Two Russians get prison terms for poetry against Ukraine campaign

YOU KNOW YOU ARE NOT FREE WHEN  THEY LOCK  UP THE POETS

Thu, 28 December 2023

The two poets in court (Alexander NEMENOV)

A Moscow court on Thursday sentenced two men to several years in prison for taking part in the recital of verses against the Ukraine campaign during an anti-mobilisation protest last year.

Artyom Kamardin, 33, received a seven-year sentence for reciting a poem, and Yegor Shtovba, 23, was sentenced to five and a half years for attending the protest.

The two were seen behind a glass partition in a heavily-guarded courtroom.

Just before his sentencing, a smiling Kamardin recited a poem that refers to poetry as "gut-wrenching" and often disliked by "people accustomed to order".


After the sentence was read out, there were cries of "Shame!" from supporters in the courtroom, some of whom were later detained by police outside the court building, an AFP reporter saw.

Russian authorities have detained thousands for simple acts of protest against the offensive in Ukraine, with criticism effectively outlawed.

Kamardin has claimed that during his detention he was raped by police officers and forced to film an apology video as officers threatened his partner.

On the eve of his arrest in September 2022, he had recited his poem "Kill me, militia man!" on a Moscow square where dissidents have been gathering since the Soviet era.

Kamardin also shouted offensive slogans against the imperial "New Russia" project aiming to annex the south of Ukraine.

Both were convicted of "inciting hatred" and "calling for activities threatening state security".

Kamardin told the court he did not know his actions broke the law and asked for mercy.

"I am not a hero, and going to prison for my beliefs was never in my plans," he said in a statement, posted on his supporters' Telegram channel.

- 'Under torture' -

After the sentencing, his father Yury said: "This is a total outrage!"

Around two dozen friends came to support the defendants along with the poets' parents and wives.

Kamardin's wife Alexandra Popova was in the crowd.

"It is a very harsh sentence. Seven years for poems, for a non-violent crime," she told AFP, before being taken away by police officers.

She was later released but three others, including a journalist, were being detained Thursday evening, according to the independent news outlet SOTA.

The lawyer of one said that the authorities had accused them of "disturbing public order".

In an interview with AFP in late 2022, Popova had recounted her then boyfriend's arrest, saying officers threatened her with "gang rape", hit her and sprayed superglue on her cheeks and mouth.

Meanwhile Kamardin was taken to a separate room, where -- as he told his lawyer -- he was beaten and raped with a barbell.

Kamardin was also forced to film an apology video.

- Sorry for 'leaving you' -

Shtovba also insisted he did not break the law.

In his last statement in court, published by independent site Mediazona, he asked the judge: "What have I done that's illegal? Read poetry?"

He also addressed his mother, who he said depended on him financially.

"Mom, I know that you, more than anyone, believe in my innocence... Still, I'm sorry for how things turned out, leaving you and dad alone."

Nikolai Dayneko, who was arrested at the same time, was sentenced to four years in prison last May after entering a pre-trial agreement, according to OVD-info.

These are the latest in a string of heavy sentences against Russians who protested the offensive, in trials critics denounce as absurd.

Germany's foreign ministry condemned Thursday's verdict, accusing the Kremlin of "letting the judiciary stifle freedom of expression".

In mid-November judge Oksana Demiasheva sentenced artist Alexandra Skochilenko to seven years in prison for swapping price tags with slogans criticising Russia's offensive in Ukraine.

Skochilenko had replaced five price tags in a branch of one of Russia's largest supermarket chains in Saint Petersburg with messages about the conflict.

The trials of ordinary Russians usually take place away from public attention, unlike those of prominent critics.

Most of Russia's high-profile opposition figures have fled the country or are behind bars, including Alexei Navalny.

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Russian poet receives 7-year prison sentence for reciting verses against war in Ukraine


The Associated Press
Thu, 28 December 2023 


A Russian poet was given a 7-year prison sentence Thursday for reciting verses against Russia's war in Ukraine, a tough punishment that comes during a relentless Kremlin crackdown on dissent.

Moscow's Tverskoi District Court convicted Artyom Kamardin on charges of making calls undermining national security and inciting hatred, which related to him reading his anti-war poems during a street performance in downtown Moscow in September 2022.

Yegor Shtovba, who participated in the event and recited Kamardin's verses, was sentenced to 5 1/2 years on the same charges.


