Sunday, January 07, 2024

Gaza's child amputees face further risks without expert care

Thu, January 4, 2024

By Arafat Barbakh, Maggie Fick and Emma Farge

KHAN YOUNIS, Gaza (Reuters) - Eleven-year-old Noor's left leg was almost entirely torn off when her home in Jabalia, Gaza was hit by an explosion in October. Now her right leg, fitted with a heavy metal bar and four screws drilled into the bone, may have to be amputated.

"It hurts me a lot ... I'm afraid that they'll have to cut off my other leg," she said from her hospital bed, staring at her clunky fixation device.

"I used to run and play, I was so happy with my life, but now when I lost my leg, my life became ugly and I got sad. I hope I can get an artificial limb."

In bombed-out Gaza, a generation of child amputees is emerging as Israel's retaliatory blitz after Hamas' deadly Oct. 7 attacks has led to blast and crush injuries as explosive weapons tear through densely-packed high-rise housing blocks.

Israeli authorities have previously said they work to minimise harm to civilians. Israel's military spokesperson's unit pointed to what it called Hamas' strategy of the "exploitation of civilian structures for terror purposes" but provided no specific comment on child amputees.

Doctors and aid workers say Gaza's collapsed medical system is ill-placed to give children the intricate follow-up care they need to salvage their still-growing, truncated bones. Only 30% of pre-conflict medics are working due to killings, detentions and displacements, according to the World Health Organization.

More than 1,000 children had undergone leg amputations, sometimes more than once or on both legs, by end-November, according to U.N. children's agency UNICEF, in a conflict where Gaza health authorities say nearly a quarter of injuries are among children.

Poor hygiene and medicine shortages spell more complications and amputations on existing injuries, some of which may not be survivable, doctors say.

"Many limbs that apparently had been saved, will go on to require amputation. And many (people with) amputations and limbs that we think have been saved may still go on to die of the longer term consequences," said Dr. Chris Hook, a British emergency medicine doctor with medical charity MSF who returned from Gaza in late December.

FLIES AND DECAY

Staff at the European Hospital in Gaza where Noor is being treated, which is running at triple capacity, cannot provide the new limb she dreams of.

Even painkillers to help amputees with chronic pain are running low, staff say. Flies were buzzing around the ward when a Reuters journalist visited.

"I try as much as I can to make things easier for them as a nurse, but no matter what you do, they have severe psychological problems, they feel incomplete with lots of pain," said nurse Wafa Hamdan.

The enclave's main prosthetic limb centre, the Qatari-funded Hamad hospital in Gaza City, was shuttered weeks ago after being hit by Israel, Gaza health authorities say.

Israel's military spokesperson's unit did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Hamad hospital.

Children with war-related amputations will need up to a dozen surgeries on the limb by the time they reach adulthood because the bone keeps growing, experts say.

But even before the conflict there was a shortage of vascular and plastic surgeons, medics say, and Palestinian health authorities say over 300 healthcare workers have been killed since.

Still, Noor, whose right leg may survive intact, is luckier than some children whose limbs were amputated swiftly due to a lack of time or medical expertise, sometimes without anaesthetics.

"Unfortunately many of them are really unnecessary," said Sean Casey, WHO Emergency Medical Teams coordinator.

At other times, amputation is the only choice because wounded children arrive in hospital days after the injury.

UNICEF spokesperson James Elder said he saw a child whose injured left leg had begun to decompose because he had been stuck on a bus for more than three days due to military checkpoint delays.

Israel's military spokesperson's unit said an operational debrief was held to draw immediate lessons from the incident and that it would be further examined.

'NOBODY'S COMING TO SEE THEM'

While Gaza health authorities do not have an official tally, doctors and aid workers say UNICEF's 1,000 figure is accurate for the first two months of the conflict but has likely been far surpassed since, making the Gaza amputation rates unusually high compared to other conflicts and disasters.

In Ukraine, where missiles have also struck residential towers during Russia's invasion, there are 30 known cases of child amputees, according to the ombudsman's office.

British-Palestinian surgeon Dr. Ghassan Abu-Sittah said he performed six amputations in Gaza in one night. Once, he had to reopen a child's thigh stump after amputation to clean out the pus.

MSF's Hook also reported many people returning to its Rafah wound care clinic with infected stumps.

The president of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Mirjana Spoljaric, said she could not forget the images of children, often orphans, with multiple amputations lying in hospital wards after visiting Gaza in December. "On top of the wounds that you see and the lack of pain medication, they are lying there and nobody's coming to see them."

In some cases, as with 10-year-old Gaza orphan Ritash, her right leg had to be re-amputated higher up and just below the knee after it became infected, according to a U.N. humanitarian office (OCHA) aid worker Gemma Connell who met her.

A photograph showed her frowning from a wheelchair on a dirty hospital floor, her stump jutting up in the air. "I think what I have seen would break anyone's heart," said Connell.

