publish a previously leaked dataset if the source has current access to the same institution’s data. “We don’t engage with anyone who is in a system live,” Strozyk explained. “This is partly for legal reasons — otherwise, you might accidentally instruct someone to hack something for you, or be accused of collusion.”
They take care to avoid being used as leverage to increase future ransom demands. “We don’t let ourselves be used as a negotiating tactic with extortion attempts,” said Horne.
They don’t provide public access to ransomware data. Instead, they restrict access to requests made by verified journalists and researchers.
They retain full, independent editorial control of the dataset. “We remain in control of the use of the data; we could never take a dataset along with any set of instructions, or spin, from the source,” said Horne.

Strozyk finds leads and links to some of these datasets in Telegram groups — but cautioned that it’s important to be open about your role as a journalist in your profile.

“Even on Telegram groups, I’m in there with my real name, and that I’m with OCCRP, so everyone knows I’m a journalist. This can also immediately scare people away who don’t want to follow our rules, which is good,” he noted.

Strozyk also monitors sites like ransomwatch and RansomLook for datasets of potential interest to investigative reporters, and closely follows the vx-underground Twitter channel for tips about new illicit leaks.

“I don’t find hackers very different from other types of sources — every source has an agenda,” Horne noted. “We do mirror ransomware datasets, but we don’t pay for data. These are datasets that the ransomware groups themselves have already published. We don’t deal with those groups directly.”

Later, Strozyk told GIJN: “We don’t provide access to ransomware datasets to the public, but we do to our ‘Friends of OCCRP’ user groups, which are open to anyone who can demonstrate that they are working as a journalist. These datasets come with a label that they’ve been originally published by a ransomware/hacker group, and that the user needs to take appropriate measures.”

Source of Last Resort“I do think the motivation of the source matters… A principled whistleblower, versus a hacker seeking revenge, versus a company discrediting a rival, all would have different implications.” — EJN Trustee James Ball

Why risk all of these ethical pitfalls in the first place? Because, the speakers said, these leaks are sometimes the only way to find leads that could expose an issue of overwhelming public interest.

These ethically fraught cases are comparable to some notable — and rare — journalistic uses of black market data. In 2020, Bellingcat researchers made small payments to data brokers to investigate the attempted murder of Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny. That data helped them find individuals whose personal travel patterns matched Navalny’s air travel, which led them to identify the state agents they believe were behind the poisoning attempt. (Bellingcat Executive Director Christo Grozev told GIJN that this difficult ethical decision was made because no law enforcement unit was willing to investigate, and because suspects included professional spies skilled at covering their tracks.)

“The way we see it is that this ransomware data is out there anyway, and it’s best if there is a central place where it is accurately described and labeled for journalists, rather than someone else out there selling or abusing it,” said Strozyk.

This ends-justifies-the-means approach is an everyday reality for the exiled hacktivist groups trusted by independent media.

“The independent media landscape in Belarus was absolutely destroyed in 2020,” exiled reporter Alena Prykhodzka explained. “Independent journalists became refugees and now work in exile. This was the precondition for creating hacktivist groups, because there was only one way to survive against the regimes” of Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko and Russia’s Vladimir Putin. “There was no other option,” she said.

Prykhodzka said exiled journalists created a hacktivist group called Cyberpartisans, which, she said, has since hacked dozens of repressive institutions in Belarus and Russia. She said they had curated and republished hacked datasets on, for instance, rail transport, internal affairs, passport documentation, passenger traffic, and law enforcement conduct complaints made via the Belarus “102” police contact line.


Exiled Belarusian investigative reporter and hacktivist Alena Prykhodzka discusses working with hacked data at GIJC23. 
Image: Rocky Kistner for GIJN

Prykhodzka noted that the group — which works within the guidelines of an ethical code of conduct — has even obtained more than 100 hours of wiretapped phone calls made by that autocratic country’s security services.

Prykhodzka said verified journalists could request access to any of these databases via the @probivator_bot Telegram chat, or by contacting the group at cyberpartisans@protonmail.com.

“You will be asked to verify who you are and to explain clearly why you want to use the data,” she explained.

“I do think the motivation of the source matters here,” Ball said. “A principled whistleblower, versus a hacker seeking revenge, versus a company discrediting a rival, all would have different implications. But if a story is important enough, you could potentially use the information whether it came from any of those three. The more you can share what you know about your source’s motivations, or how you got the information (without revealing a confidential source) the better, and it is not appropriate ever to lie about the source of information.”