The gathering next to the monument to poet Vladimir Mayakovsky was held days after President Vladimir Putin ordered a mobilization of 300,000 reservists amid Moscow's military setbacks in Ukraine. The widely unpopular move prompted hundreds of thousands to flee Russia to avoid being recruited into the military.

Police swiftly dispersed the performance and soon arrested Kamardin and several other participants.

Russian media quoted Kamardin's friends and his lawyer as saying that police beat and raped him during the arrest. Soon after, he was shown apologizing for his action in a police video released by pro-Kremlin media, his face bruised.

Authorities have taken no action to investigate the alleged abuse by police.

During Thursday's hearing, Kamardin's wife, Alexandra Popova, was escorted out of the courtroom by bailiffs after she shouted “Shame!” following the verdict. Popova, who spoke to journalists after the hearing, and several other people were later detained on charges of holding an unsanctioned “rally” outside the court building.

Between late February 2022 and earlier this month, 19,847 people have been detained in Russia for speaking out or protesting against the war while 794 people have been implicated in criminal cases over their anti-war stance, according to the OVD-Info rights group, which tracks political arrests and provides legal assistance.

The crackdown has been carried out under a law Moscow adopted days after sending troops to Ukraine that effectively criminalized any public expression about the war deviating from the official narrative.

Up next

AFP

'Almost Naked' Moscow party triggers conservative backlash

Thu, 28 December 2023 at 7:15 am GMT-7

Apologetic: media personality Ksenia Sobchak (WIN MCNAMEE)

A celebrity-studded "Almost Naked" party in Moscow's famed Mutabor nightclub has drawn outrage from Russia's political establishment, which has become increasingly po-faced since the assault on Ukraine.

Footage showing Russian VIPs in lingerie and raunchy costumes led to the arrest of a rapper for wearing nothing but a strategically-placed sock, and calls for boycotts and investigations.

The scandal shows the shrinking space for anything deviating from conservative patriotism in Russia since its deadly assault in Ukraine almost two years ago.

Amid the backlash, organiser Anastasia Ivleeva published a tearful apology video.

"I would like to ask you, the people, for a second chance... If the answer is no, then I'm ready for my public execution," she said Wednesday.

Over 20 people filed a class lawsuit against her, demanding she pay a billion rubles ($11 million) to a charity supporting the assault on Ukraine.

Her apology left some unmoved, including influential state television presenter Vladimir Solovyov.

"You want a second chance? Bring our guys heaters and drones in Tokmak" on the southern Ukrainian frontline, he told her on Telegram.

In an earlier post, Solovyov called the attendees "beasts, scum" and said: "You have no idea how much the people hate you."

The arrested rapper, Vasio, had already been sentenced to 15 days in jail for distributing "gay propaganda" and petty hooliganism, state-run news agency TASS said.

He was convicted under the "LGBTQ propaganda" law banning positive information on lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender people, which authorities toughened last year.

- 'Irresponsible in heroic times' -

Russia's conservative spiral has deepened since the military operation in Ukraine.

But until recently liberal high society circles in Moscow had rarely been affected.

Apologies from people who attended the December 20 party have been trickling out over the past few days.

Russia's flamboyant pop king Filipp Kirkorov asked for forgiveness after footage circulated of him wearing a sparkling lace outfit with futuristic sunglasses.

"In today's difficult and heroic times, an artist of my calibre... cannot and should not be so irresponsible when participating in various events," he said on camera.

Ksenia Sobchak, a media personality and the daughter of Vladimir Putin's mentor, appeared in several photos in a beige dress with barbed wire patterns.

She said she understood "showing photos of the party to the whole world was inappropriate" at the moment in a post on social media.

And singer Dima Bilan said he "understood the resentment of our people, especially guys who are defending us on the frontline."

The Kremlin refused to comment, but foreign ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova addressed the controversy.

"Life teaches us painful lessons," she said on Sputnik radio, according to state-run television.

"These people need to realise the depth of the problem and become better. For their own sake," she said.

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Up next

The Independent

Free Alexei Navalny from his Polar Wolf prison colony hell

Kim Sengupta

Wed, 27 December 2023 at 2:51 pm GMT-7

Alexei Navalny has been in prison since returning to Russia in 2021 (Getty)

Years of repeated incarceration in increasingly harsh prison conditions have failed to break Alexei Navalny. He has kept up an unceasing campaign against Vladimir Putin’s autocratic rule from behind bars, remaining the president’s most prominent opponent inside Russia.