(This story has been refiled to say 'pus' instead of 'puss' in paragraph 24)

(Reporting by Arafat Barbakh in Gaza, Maggie Fick in London and Emma Farge in Geneva; additional reporting by Nidal al-Mughrabi in Cairo, Ali Sawafta in Ramallah, Gabrielle Tetrault-Farber in Geneva, Yuliia Dysa in Gdansk, Emily Rose and James Mackenzie in Jerusalem; Editing by Andrew Cawthorne)











'Nobody will win' from wider Middle East conflict - Borrell

Saskia O'Donoghue
Sat, January 6, 2024 

The European Union's top diplomat has warned against the conflict between Israel and Hamas potentially spilling over into Lebanon.

Speaking from Beirut alongside Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati, Josep Borrell said the bloc was "seeing a worrying intensification of exchange of fire across the blue line in the border between Lebanon and Israel."

"I think that the war can be prevented. Has to be avoided. Diplomacy can prevail to look for a better solution. It is imperative to avoid a regional escalation in the Middle East," he said.

"Nobody will win from a regional conflict," Borrell added.

The EU foreign policy chief's comments came as Hezbollah fired dozens of rockets at northern Israel from Lebanon earlier on Saturday.

The Shiite militant and political group warned the barrage was an "initial response" to the alleged Israeli killing of a top Hamas leader in Lebanon's capital earlier this week.



The rocket attack came a day after Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said his group must retaliate for the killing of Saleh Arouri, the deputy political leader of Hamas, in a Hezbollah stronghold south of Beirut.

Nasrallah said that if Hezbollah did not strike back, all of Lebanon would be vulnerable to Israeli attack.

He appeared to be making his case for a response to the Lebanese public, even at the risk of escalating the fighting between Hezbollah and Israel.

Israeli forces have exchanged fire with Hezbollah on an almost daily basis since fighting began in Gaza.

Hezbollah said on Saturday that it had launched 62 rockets toward an Israeli air surveillance base on Mount Meron and that it scored direct hits.

The Israeli military said about 40 rockets were fired toward Meron and that a base was targeted - but made no mention of the base being hit.

It said it struck the Hezbollah cell that fired the rockets.

The war in Gaza was triggered by Hamas's 7 October attack on southern Israel in which militants killed about 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and took some 240 hostages.

Israel's blistering retaliation by air, ground and sea has killed more than 22,600 Palestinians, about two-thirds of them women and children, according to Gaza's authorities.





Hamas command in north Gaza destroyed, Israel says
MISSION COMPLETED GO HOME

BBC
Sun, January 7, 2024 

Much of northern Gaza has been reduced to rubble

The Israeli army says it has "completed the dismantling" of Hamas's command structure in the northern Gaza Strip.

Army spokesman Daniel Hagari told reporters that Palestinian militants are now operating in the area only sporadically and "without commanders".

He said Israel had killed around 8,000 militants in north Gaza. The BBC cannot independently verify this number.

The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) are now focused on dismantling Hamas in south and central Gaza, he said.

Israel has killed more than 22,000 people since the war began, according to the Hamas-run health ministry in Gaza. On Sunday, the territory's health ministry said it had recorded more than 113 deaths over the past 24 hours.

Gaza has been devastated during Israel's war with Hamas, and most of the territory's population of 2.3 million has been displaced.

Israel's offensive started after Hamas gunmen launched a surprise attack on southern Israel on 7 October, killing 1,200 people, most of them civilians, and taking about 240 people hostage.

More than 100 remain following some releases in a six-day pause in fighting in November.

On Saturday, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said he was focused on ensuring the Gaza conflict does not spread and turn into "an endless cycle of violence" after Hezbollah fired dozens of rockets at Israeli territory on Saturday, in what it called a preliminary response to the killing of a top Hamas official in Beirut earlier this week.

Mr Blinken was speaking in Greece at the start of a week-long trip to the region. He has since flown to Jordan, meeting King Abdullah on Sunday before heading to Qatar.

"Washington should put pressure on Israel to agree to an immediate ceasefire in Gaza," King Abdullah told Mr Blinken, warning him of the "catastrophic repercussions" of the continuation of Israel's military campaign in Gaza, a palace statement said.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated on Saturday that Israel would continue its campaign to "eliminate Hamas, return our hostages and ensure that Gaza will no longer be a threat to Israel".

"We have to put everything aside... until the complete victory is achieved," Mr Netanyahu said in a statement.

In other developments, on Sunday the eldest son of Al Jazeera's Gaza bureau chief Wael al-Dahdouh, Hamza al-Dahdouh, was killed along with another journalist, Mustafa Thuraya, in an Israeli strike in southern Gaza.

Six Palestinians were killed in an Israeli raid in the city of Jenin in the occupied-West Bank, the Palestinian health ministry said on Sunday. Palestinian media said the raid involved a large deployment of Israeli forces.

In addition to the raid, an Israeli air strike reportedly targeted a gathering in the West Bank, after an Israeli military vehicle struck an explosive device, killing one officer.