Rowan Philp is GIJN’s senior reporter. He was formerly chief reporter for South Africa’s Sunday Times. As a foreign correspondent, he has reported on news, politics, corruption, and conflict from more than two dozen countries around the world.

U$ HEGEMONY IN SPACE
Saudi Arabia, US Agree to Boost Bilateral Cooperation in Space for Peaceful Purposes


Saudi Minister of Communications and Information Technology Abdullah al-Swaha with the Saudi delegation and US officials (SPA)

Washington :
Asharq Al Awsat
November 2023 AD ـ 14 Jumada Al-Ula 1445 AH

Saudi Arabia and the US have agreed to enhance cooperation in outer space exploration and use for peaceful purposes and in commercial opportunities for space industries.

The announcement came during the official visit of the Saudi Minister of Communications and Information Technology and the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Saudi Space Commission, Abdullah al-Swaha, to the US.

Swaha chaired a delegation representing the digital economy, space, and innovation system in Saudi Arabia.

Riyadh and Washington issued a joint statement focusing on enhancing cooperation in the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes and discussing signing a framework agreement on bilateral cooperation in space for peaceful purposes.

Saudi Arabia is a signatory to the Artemis Accords, and it agreed with the US to expand discussions on potential collaborative activities in space, earth sciences, and space missions.

The Saudi Minister confirmed that the joint statement reflects the ambitions of the two friendly countries to expand the strategic partnership to empower people, protect the planet, and form new horizons for cooperation in space, earth sciences, and exploratory missions.

Swaha indicated that this step would contribute to the sector's sustainability, enhance research and development activities, and accelerate the growth of space-related technologies. It would also develop talents and qualify national cadres through exchanging and transferring experiences between the two sides.

 

A slow-motion Gaza or how to 

carbonize  Planet Earth

November 28, 2023

Imagine this: humanity in its time on Earth has already come up with two distinct ways of destroying this planet and everything on it. The first is, of course, nuclear weapons, which once again surfaced in the ongoing nightmare in the Middle East. (An Israeli minister recently threatened to nuke Gaza.) The second, you won’t be surprised to learn, is what we’ve come to call “climate change” or “global warming” — the burning, that is, of fossil fuels to desperately overheat our already flaming world. In its own fashion, that could be considered a slow-motion version of the nuking of the planet.

Put another way, in some grim sense, all of us now live in Gaza. (Most of us just don’t know it yet.)

Yes, if you actually do live in Gaza, your life is now officially a living (or dying) hell on Earth. Your home has been destroyed, your family members wounded or killed, the hospital you fled to decimated. And that story, sadly enough, has been leading the news day after day for weeks now. But in the process, in some sense even more sadly, the deepest hell of our time has largely disappeared from sight.

I’m thinking about the urge to turn our whole planet into a long-term, slow-motion version of Gaza, to almost literally set it ablaze and destroy it as a habitable place for humanity (and so many other species).

Yes, in the midst of the ongoing Middle Eastern catastrophe, the latest study by James Hanson, the scientist who first sounded the climate alarm to Congress back in the 1980s, appeared. In it, he suggested that, in this year of record temperatures, our planet is heating even more rapidly than expected. The key temperature danger mark, set only eight years ago at the Paris climate agreement, 1.5 degrees Centigrade above the pre-industrial level, could easily be reached not in 2050 or 2040, but by (or even before) 2030. Meanwhile, another recent study suggests that humanity’s “carbon budget” — that is, the amount of carbon we can put into the atmosphere while keeping global temperature rise at or under that 1.5-degree mark — is now officially going to hell in a handbasket. In fact, by October, a record one-third of the days in 2023 had broken that 1.5-degree mark in what is undoubtedly going to prove another — and yes, I know how repetitive this is — record year for heat.

Oh, and when it comes to the globe’s two greatest greenhouse gas emitters, China is still opening new coal mines at a remarkably rapid pace, while the U.S., the world’s biggest oil producer, is expected to have “a third of planned oil and gas expansion globally between now and 2050.” And the news isn’t much better for the rest of the planet, which, given the dangers involved, should be headline-making fare. No such luck, of course.