For three weeks this month, there was silence from him. He could not be found by his legal team, family and friends despite an exhaustive search through the penal system. Officials across the country, from Mr Putin’s spokesman to prison authorities in both Moscow and far-flung provinces, claimed they did not know his whereabouts.

But as his supporters grew increasingly worried, the 47-year-old made a sudden reappearance from the brutal IK-3 penal colony in the Arctic Circle, known as Polar Wolf, 1,200 miles northeast of Moscow.

In a series of deeply ironic messages from his X account, Mr Navalny insisted he was fine, compared himself to Santa Claus and described the “beautiful fluffy sheepdogs” watching guard. No pictures of him have been seen in his new place of imprisonment.

Over 20 days, he said he had been taken on a highly circuitous journey from Moscow to the penal colony in Kharp, a journey that should take around 40 hours by train. Describing conditions inside the camp, a former inmate gave an interview in 2018 to the daily newspaper Novie Izvestiya where he described how he was beaten “from all sides with a truncheon” on arrival.

Navalny has kept up an unceasing campaign against Vladimir Putin’s autocratic rule from behind bars (DPA)

Mr Navalny’s disappearance was not altogether an unusual event for those challenging the brutally powerful. Adversaries of Latin American military juntas, of organised crime gangs, of terrorist groups and of violent dictators around the world are among the disappeared. Some stay missing for ever; others turn up dead.

People like Boris Nemtsov, who was killed with four bullets to his back in Moscow in 2014, when he was organising protests against financial corruption and Russian intervention in Ukraine. Or, more recently, Yevgeny Prigozhin and his senior commanders, whose plane was blown out of the sky following the failed coup by their Wagner mercenaries.

But the fact that Mr Navalny went missing for so long became a matter of grave concern both at home and abroad.

Mariana Katzarova, the United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in the Russian Federation, expressed her fears: “Persistent ill-treatment in detention and lack of access to adequate medical care will cause further harm to his health and lead to great risks to his life.”

Kira Yarmysh, a member of Mr Navalny’s team, added: “No prisoner had ever simply disappeared for so long, especially not such an important prisoner.” Russians outside the country went to their embassies to protest, holding up posters asking “Where is Navalny?”

Ms Yarmysh said she believes the decision to move him to such a remote and inhospitable location was designed to isolate him, make his life harder, and render it more difficult for his lawyers and allies to access him. But the calls for his release grow only louder.

Navalny called Russian president Vladimir Putin a ‘madman’ and his ruling party ‘crooks and thieves’ (AFP/Getty)

Alexei Navalny came to fame and became a target for the Kremlin after accusing Mr Putin and the hierarchy around him of corruption and abuse. The president, he said, is a “madman” and his ruling party “crooks and thieves.”

Mr Navalny urged people not to simply complain about the malaise in Russia but to take action: “Everyone says corruption is everywhere but for me, it seems strange to say that and then not try to put the people guilty of corruption away.”

As support grew, he did not hesitate to aim at the top, accusing Mr Putin of running a system of “feudal patronage” with fabulous rewards. A documentary he presented – “Putin’s Palace: The Story of the World’s Biggest Bribe” – investigated the building of a £1.35bn luxury mansion, allegedly for the president, in the Krasnodar region. The Kremlin denied the claim but the video racked up more than 110 million views internationally.

Mr Navalny also pointed to the activities of the security apparatus and the plight of Russians pushing back against the state. “We have grown accustomed to injustice in Russia, people are constantly being arrested unlawfully,” he said. He also foresaw the inevitable retribution he would face: “I am in the very blackest part of the black list.”

The IK-6 penal colony where jailed Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny was last being held (AFP/Getty)

Over the years, Mr Navalny has faced physical attacks, repeated arrests, investigations, and criminal proceedings. He faced one assassination attempt, via Novichok nerve agent poisoning in Russia three years ago, which resulted in him being evacuated to Germany in a coma for life-saving treatment.

His family and lawyers say he has been suffering from an acute, undiagnosed, stomach illness while in prison. That, and general deprivation, has led to alarming weight loss and fainting spells.

Mr Navalny’s current jail term began when he returned from medical treatment in Germany to Russia in 2021, despite warnings from allies and friends that it would be highly dangerous. He was arrested at the airport, put before a court, and sentenced to two and half years of a former suspended jail term for alleged fraud.