Jenin has been a scene of repeated Israeli operations over the past 18 months and they have intensified since the war in Gaza started on 7 October.

On the northern border of Israel, Hezbollah fired dozens of rockets at Israeli territory on Saturday following the killing of Hamas leader Saleh al-Arouri in a suspected Israeli attack in the Lebanese capital.

A statement by the Iranian-backed Lebanese movement says it hit an air traffic control base in Meron with 62 rockets. The Israeli military said it had identified about 40 launches from Lebanon, and that it had responded.

OCCUPIERS ARGUE OVER SPOILS
Israel's president says expelling Palestinians not the plan

David Cohen
Sun, January 7, 2024 


Israel's president said Sunday that the expulsion of Palestinians is not the government's official policy, even though some members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government have called for exactly that.

"I'm saying outright, officially and unequivocally, this is not the Israeli position," President Isaac Herzog said during an interview on NBC's "Meet the Press."

"A minister can say whatever he wants. I may not like it, but this is Israeli politics," Herzog told host Kristen Welker.

Months after Hamas' Oct. 7 incursion into Israel led to an Israeli invasion of Gaza, total casualties on both sides now exceed 24,000 dead, most of them in Gaza. Even as fighting in Gaza winds down, it's not clear what the future will hold for either Gaza or Israel itself, and some in Israel's government have suggested that moving much the Palestinian population out of Gaza could be part of the solution.

The United States has said that idea is not acceptable: "The United States rejects recent statements from Israeli Ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir advocating for the resettlement of Palestinians outside of Gaza. This rhetoric is inflammatory and irresponsible," the State Department said last week.

On Sunday, Herzog said the world should keep in mind what Israel has gone through in recent months, citing the hostages taken on Oct. 7, more than 100 of whom are still being held.

"We should remember, however, the national psyche here. We are in deep trauma in the last three months. We have seen so much agony, pain, and sadness," he said, adding: "Our nation is bereaving, is worried, is agonized, and we are doing whatever we can to do whatever it takes to bring back these hostages."

Israeli government divisions burst into open as ministers ‘fight’ over post-war plans


Amir Tal, Richard Allen Greene, Niamh Kennedy and Lauren Izso, CNN
Fri, January 5, 2024



Rifts in the Israeli government emerged publicly on Friday as members of the cabinet argued over plans for the post-war future of Gaza and how to handle investigations into the security failings around Hamas’ October 7 attacks.

The public sniping followed what one source described as a “fight” at a meeting of the the security cabinet on Thursday. Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said there had been a “stormy discussion,” while former Defense Minister Benny Gantz said a “politically motivated attack” had been launched.

The developments illustrate the fault lines emerging in the governing coalition of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after three months of war with Hamas. If the government collapses, Israel would likely face new elections that Netanyahu is widely expected to lose.

Thursday’s security cabinet split was over how to handle investigations into the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, including the Israeli military’s failure to foresee it, as well as how to prosecute the war from now on.

Defense Minister Yoav Gallant outlined plans for the next phase of the war in Gaza, and provided details of what might follow that, in a three-page document entitled the “Day After.”

He described a “new combat approach” with a sustained focus on targeting Hamas leaders in southern parts of the strip. In northern Gaza, he said the Israel Defense Forces’ (IDF) campaign would encompass “raids, the destruction of terror tunnels, aerial and ground activities, and special operations.”

After the war, the Israeli military would maintain “operational freedom of action in the Gaza Strip” and Israel would continue to “carry out the inspection of goods entering” the territory.

Gallant, a member of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s center-right Likud party, said that once the goals of the war have been achieved there would be “no Israeli civilian presence in the Gaza Strip,” appearing to rule out the re-establishment of Israeli settlements in Gaza that Israel unilaterally removed in 2005.

The defense minister also unveiled the concept of a US-led multinational task force charged with “the rehabilitation of the Gaza Strip.”


Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, pictured on December 18, proposed a post-war plan for Gaza on Thursday. - Violeta Santos Moura/Reuters

But the minister’s plan provided scant detail on the future governance of the enclave, merely saying that the Palestinian “entity controlling the territory” would “build on the capabilities” of “local non-hostile actors” already present in Gaza.

The plan prompted a fiery discussion, according to a source. After a break in the meeting, the source said, Transportation Minister Miri Regev went on the attack. “After the break Miri Regev came back and launched this fight that was leaked,” said the official, who asked not to be named discussing internal political discussions.

Regev, who is also a member of Likud, did not respond to a CNN request for comment.

Gantz, who joined the government from opposition after October 7, said: “What happened yesterday was a politically motivated attack in the middle of a war. I participated in many cabinet meetings – such conduct has never occurred and must not occur.”

He did not say who had launched the attack, but he criticized Netanyahu. “The cabinet should have discussed strategic processes that will affect the continuation of the campaign and our security in the future. It did not happen, and the prime minister is responsible for that,” Gantz said, urging Netanyahu to choose between unity and security on the one hand and politics on the other.