Setting the Planet Afire

In fact, I’ll bet you hardly noticed. And I’m not surprised. After all, the news could hardly be worse these days in a country that, however indirectly, seems distinctly bound for war. There’s Ukraine, turning into ever more of a disaster zone by the week; there’s Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank promising yet more of the same, whether you’re listening to Hamas or Benjamin Netanyahu (with American military activity increasing in the region as well); and then there’s that “cold war” between the U.S. and China — yes, I know, I know, President Biden and China’s President Xi Jinping actually met and chatted recently, including about climate change — but don’t hold your breath when it comes to truly improving relations.

And yet, if you were to look away from Gaza for a moment, you might notice that significant parts of the Middle East have been experiencing an historic megadrought since 1998 (yes, 1998!). The temperatures baking the region are believed to be “16 times as likely in Iran and 25 times as likely in Iraq and Syria” thanks to the warming caused by the burning of fossil fuels. Meanwhile, if you take a skip and a jump from the flaming Middle East to Greenland, you might notice that, in recent years, glaciers there have been melting at — yes, I know this sounds unbearably repetitious — record rates (five times faster, in fact, in the last 20 years), helping add to sea level rise across the planet. And mind you, that rise will only accelerate as the Arctic and Antarctic melt ever more rapidly. And perhaps you won’t be surprised to learn that the Arctic is already warming four times faster than the global average.

If you have the urge to put all of this in context for 2023, you need to remind yourself that we’re now ending November, which means a final accounting of the devastation wrought by climate change this year isn’t quite in. Admittedly, it’s already been one hell of a year of record heat and fires, floods, extreme drought, and so on (and on and on). You’ve probably forgotten by now, but there were those record heat waves and fires — and no, I’m not thinking about the ones that swept across Europe or that broiled parts of Greece amid record flooding. I’m thinking about the ones in Canada that hit so much closer to home for us Americans. The wildfires there began in May and, by late June, had already set a typical seasonal record, only to burn on and on and on (adding up to nine times the normal seasonal total!) deep into October, sending billows of smoke across significant parts of the United States, while setting smoke pollution records.

Nor is the news exactly great when it comes to climate change and this country. Yes, heat records are still being set month by month this year in the U.S., even if the record highs are still to be fully tallied. Just consider those 55 days in which our sixth largest city, Phoenix, suffered temperatures of 110 degrees or more (31 of them in a row), resulting in a heat version of Gazan casualties, a 50% surge in the deaths mostly of seniors and the homeless to almost 600. A recent congressionally mandated report released by the Biden administration on global warming found that this country is actually heating up faster than the global average. “The climate crisis,” it reported, “is causing disruption to all regions of the U.S., from flooding via heavier rainfall in the northeast to prolonged drought in the southwest. A constant is heat — ‘across all regions of the U.S., people are experiencing warming temperatures and longer-lasting heatwaves’ — with nighttime and winter temperatures rising faster than daytime and summer temperatures.”

A Planetary Gaza?

For some global context, just consider that, in 2022, the planet’s greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere were the highest on record, according to the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration. So were the temperatures of ocean waters, while sea levels rose for the 11th straight year! There were also record-shattering heat waves across the planet and that was the way it all too disastrously went.

And yet none of that will hold water (or do I mean fire?), it seems, when it comes to 2023, which is clearly going to set another heat record. After all, we already know that, month by sweltering month, from November 2022 to the end of October 2023, a major heat record was set that seemingly hadn’t been topped in the last 125,000 years. It’s a near certainty as well that this full year will prove similarly record-breaking. And given the way we humans are still burning fossil fuels, we won’t have to wait another 125,000 years for that to happen again. The odds are, in fact, that 2024 will indeed set another global heat record.

So, tell me, how’s that for a planetary Gaza? And yet, strangely enough, while the nightmare in the Middle East is being covered daily in a dramatic fashion across the mainstream media, often by brave reporters like the PBS NewsHour‘s Leila Molana-Allen, the burning of the planet is, at best, a distinctly secondary, or tertiary, or… well, you can fill in the possible numbers from there… reality.

The sad truth of it is that there aren’t enough reporters spending their time on the front lines of global warming and nowhere do I see the staff members of up to 40 government agencies protesting over the weakness of climate-change policy the way so many of them recently did over the Biden administration’s policies on Israel and Gaza. While every night we venture into the devastated Gaza Strip with reporters like Molana-Allen (not to speak of the 41 journalists who died in the first month of that conflict), rare is the night when we do the same in our overheating world. All too few journalists are focusing on the humans already being driven from their homes, experiencing (and even dying from) unprecedented heat, storms, flooding, and drought.