This was just a holding move by the government prosecutors. In August 2022 he was sentenced to nine years in prison after being found guilty of spending public donations to his Anti-Corruption Foundation on “extremism and personal needs”. In August this year, he was sentenced to a further 19 years of a raft of “extremism” charges. There were further charges, this time of “vandalism”, due earlier this month before he went missing.

If the authorities thought that prison would keep Mr Navalny quiet, they were mistaken. A lawyer himself, with a dedicated legal team backing him, he has filed suits to get adequate medical care, an end to the bugging of rooms where he met visitors, and no more broadcasts of Mr Putin’s speeches into his cell.

Protesters outside the Russian embassy in London in support of Alexei Navalny on his 47th birthday earlier this year (AFP/Getty)

Mr Navalny has published, with the help of his legal team and political allies, articles and manifestos about current affairs and kept up regular postings on social media.

Russia’s most prominent inmate has also given interviews in prison laying out the conditions he has faced. Describing the violence and repression of a penal colony, he told The New York Times: “You might imagine tattooed musclemen with steel teeth carrying on with knife fights to take the best cot by the window. You need to imagine something like a Chinese labour camp, where everybody marches in a line and where video cameras are hung everywhere. There is constant control and a culture of snitching.”

On other occasions, Mr Navalny has spoken about the mistreatment he has suffered: “I now understand why sleep deprivation is one of the favourite tortures of the special services. No traces remain, and it’s impossible to tolerate.”

He had to cope with the lingering effect of the Novichok poisoning with barely any medical help in prison. “It [has] got to the point where it’s hard to get up from the bed, and it hurts a lot. The prison doctor saw me and started dispensing two ibuprofen pills but did not tell me what my diagnosis is … If I place my weight on my right leg, I fall right down. I’ve got used to my right leg lately, and I’d hate to lose it.”

Despite many obstacles, Mr Navalny’s foundation has also remained active. It recently put up billboards in Moscow, St Petersburg and several other cities wishing everyone a happy new year. The boards displayed a QR code which, when scanned, opened a website titled “Russia Without Putin”, which urged citizens to vote for anyone but Mr Putin in the coming presidential election next March.

Navalny is seen on a TV screen, as he appears in a video link provided by the Russian Federal Penitentiary Service in a courtroom in Moscow last year (AP)

The notice of further charges against Mr Navalny, and then his three-week disappearance, came as Mr Putin launched his campaign for a fifth term in office, with the foregone conclusion of an election victory meaning that he would be emulating Joseph Stalin with 30 years in power.

Ivan Zhadnove, the head of Mr Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation, is convinced there is a link between what happened to Mr Navalny and the coming election. “I don’t believe in such coincidences: that Alexei goes missing just as we are about to announce our electoral campaign, a day before Vladimir Putin announcing he would run for president for an infinite new term. It’s not a coincidence, it’s the Kremlin strategy,” he said.

The Russian president’s spokesperson, Dmitry Peskov, denied that the Kremlin had anything to do with Mr Navalny’s ongoing persecution, adding that the central government has “neither the intention nor the ability to track the fate of convicts”.

Following Mr Navalny’s conviction in August, extending his sentence by 19 years, the court ordered that he be moved to a “special regime” penal colony. The 25 prisons with this form of particularly punitive treatment are scattered across the country, from the European part of Russia to the Arctic Circle and the Far East.

But no such move seemed to have taken place by December. Mr Navalny suggested in social media posts that the reason for this was that investigators were unwilling to travel to remote locations to pursue further cases against him.

The IK-6 penal colony (AFP/Getty)

Mr Navalny was due to meet his defence team on 6 December in Kovrov, 162 miles northeast of Moscow. His lawyers waited for hours but were denied access. The same scenario played out over the next two days.

Mr Navalny was also due to appear at several court hearings around that time to answer the fresh tranche of charges. The prison authorities failed to produce him. The judge in one of the courts due to hear the case, Oktyabrsky in Vladimir region, suspended the hearings until the defendant’s “location is established”.

Vyacheslav Gimadi, a lawyer for Mr Navalny, pointed out that “there are no such grounds in the law to act in that fashion”.

“Instead of asking the Federal Penitentiary Service to ensure the plaintiff’s turnout, the court just wrote off the hearings for an indefinite period,” he said.