Netanyahu’s Likud party then lashed out at Gantz. “During a war, when the people are united, Gantz is expected to act responsibly and stop looking for excuses to break his promise to remain in the unity government until the end of the war,” it said in a statement.

Gantz is widely considered a likely successor to Netanyahu when an election is called.
Tensions spill out in public

Gallant’s plan was criticized Friday by Smotrich, who along with far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir has advocated for resettling Gazans outside the enclave. Their comments have drawn condemnation from the United States, United Nations officials and several Arab states.

Smotrich wrote on Facebook that “‘The Day After’ is a rerun of ‘The Day Before’ on October 7,” referring to the date of the Hamas terror attack in which 1,200 people were killed and more than 200 taken hostage.

“The solution in Gaza requires thinking outside the box and changing the concept by encouraging voluntary migration and full security control including the renewal of settlement,” Smotrich added.

Israel’s deadly bombardment and besiegement of Gaza has turned swathes of the Palestinian enclave into a wasteland, leaving more than 2.2 million people at risk of severe dehydration, starvation and disease. At least 1.93 million Palestinians have been displaced, according to the United Nations.

Regional actors in the Middle East have repeatedly likened the mass movement of Palestinians in Gaza to the “Nakba,” or catastrophe, the Arabic term for the expulsion or flight of Palestinians from their towns during the founding of Israel in 1948.

Since October 7, Israeli attacks on Gaza have killed at least 22,600 people, 70% of whom are women and children, the Haman-run health ministry said on Friday.


Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich (left) and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir (right) have advocated for the mass relocation of Palestinians outside of Gaza to make way for Israeli settlers, restoking fears of a Palestinian exodus. - Getty Images


International criticism

Smotrich previously said the removal of Gazans from the strip could pave the way for Israelis to “make the desert bloom” while Ben Gvir had suggested that the current war represented an “opportunity to concentrate on encouraging the migration of the residents of Gaza.”

Smotrich, a Jewish nationalist, has denied the existence of a Palestinian people or nationhood. Ben Gvir was previously convicted of inciting racism against Arabs and supporting a terrorist organization.

Earlier this week, State Department spokesperson Matt Miller roundly condemned the “inflammatory and irresponsible” comments made by Smotrich and Ben Gvir, saying the US had been “told repeatedly and consistently” by Israel “that such statements do not reflect the policy of the Israeli government.

Responding to the US statement, Ben Gvir on Tuesday called the US a “good friend” but said the “emigration of hundreds of thousands from Gaza” would allow Israeli settlers to return and “live in security.”

Smotrich also responded to the US State Department’s rebuke, posting on X: “More than 70% of the Israeli public today supports a humanitarian solution of encouraging the voluntary immigration of Gaza Arabs and their absorption in other countries.”

Other foreign officials, from Europe to Saudi Arabia, have fiercely condemned the rhetoric pushed by Israeli far-right cabinet ministers, while a UN official warned the forced displacement of Palestinians outside Gaza “is an act of genocide.”

“Forcible transfer of Gazan population is an act of genocide especially given the high number of children,” Balakrishnan Rajagopal, the UN’s special rapporteur on the right to adequate housing, posted on X on Friday.

Gaza is Palestinian and its future is not up to Israel to decide, French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna told CNN’s Isa Soares on Friday. “It’s not up to Israel to determine the future of Gaza, which is Palestinian land; we need to return to the principle of international law and respect it.”

On Thursday, the UN’s human rights chief Volker Turk said he was “very disturbed by high-level Israeli officials’ statements on plans to transfer civilians from Gaza to third countries.”

The EU’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said on Wednesday, “Forced displacements are strictly prohibited as a grave violation of IHL (International Humanitarian Law) & words matter.”

US officials have previously said they ultimately envision both Gaza and the occupied West Bank being ruled by a unified government led by a “revitalized” Palestinian Authority. At present, the Palestinian Authority exercises limited self-rule in the West Bank, having lost control of the Gaza Strip to Hamas in 2007.

An Arab delegation comprising officials from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Jordan, Turkey and the Palestinian Authority emphasized in a meeting with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken in December that Arab states will need assurances that there is a path toward a Palestinian state if they are going are to play a role in the reconstruction of Gaza.

CNN’s Tim Lister, Mitch McCluskey, Jennifer Hansler, Priscilla Alvarez, Natasha Bertrand, Irene Nasser, Alireza Hajihosseini, Manveena Suri, Abeer Salman, Eyad Kourdi and Abbas Al Lawati contributed reporting.

Palestinians rebuild in West Bank's Jenin — only to watch Israel destroy it again and again

JENIN IS A CITY NOT A CAMP

Nabih Bulos
Thu, January 4, 2024 

A cacophony of gunfire and sorrowful praise to God punctuate a mass funeral for 14 Palestinians killed after Israeli forces raided the refugee camp in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Nov. 10. (Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)


When the raids come, a lot of things happen at once in this Palestinian refugee camp in the occupied West Bank.