Nor are there many reporters stepping directly into the flames. I’m thinking, in this case, of the coverage (or lack of it) of the drilling for or mining of fossil fuels, the companies making record profits — absolute ongoing fortunes — off them, while their CEOs are pulling in unbelievable sums yearly, even as the ferocious burning of their products continues to pour carbon into the atmosphere.

And mind you, fossil-fuel emissions are still — a word that once again seems all too appropriate — hellishly high. Yes, the International Energy Agency does expect such emissions to peak before 2030, if not earlier. Still, we humans are going to be burning coal, oil, and natural gas for one hell (that again!) of a long time and those fossil-fuel companies will continue making fortunes while damaging all our lives and those of our children and grandchildren into the distant future.

There’s no question that Gaza has truly been a hell on Earth. Deaths in that small strip of land had already exceeded 11,000 (many of them children) while I was writing this. Meanwhile, from hospitals to homes, Israeli bombs and missiles have turned staggering amounts of its living (or now dying) spaces into rubble. And that is indeed a horror that must be covered (just as the nightmarish initial Hamas attack on Israel was). But in the process of watching Gaza burn, it would be good to remember that we’re also turning the whole planet into a Gazan-style catastrophe. It’s just happening in relative slow motion.

World War II ended in September 1945 and since then — despite endless wars — there hasn’t been another “world” version of one. Gaza and Ukraine remain horrific but relatively localized, just as the Korean and Vietnam conflicts once were.

But while, whatever the horrors and damage done, there hasn’t been another world war, there has been and continues to be a war on the world, a slow-motion global Gaza that will only grow worse unless we put our energy into moving ever faster to transition from coal, natural gas, and oil to alternative energy sources. In truth, that is the war we should all be fighting, not the ones that distract us from the worst dangers we face.

In fact, it’s past time to start talking about World War III, even if this time it’s a war on the planet itself.

END GERMAN SHEPARD BUL-GO-GI
South Korea’s dog meat supporters threaten to let 2 million dogs out near presidential office

A special bill will outlaw farming dogs for meat, slaughtering them, distributing the meat and any businesses related to dog meat. 

PHOTO: REUTERS

SEOUL - An umbrella group for those in the dog meat industry in South Korea has vowed to hold a protest on Nov 30 against the government’s move to ban dog meat consumption, while allegedly threatening to release two million dogs around the presidential office in Yongsan-gu, Seoul.

Daehan Yukgyeon Hyephoi (Dog Meat Federation), a group consisting of dog meat farm operators and dog meat restaurant owners across the country, has recently decided to hold a protest in front of the War Memorial of Korea in Yongsan, just across the street from the office of President Yoon Suk Yeol.

The group has warned they will release the dogs in Yongsan and in front of Agriculture Minister Chung Hwang-keun’s residence in South Chungcheong Province.

“Each participant will be there with at least one dog (at the protest). Whether or not the dogs will be released will be left to the discretion of each participant,” the group told local media.

The Yoon government and ruling party are shooting to propose legislation that would ban dog meat sales by 2027, which is when Yoon’s term is set to end.

The special bill will outlaw farming dogs for meat, slaughtering them, distributing the meat, restaurants and any businesses related to dog meat. Violators of the proposed law will be subject to criminal punishment.

If the special bill passes in the National Assembly, those in the dog meat industry will be granted a three-year grace period.

The government’s drive to end dog meat consumption, backed feverishly by first lady Kim Keon Hee, has touched off controversy in South Korea, where eating dog is not common but has never been restricted by law.

An August 2022 poll by Gallup Korea on 1,514 adults across the country showed that 85.5 percent of respondents do not eat dog meat, while 80.7 per cent said they never plan to.

A government-civilian committee launched last year on the legislation of a dog meat ban researched across the country to find that there are 1,156 farms in South Korea breeding dog for meat, and some 1,600 restaurants here consume an annual average of 388,000 dogs.

Over half of South Koreans — 55.8 per cent — think that eating dog meat should be discontinued, while 28.4 per cent thought the practice should continue as-is, the aforementioned Gallup poll showed.

Those in the dog meat industry say that the government plan lacks any specific measures to support them to transition to other livelihoods if the bill is passed.

The Dog Meat Federation has urged the government at minimum to postpone the plan for the time being, as the majority of the those involved in the industry are at least in their 60s and near retirement. THE KOREA HERALD/ASIA NEWS NETWORK
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