The Federal Penitentiary Service produced a certificate to Mr Navalny’s lawyers saying that their client was not in the penal colony IK-6, where he was last recorded to have been held. Mr Navalny’s lawyers sent requests for help to no fewer than 200 pre-trial detention centres in the search for him, without any joy.

It wasn’t until Monday that his spokesperson revealed he had been tracked to Polar Wolf, where temperatures plunge as low as -28C. It was founded in the Sixties, as part of the Soviet Gulag forced labour camps.

A spokesperson for the government told The Independent: “We have been clear that the continued imprisonment of Alexei Navalny on politically-motivated grounds further demonstrates the Russian state’s contempt for freedom of speech and international human rights obligations. Russia should immediately release him.”

Ukraine war has exposed the folly – and unintended consequences – of 'armed missionaries'


Ronald Suny, University of Michigan
Thu, December 28, 2023 

THE CONVERSATION

Putin's decision to go to war has seen great geopolitical ripples. 

Getty Images

The evening before Russia invaded Ukraine, it seemed to many observers – me included – nearly unimaginable that Putin would carry through with weeks of a threatened military attack. As I wrote at the time, Putin is not as erratic or rash as he is sometimes painted.

I had failed to take into account that Putin is, in the words of French statesman and revolutionary Maximilien Robespierre, an “armed missionary.” Writing in 1792, Robespierre explained, “The most extravagant idea that can take root in the head of a politician is to believe that it is enough for one people to invade a foreign people to make it adopt its laws and constitution. No one likes armed missionaries; and the first advice given by nature and prudence is to repel them as enemies.”

Those words seem fitting as Vladimir Putin’s disastrous war in Ukraine drags on.

Putin’s decision marked the beginning of a year of massive destruction and death in Ukraine and of extraordinary costs – both economic and in lives lost – for Russia.

It was also a colossal blunder on Putin’s part: It has weakened Russia significantly, solidified the NATO powers around the leadership of the United States and created a more unified, nationally conscious Ukraine than had existed before the war.
Imperial overreach

As a fading power, Putin’s Russia has refused to accept its own limitations, both economically and militarily. In invading its smaller neighbor, Russia made a bid to upset the international system headed by the United States. It also sought to establish its own hegemony over Ukraine, and by implication, over much of the former Soviet Union.

But Russia’s failure to “decapitate” the Ukrainian government, which in turn inspired heroic resistance by Ukrainians, proved a disastrous example of what might be called “imperial overreach” – when a state tries to expand or control other states beyond its own capacity to do so.

One of many destroyed and abandoned Russian tanks. Wolfgang Schwan/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

It has produced a weakened Russia – an isolated pariah state perceived as a threat to democracies and the rules-based liberal international security system.

Meanwhile, Putin’s diatribes against the West have evolved from complaints about the expansion of NATO to attacking the permissive culture of the West.

Putin deploys rhetoric about dangerously subversive liberal, democratic values and practices – echoing right-wing politicians like Hungary’s Victor Orbán and Giorgia Meloni, the far-right Italian leader. It appears that a new “International” – just as ominous to the liberal West as the Communist International was – is being formed of illiberal and authoritarian states, with Russia a key member.

This view of the Ukrainian war as a cultural struggle plays in the Russian media as an emotional rallying cry to mobilize the basest fears of Putin’s people.

Propaganda disguised as news, social media posts and the screeds of government officials are being deployed to shape ordinary Russians’ perceptions of the war.
Toward a multipolar world?

The consequences of Putin’s miscalculation are not limited to the war itself, or to Europe. Rather, they have had reverberations far beyond the battlefields of Ukraine and the homes of Russians whose sons have been slaughtered or fled abroad.

Putin’s imperial aggression against Ukraine – implausibly proclaimed to be a defense of a united Russia and of Ukrainian peoples against Nazi usurpers – has a long genealogy.

Ever since his famous speech at the Munich Security Forum in 2007, Russia’s president has railed against the “unipolar” military and economic dominance of the United States. What he wants is “multipolarity” – that is, the ability of other great powers to hold sway over their neighborhoods.

In such a multipolar world, Ukraine and Georgia would never join NATO and much of the former Soviet Union would fall under the umbrella of Russia. China would have paramount influence in East Asia, likewise India in South Asia. And perhaps this is Iran’s ambition in much of the Middle East.

To countries hostile to the United States – and even to some friendly states – this multipolar rearrangement of the international order has considerable appeal.