Residents shout and round up family members. Many flee on foot, while some speed to safety in cars, honking to rouse others before gunning the engine. Instead of a call to prayer, mosque loudspeakers crackle with warnings of another Israeli army incursion.

Residents react to the presence of Israeli army vehicles cruising through the Al Mahata street as Israeli forces conduct raids throughout the city and inside the refugee camp in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 13. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

Then there's the bass-clef rumble of the D9 bulldozer. That's the sound 33-year-old Issa Hweil listens for.


He knows it's the prelude to a bout of destruction that will turn the camp's roads into a churned-up swamp of mud, cracked asphalt and broken pipes.

The morning after one such raid, Hweil climbed into a friend's skid loader to try to stitch the street back into usable form.

But there was little point.

Local youth and paramedics help hoist Fouad Abahreh, 36, onto a stretcher after he was shot twice by Israeli soldiers in an alleyway near Shifa Hospital, as Israeli security forces conduct raid operations throughout Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 12. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

In the aftermath of Hamas' attack on southern Israel, the Israeli army not only invaded Gaza, it also escalated assaults on areas it considers sources of Palestinian armed resistance in the West Bank.

Read more: In war-stricken Gaza, hunger is a constant companion

The Jenin refugee camp, a ramshackle, claustrophobic neighborhood of old buildings and labyrinthine streets, has been the main target of that strategy.

"Twenty-three? Twenty-four? I've lost track of how many times I've done this since Oct. 7," Hweil said as he nudged a pile of masonry away from a storefront, then lowered the loader’s bucket to tamp down on the dirt.

Just the other day, he said, he got a message from an Israeli intelligence officer assigned to monitor the camp, advising that he “shouldn't bother repairing the roads since 'we're coming back soon.' "

Residents react to the presence of Israeli army vehicles cruising through the Al Mahata street and the sound of gunfire nearby as Israeli forces conduct raids throughout the city and inside the refugee camp in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 13. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

Israel has raided the Jenin camp more than any other West Bank location, killing at least 78 Palestinians here since the war began. That’s around a quarter of all West Bank Palestinians who have been killed in attacks by the army and settlers since the latest hostilities began, according to the United Nations.

Israel says the attacks are aimed at preventing the kind of Oct. 7-style onslaught that left about 1,200 Israelis dead.

A young boy plays along a street filled with detritus of past Israeli raids in Jenin camp in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 11. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

But residents and rights groups say the military campaigns in Jenin have been the most destructive of any Israeli actions outside of Gaza, where the Palestinian death toll now stands at about 22,000. Jenin residents insist the intention is to collectively punish centers of resistance and leave them uninhabitable.

"It's a battle of harassment, not just rifles," said Ibrahim Diab, 59, who works in Jenin for the Palestinian Authority. "They're attacking the basics of life here."

Jenin is the home of one of the 19 refugee camps established to house Palestinians driven from their homes after Israel’s 1948 founding. But more than any other, its name has grown into a symbol of generational dedication to resistance.

Almost every wall, street corner, intersection and light pole bears a poster — some sun-bleached, others newly printed — bearing the face of someone seen here as a martyr. Until a D9 bulldozer demolished it in November, the arches that marked the entrance to the city carried an inscription reading: "A way station until we return [home]."

Locals react to the presence of Israeli army vehicles cruising through the Al Mahata street as Israeli forces conduct raids throughout the city and inside the refugee camp in Jenin, Occupied West Bank , Wednesday, Dec. 13, 2023. Young men put obstacles on the street in an attempt to block passage for Israeli army vehicles cruising through the Al Mahata street during Israeli raid operations throughout the city and inside the refugee camp in Jenin, Occupied West Bank , Wednesday, Dec. 13, 2023. Israeli soldiers stop and inspect ambulances traveling on Al Mahata street as Israeli forces conduct raid operations throughout the city in Jenin, Occupied West Bank , Wednesday, Dec. 13, 2023. Civilians take cover inside Shifa Hospital, as an Israeli army vehicle approach the building while security forces conduct raid operations throughout Jenin, Occupied West Bank , Tuesday, Dec. 12, 2023.More

Residents here say they've endured Israeli campaigns before. But nothing like this.

"The Israelis are coming in so often, we don't know if we'll have the chance to eat the food we cook for lunch or dinner," said Mahmoud Abu Saber, sitting in front of his bakery in the camp's main square — now a muddy, rutted space interspersed with craters brimming with fetid water.

Abu Saber opened his shop five years ago, selling frisbee-sized discs of taboon bread adorned with red pepper paste, cheese or zaatar. It had always been hard in the camp, he said, but the situation seems more untenable by the day. Tatfeesh, he and other residents call it, an Arabic word that means driving people away.

"How can I sell anything? Who would come to me with the place like this? I'm a baker, and all I do these days is work here in the mud," he said, gesturing toward a mound of debris left in front of his shop earlier in the day by Israeli bulldozers.

Across the square, a work crew wrestled a thick cable into a trench as Hweil cleared more of the earth to lay it down.

Ehab Maher Nafeer Mareei, 23, looks up to examine the remnants of his home after an Israeli airstrike destroyed it during a multi-day raid in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 15. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

The raids on water, sewage and other infrastructure are taking a toll, even on the battle-hardened residents of Jenin. "People love the resistance, but they're getting tired," Hweil said.

Ahmad Hatatrah, a 30-year-old municipal worker donning a yellow vest, and Mahmoud Shraim, 52, who heads the electricity company's cable division, said two bulldozers recently clawed out three feet of earth to get to the high-voltage cable and then yanked it out.

"Every raid we have a problem with the electricity," Shraim said. "Poles. Cables. Generators. Every time. And it's huge losses." He said it was the seventh time he had been called to oversee the same repair.

After one recent raid, residents returned the day after to take stock of the carnage to their homes.

(Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

At top, a mass funeral takes place for 14 Palestinians killed after Israeli forces raided the refugee camp in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Nov. 10. Above, Layan Jalamneh, 14, who hopes to be a doctor one day, cries as she talks about what life is like in Jenin, while her sister Ayla, 11 months, sleeps in the bedroom where Israelis shot bullets through it and damaged their home in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 6. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)More

Ehab Mareei, 23, stepped over the rubble of his apartment, which was destroyed in an airstrike. Mohammad Sabbagh trudged through the charred hallways of his family home, salvaging what toys he could find for his 5-year-old son Hamzah.

Every night, most of the camp's residents go to relatives and friends living in the city or its surrounding villages and suburbs.

Khaldiyah Bzour, 33, did that for a while, corralling her two daughters to a friend's place at dusk. "I'd take a pot of food — I didn't want to be a burden. But it felt like it was too much," she said.

Working as a house cleaner, she doesn't make enough to rent anywhere else. Now during raids she and her children hole up in a corner by the bathroom, where another wall separates them from their one-room apartment's exterior. "Every time I hear the D9, I start to shake," she said.

A few hours later, another raid began. A windowless white van drove down one of the camp's main thoroughfares and then sped away in reverse when residents became suspicious.

A man tries to step across a muddy street a day after Israeli forces conduct a raid in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 6. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

"Quwaat Khaasah," they shouted — Israeli special forces. The clack of assault rifles being fired punctured the air. Activists on the messaging app Telegram warned of a convoy of Israeli army vehicles rolling out of a nearby checkpoint toward the camp. Merchants hurried to ring up purchases and shuttered storefronts.

Fleeing cars deluged the road leading away from the camp as young militants streamed the other way, toward a roundabout, and assembled just out of sight of the Israeli military vehicles blocking the entrance to the state hospital down the street.

Read more: Israel's military campaign in Gaza seen as among deadliest in recent history, experts say

One of the men strode up, raised an assault rifle and fired a few rounds toward the Israelis. Another waited with he called an ashlaga — a small canister loaded with a mix of sugar, coal and other materials to make an incendiary device.

The crowd recoiled and ran back up the street. From another direction, people started to shout: "Army! Army!" Eight armored Israeli vehicles drove through the street, the last one shooting from its rear port.

A week later brought another raid, this time a 60-hour onslaught that killed 12 Palestinians, according to local health authorities. Troops went house to house, detaining hundreds. They also surrounded all of Jenin's hospitals and blocked ambulances from picking up wounded people for treatment, Palestinian medical staff said.


Bullet holes could be seen on the walls and in items inside a home after Israeli security forces conducted a raid in Jenin Camp, Occupied West Bank , Monday, Dec. 11, 2023. Muhammad Meerai looks out at a hilltop view of Jenin Camp, Occupied West Bank , Monday, Dec. 11, 2023.

Israel denies its actions in Jenin are aimed at harassing Palestinians or making the camp unlivable.

Officials say they have launched numerous targeted assaults designed to dismantle "terrorist infrastructure" or capture militants accused of killing Israelis or plotting attacks.

They said the raids have killed several militant leaders who were taking refuge in the Jenin camp and cut down groups like the Jenin Battalion, an umbrella of Palestinian fighters financed by the Iran-backed Islamic Jihad group.

They also say that their soldiers have seized explosive devices and other weapons, and uncovered tunnel shafts and labs for manufacturing explosives.

Read more: Pro-Palestinian UC students feel they are not supported. Some on the faculty are organizing to change that

Two recent Israeli drone strikes in Jenin targeted militants who were hurling explosives and shooting at troops, Israeli officials said.

At least three Israeli soldiers have been killed and at least 17 wounded in the West Bank since the conflict began, including seven who were ″lightly wounded″ during one recent raid in Jenin, the army said. Officials did not respond to requests for more specific casualty figures for Jenin.

Residents say the raids have gone far beyond what is needed to flush out weapons and militants, targeting the city's cultural and religious symbols and institutions.

Bulldozers have smashed murals and shrines commemorating Palestinian resistance. During the three-day raid in December, Israeli soldiers painted a Star of David or slogans like "Long live Israel" on walls and ripped up posters of Palestinians killed in the violence.