Yes, the war in Ukraine has solidified the Western alliance around its idea of the rules-based international order that has been in place since 1945. But it has also awakened the aspirations of “the Global South” – those countries in neither NATO nor the former Soviet bloc, largely in the Southern Hemisphere.

Countries from Latin America and Africa to Pacific Island nations have urged a greater dispersion and sharing of international clout. The two most populous countries in the world, India and China, have expressed their support for a new multipolar international order and have not been openly critical of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
Redefining regional, global power struggles

The war in Ukraine has also had ripple effects on other global tensions.

With Taiwan as a potential flashpoint and saber-rattling by North Korea, Japan, South Korea and the Philippines are gravitating toward closer military cooperation with the United States in East Asia. China and North Korea are moving in the opposite direction, closer to Russia.

The Ukraine war is also reshaping the long-festering conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Both states desire sovereign power over the disputed region of mountainous Karabakh. But with Russia bogged down militarily and economically, Putin has been disinclined to aid Armenia, its one loyal ally in the South Caucasus. This is despite the fact that Azerbaijan has repeatedly violated the borders of its neighbor.

Azerbaijan, by contrast, has been increasingly aided by its regional allies Israel – spurred by a shared hostility to Iran – and Turkey. Both have supplied Azerbaijan with advanced weaponry, giving the country an upper hand in the conflict.

The Ukraine conflict also has an effect on the great global power struggle to come: China and U.S. With EU states and regional rivals to China forging closer ties with Washington, Beijing may eye a growing threat – or even an opportunity to exert its influence more aggressively as regional power dynamics evolve.

American policymakers in both the Trump and Biden administrations have warned that the rise of China, economically and militarily, is a serious threat to the continued position of the U.S. as the strongest, richest state on the globe. To its competitors on the global stage, the U.S. also looks like an armed missionary.

The uncertainty of the Ukraine war, and the still uncertain ways in which it is reshaping geopolitics, will do little to dislodge those fears. Rather, it may encourage international relations scholars, such as Harvard professor Graham Allison, who believe in the “Thucydides’ Trap.” Based on the ancient Greek historian’s explanation for the origins of the Peloponnesian War, the theory has it that when an emerging power threatens to displace a regional or global hegemon, war is inevitable.

As someone trained to look to the past to understand the present and possible futures, I believe that nothing in history is inevitable; human beings always have choices. This was true for Putin on the eve of the Feb. 24, 2022, invasion, and it is true for policymakers around the world today.

But the decision to invade Ukraine underscores a clear danger: When statesmen perceive the world as a Darwinian zero-sum game of winners and losers, a clash between the West and the rest, or as an ideological conflict between autocracies and democracies, they can create the conditions – through provocation, threat or even invasion – that lead to wars with unintended consequences.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world.If you found it interesting, you could subscribe to our weekly newsletter.

It was written by: Ronald Suny, University of Michigan.

Read more:

The Ukraine conflict is a war of narratives – and Putin’s is crumbling

US military spending in Ukraine reached nearly billion in 2022 – but no amount of money alone is enough to end the war

Australia can no longer afford to ignore Russia’s expanding naval power in the Pacific

Israeli Teen Who Refused to Enlist in the IDF Is Sentenced to 30 Days in Prison
THERE'S A NAME FOR HIM;REFUSENIK

Solcyre Burga

TIME
Wed, December 27, 2023 


Israeli soldiers wait for the body of Kobi Zaga to be brought for burial April 4, 2004 during his funeral at the Segula grave yard close to the city of Petakh Tikva, Israel. Credit - Getty Images

An 18-year-old Israeli activist has been sentenced to 30 days in military prison after he refused to enlist in the Israeli army amid the ongoing Israel-Hamas war.

“I believe that slaughter cannot solve slaughter,” said Tal Mitnick before he walked into Tel HaShomer military base, according to a video posted on the X account of Mesarvot, an organization that connects young Israelis who do not want to serve in the state military. “The criminal attack on Gaza won’t solve the atrocious slaughter that Hamas executed. Violence won’t solve violence. And that is why I refuse.”

A group of people gathered in solidarity with Mitnick before he entered the military base where he was set to be arrested on Tuesday. His prison sentence may be extended past the initial 30 days if he again refuses to enlist.