Abu Muhammad, a fruit seller whose own home was damaged by Israeli forces, looks at the damaged main road that goes through Jenin in occupied West Bank on Dec. 11. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

A widely circulated video on social media showed an Israeli soldier reciting a Jewish prayer in the camp's mosque; the words "We came to eat hummus" were spray-painted on its dome.

The Israeli army later said it suspended the soldiers in the mosque video from operational activities, saying the behavior was ″serious″ and ″in complete opposition″ to its values.

Israel also struck the Freedom Theater, which was founded in 2006 and has become one of its cultural touchstones.

"Everything is destroyed and I don't know why," said Ahmad Tobasi, the theater's artistic director, in a recent television interview. "It's a theater. Not a military base. Not a terrorist house."

He added that he was among more than 100 men detained by the Israelis. He was arrested in front of his children, blindfolded and taken to a nearby checkpoint, where he said he and others were subjected to beatings. The theater's manager, Mustafa Sheta, remains in custody with no word as to his whereabouts, his family said.

Hamzeh Sabbagh, 5, tries to recover and play with his charred tricycle inside his home, which was completely burned after Israeli forces destroyed it during a multi-day raid in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 15. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

Layan Jalamneh, 14, was in the bedroom when one of the raids began, along with her mother, Sanadi, and siblings, including 11-month-old Ayla. When bullets blasted through the window and the wall, the children started screaming and bundled into another room. One round narrowly missed a hiding spot in the closet.

A good student, Layan hopes one day to be a doctor. But for the last month, she had not been able to go to school, with parents too afraid to send their children outside.

"The school is gone. My friends are gone," she said, breaking into tears. "It feels like we have no childhood."

— Marcus Yam contributed to this story.


This is how Black women leaders do not survive

Zaire Z. Dinzey-Flores
Thu, January 4, 2024 


OPINION: Former Harvard President Claudine Gay’s resignation is now a reminder of the irreconcilability of successful Black womanhood with powerful, wealthy and predominantly white institutions.

Editor’s note: The following article is an op-ed, and the views expressed are the author’s own. Read more opinions on theGrio.

Reading of Dr. Claudine Gay’s resignation Tuesday from the Harvard presidency, the words of Audre Lorde in the poignant poem “A Litany for Survival” come to mind: “For all of us / this instant and this triumph / We were never meant to survive.”

A presidency that for many of us stood — in and outside of academia — as a symbol and actualization of the possible quickly became a demonstration of the power of forceful campaigns that coalesced against Black women leaders. Her resignation is now a reminder of the irreconcilability of successful Black womanhood with powerful, wealthy and predominantly white institutions. Even when you have all the accolades, all the knowledge, all the skills and attributes, it is hard to know the way forward. How is success achievable when the scrutiny is so vast and extensive? This is how we die, even if it may have felt for a moment that we triumphed.

The challenges of being a Black woman and woman of color academic are well documented. National statistics display severe underrepresentation of Black faculty. The National Center for Education Statistics shows that in the fall of 2021, only 6% of faculty were Black and 6% were Latino. Underrepresentation is but one problem. For those who do make it, academia proves to be a tough terrain. Women, faculty of color and first-generation faculty face grave challenges in navigating university structures that inhibit advancing to and beyond tenure, promotion and achieving overall fulfilling and “successful” careers.

In a synthesis of 252 scholarly publications on the topic of faculty of color in the academy, the authors of “Faculty of Color in Academe: What 20 Years of Literature Tells Us” sum up the challenges facing faculty of color as undervaluation of their research interests, approaches and theoretical frameworks; student challenges to their credentials and intellect in the classroom; isolation/marginalization; and perceived biases in hiring processes. More recent qualitative and testimonial scholarship paints a fuller picture that faculty of color, and Black women specifically, are, as one volume aptly notes, “presumed incompetent.” During the 2020 racial justice awakening, Black academics reported exhaustion when the claims for diversity collided with their experiences, according to an Inside Higher Ed article. One leader described that institutions need to examine how “white supremacy culture is baked into the structures and practices of the campus.”

As hard as it is being a Black woman faculty, becoming and being a Black woman leader reveals the iron bars above the glass ceiling. The public view may think of an academic career path as cryptic at worst but rather comfortable. More accurately, the path is arduous and long. At every turn — through four years of undergraduate education, four to six years of master’s and doctoral work, dissertation writing and defense, getting an academic position, six plus years of tenure probationary period, tenure and promotion reviews that scrutinize every word you have said and written, and ongoing considerations for promotion, professional advancement and consideration for leadership — there are hoops to jump, points to prove, checks to cross. For underrepresented scholars, and particularly for Black women, there are also gender and racial biases to challenge. Every step of the way research shows that every single one of these steps is more pronounced and taxing for people of color.

For the few Black women academics who find their way to leadership positions — inevitably by demonstrating talent, skill, qualification, impact and vocation — success is hard-fought.

Academic leadership remains largely white and inhospitable to Black women. According to an American Council of Education survey that oversampled presidents of color, only 5.4% or 3% of all university presidents are Black or Latina women, respectively. Black women academic leaders report greater scrutiny and the need to prove and validate their qualifications.

The scrutiny manifests in multiple ways. Black women university presidents exhibit a longer time between aspiration to presidential leadership and application, and they report less overall transparency from universities and boards about expectations and institutional conditions. And the scrutiny and challenges come at great personal and professional cost.

As a Black Puerto Rican-Dominican Caribbean Latina scholar currently serving as a departmental chair, I know the academic path. Being an undergraduate at Harvard in the 1990s always came with questions — within and beyond — about capacity, belonging, being intelligent enough and being an “affirmative action” student. The questions haven’t stopped, though they might have changed in style. Later, in my first graduate department, I was asked to leave by a department that, at the time, saw most students of color as incapable of earning a Ph.D. Indeed, I have managed to disprove many but not all of these structural blocks to continue an academic career. The questions, as a scholar and a leader, nonetheless, creep in.

The educational road for academics of color through political climates continues to make us susceptible to whatever adaptable policies, practices and language of racism emerge, whether it’s the attack on affirmative action, diversity, equity and inclusion, critical race theory or accusations of being a “diversity hire,” or “unprofessional behavior” and “incompetence,” etc. The story of racism is not only about how scholars of color are overly scrutinized. It is also about how our non-Black counterparts hardly ever face the same levels of scrutiny. How many Harvard presidents’ works have been scrutinized at such levels as Claudine Gay’s? Given the documented widespread racial disparities in evaluation across a wide variety of society’s institutional settings, it is not hard to understand the disparate lens applied to research. As scholars of race know, the findings about racial disparities are numerous and conclusive.

Being aware of the vast landscape of racial disparities proves daunting. When I consider putting myself up for professional scrutiny of any ilk, I think of the experiences of Black people and people of color in all sectors. The personal, health and professional costs of such relentless sieges and discrimination are as true for the common citizen as they are for the academics and academic leaders. I can only imagine the professional and personal dimensions of the storm that has enveloped Dr. Gay. Her and the Harvard Corporation’s letter briefly hint at the racial content of the attacks. I can not imagine what kinds of attacks have been privately levied at Dr. Gay from the moment of her appointment as Harvard president.

More than a century ago, a young African-American man from Massachusetts by the name of William Edward Burghardt Du Bois became the first African-American to earn a Master’s and a Ph.D. degree from Harvard after earning a college degree there in 1890. W.E.B. Du Bois would bring great glory to Harvard, but only in hindsight. For many years and into the 21st Century, Du Bois has been recognized as the founder of the NAACP and perhaps most famously known for making an impossibly prescient declaration in 1903 that “the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line.”

More recently, as a corrective to the history of American science, Du Bois has been lauded as one of the founders of American sociology. Praise for Du Bois is unending, though, in his time, Du Bois struggled to get an academic position in the top institutions such as the one that trained him. His published study on the Black community in Philadelphia, “Philadelphia Negro,” conducted as a temporary assistant in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania, is now celebrated as a masterpiece of social scientific research. On the occasion of honoring the 150th anniversary of Du Bois’ birth, the Harvard Gazette describes him as one of “America’s intellectual giants” and “a revolutionary thinker far ahead of his time.” On the topic of attending Harvard, Du Bois famously said: “I’m in Harvard, not of it” and, upon completion of his Ph.D., “The honor, I assure you, was Harvard’s.”

With the rabid political and social push to undo the gains in inclusion that Claudine Gay’s appointment as president signaled, universities and all institutions need to decide who they want to be. If they value a democratic, inclusive and diverse society, they need to do the work and take preemptive, actionable steps to safeguard those values. This means taking responsibility and educating themselves in the machinations of gendered racism to understand the protections and support needed to ensure the success of Black and underrepresented leaders, students, staff and faculty. And they have to be firm, clear and unapologetic about how unacceptable the alternative is for all, and especially our future generations.

No amount of evidence is sufficient to convey the devastating impact that comes from Claudine’s Gay resignation. Are we, as Lorde reminds us, not meant to belong and survive in these environments, despite the gains we have supposedly made across centuries? I hope that history will prove Du Bois’ point right and that Harvard remains proud and does the work to retain the honor of naming Claudine Gay as president and signaling to the world, and to those of us who have an affiliation with the university, that we indeed are “of” and not merely “in” those institutions. One way or another, we will survive, as we have always, even when we weren’t meant to.


Zaire Z. Dinzey-Flores is a sociologist and urban planner specializing in the study of race, class, and the built environment. She is currently an associate professor in sociology and the Department of Latino and Caribbean studies, where she serves as chair. She is the author of “Locked In, Locked Out: Gated Communities in a Puerto Rican City” (University of Pennsylvania Presss, 2013).

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The post This is how Black women leaders do not survive appeared first on TheGrio.


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