The decision comes during a period of despair for Gazans who remain subject to bombs and attacks by Israeli forces nearly 12 weeks after the war began. More than 20,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to numbers provided by the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry on Friday. A United Nations report has also warned that more than half a million people in Gaza are starving, with the risk of famine increasing every day.

“On the seventh of october, Israeli society experienced a trauma the likes of which was not known in the history of the country…After the terrorist attack, a revenge campaign began not only against Hamas, but against all Palestinian people,” said Mitnick in a statement shared by The Intercept journalist Prem Thakker. “I refuse to believe that more violence will bring security, I refuse to take part in a war of revenge.

Refuseniks, or people who refuse to serve in the military, are not very common in Israel, though there has been press around previous dissent years prior to the ongoing war. Earlier this year, hundreds of Israeli teens refused to join the army as a way to protest the government's plan for a judicial overhaul that they said would turn the country into an undemocratic nation.

“We must stop the judicial overhaul and we must stop taking part in a military that serves settlements and the occupation,” said Mitnick in September, prior to the war.

Israeli law requires all Israeli citizens over the age of 18 that are Jewish, Druze or Circassian to serve in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), with some exceptions for Israeli Arabs, religious women, married couples or for people who are medically or mentally unfit, according to the IDF’s website. Some ultra-orthodox Jews, like Haredi Jews, are also exempt from serving in the military

Men are expected to serve at least 32 months, while women must serve a minimum of 24.

Israel has one of the largest military in the world, The International Institute for Strategic Studies’ Military balance 2023 said there were nearly 170,000 active military personnel, though the army has many hundreds of thousands more in reserve that they can bring in for supplemental aid.

A Gen Z Israeli explained why he's refusing to fight Hamas. Now Israel has sent him to military prison.


Grace Eliza Goodwin,Joshua Zitser
Thu, 28 December 2023

Tal Mitnick, 18, of Tel Aviv.Soul Behar Tsalik, Mesarvot Network

A Gen Z Israeli has been sent to prison for refusing to enlist in the military.


Tal Mitnick says he cannot support the cycle of violence and oppression of Palestinian people.


Mitnick will spend 30 days in prison before being screened once again.

A Gen Z Israeli is going to military prison after refusing to enlist in the country's military amid its war with Hamas, saying he won't be part of an 'eye for an eye' cycle of violence.

Tal Mitnick, an 18-year-old from Tel Aviv, is one of several young Israelis defying Israel's mandatory military service, but he is the first to be sent to military prison during his country's war with Hamas. Israel invaded Gaza and declared war against Hamas after the militant group attacked Israel in October.

Mitnick was sentenced on Tuesday to 30 days in prison after refusing to enlist in the Israel Defense Forces, a spokesperson for the IDF told Business Insider.

Tal Mitnick stands with a raised fist next to an anti-fascism sign.Tal Mitnick

In a lengthy personal statement shared with Business Insider, Mitnick said that he supports Palestinian people and does not want to contribute to Israel's attacks on Gaza.

"Before the war, the army guarded settlements, maintained the murderous siege on the Gaza Strip, and upheld the status quo of apartheid and Jewish supremacy in the land between the Jordan and the sea," Mitnick wrote in his statement.

"Since the outbreak of the war, we have not seen any call for a real policy change in the West Bank and Gaza, for an end to the widespread oppression of the Palestinian people and the bloodshed, or for a just peace. We are seeing the opposite: the deepening of oppression, the spreading of hatred, and the expansion of the fascist political persecution within Israel," he added.

Mitnick said he does not support Hamas or the Israeli military because "violence cannot solve the situation."

"Continuing this cycle: 'an eye for an eye' without thinking about an actual solution that would provide security and freedom to us all, only leads to more killing and suffering," Mitnick wrote.

Real change, he wrote, can only come from the people of both nations, not the "corrupt politicians" of Israel or the leaders of Hamas.

"This change will come when we recognize the suffering of the Palestinian people over the years, and that this suffering is the result of Israeli policy," Mitnick wrote. "Along with recognition must also come justice, correction, and the construction of a political infrastructure based on peace, freedom and equality."

Prem Thakker, a reporter with The Intercept, shared Mitnick's full statement on X, the social media site formerly known as Twitter.

The IDF told Business Insider that after hearing Mitnick's objections, it was "unanimously determined that no valid reason for conscientious objection was found."

After his sentence is completed, Mitnick will have another interview with a military screening officer, the IDF spokesperson said.