Thursday, February 15, 2024

Cyanide crisis: Turkey struggles with consequences of mine accident

ByTurkish Minute
February 14, 2024


Turkey urgently needs action following a landslide on Tuesday in an open-cast gold mine in the eastern province of Erzincan,

The incident left nine workers trapped under 10 million cubic meters of mud and raised fears of a cyanide crisis due to the use of the chemical in gold extraction.

As hundreds of rescue workers navigate the cyanide-contaminated field, concern is growing about the environmental impact of the accident.

The use of cyanide and sulphuric acid in gold mining poses a significant risk to the environment, particularly to water systems.

The incident highlights the inherent risks associated with cyanide in mining, including potential accidents during transportation, leaks from acidic waste dams and breaches in containment membranes that can lead to environmental disasters.

As the membrane designed to prevent cyanide contamination is not present in the affected area, the toxic substance poses an immediate threat to soil and groundwater, raising urgent concerns about long-term ecological damage.


The scale of the waste implies a lengthy and difficult clean-up process. Experts warn that the spread of cyanide into the soil and water systems could accelerate with rain and exacerbate the environmental crisis.

The meteorological forecasts predicting rain add to the fear of rapid spread of cyanide in the environment and emphasize the urgent need for containment and remediation measures to mitigate the effects of the disaster.

The proximity of the mining area to the Euphrates River raises the possibility of a large-scale disaster that could render the river’s water unusable and severely impact the entire ecosystem and the communities that depend on it.

The disaster is reminiscent of the catastrophic incident in Baia Mare in Romania in 2000, where a dam burst at a gold mine, causing widespread ecological destruction and health hazards by contaminating the Tizsa River and beyond with cyanide. This spill has been called the worst environmental disaster in Europe since the 1986 Chernobyl disaster.

The aftermath of the Baia Mare disaster, which resulted in massive wildlife deaths and severe economic impacts on local communities, is a grim reminder of the potential consequences of the current situation in Erzincan.

Far-right Victory Party (ZP) leader Ümit Özdağ traveled to the scene of the disaster and donned special protective clothing and masks to highlight the serious risks. Özdağ said he was denied access to the area and accused of provocation.

“After the Chernobyl disaster, we saw ministers mocking the public when it was said that the tea in the Black Sea region had been contaminated. Then thousands of people in our Black Sea region became cancer patients,” Özdağ said.

Given the vital role that the Euphrates River plays for Syria and Iraq, the effects of the spill could reach far beyond Turkey’s borders, threatening biodiversity, human health and regional stability.

The Ministry of Environment has responded by sealing a stream that flows from the pit into the Euphrates, although local environmental groups argue that the stream had already mixed with the river. In 2022, a cyanide leak resulted in the temporary closure of the mine.

Only after the operator paid a fine was the mine reopened, sparking outrage from opposition parties and local communities.

Anagold, the company that operates the mine, is under scrutiny.

The situation is further complicated by the presence of cyanide in the ground, making the rescue operation for the trapped miners increasingly difficult. The toxic chemical compound, which is used to extract gold from ore, has made the search a dangerous endeavor.

The disaster has led to widespread calls for the immediate closure of the mine, with the Union of Engineering and Architectural Associations and various environmental groups pointing out the ignored warnings of a potential disaster. The arrest of four people, including the mine’s manager, marks the beginning of the investigation into the cause of the accident.

The incident has sparked a wider debate about the safety and environmental impact of mining in Turkey, a country with a history of deadly mining accidents.

Turkish gov’t under scrutiny for environmental mismanagement after cyanide-laced landslide

ByTurkish Minute
February 14, 2024




A landslide at the Çöpler Gold Mine in the İliç district of Erzincan has buried workers and shed light on the scandals in the mine’s history, whose production capacity was increased twice despite warnings by experts.

The mine had previously been declared safe from landslide in its environmental impact assessments. This happened during the tenure of Murat Kurum as minister of environment, urbanization and climate change.

Kurum, who has also come under criticism for his share of responsibility in the high death toll of major earthquakes that struck southern Turkey in 2023 and killed more than 50,000, is currently running for İstanbul mayor as the candidate of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).

In June 2022 a cyanide-bearing pipe in the mine burst and flowed into the İliç River. Despite this, the mine resumed operations three months later without its license being revoked. According to a report by the T24 news website, the government also forgave $7.2 million in taxes owed by Anagold, the company that operates the mine.

Erzincan Governor Hamza Aydoğdu confirmed that workers were trapped in the landslide, while İliç district Republican People’s Party (CHP) Chairman Mesut Güz claimed that 10 to 15 workers may have died, according to families. Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç announced that four prosecutors had been assigned to an investigation into the incident, while Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya said nine workers remained under the mud.

The gold mine, the second largest in Turkey and located on the active Bingöl-Yedisu fault line, has been accused of emitting cyanide and sulfuric acid for years, destroying the environment.

After the project’s positive environmental impact assessment (EIA) in 2008, its production capacity was increased twice after new EIA reports in 2014 and 2021.

The EIA reports stated that there was no landslide risk in the area, a claim that was disproved by the recent disaster.

Despite legal challenges to the EIA reports, the courts have ruled in favor of the mine’s continued operation.

The Turkish Bar Association (TBB) expressed concern over the disaster in a statement on Wednesday, criticizing the approval of the EIA by the Ministry of Environment and Urbanization for the mine expansion and a flotation plant project, pointing to the location of the mine near the Euphrates River, one of Turkey’s largest.

The TBB highlighted their earlier warnings and legal action, including a lawsuit to overturn the positive EIA decision and a criminal complaint following the rupture of the cyanide pipeline in June 2022.

In June 2023 the 6th Chamber of the Council of State called for a new expert investigation into an appeal by the Turkish Union of Engineers and Architects Chambers (TMMOB) since it had described the previous investigation by the district court as “inadequate.”

In a protracted legal battle that went all the way to the Constitutional Court, Eşref Demir filed a lawsuit against the environmental and safety practices of Anagold’s Çöpler gold mine.

Demir, a local resident near the mine site, filed a lawsuit in August 2018 against the ministry’s approval of the capacity expansion of the mine complex and requested that its operations be halted.

Demir’s lawsuit argued that the environmental impacts of the project were not thoroughly assessed, especially with regard to pastureland, drilling, blasting and activities that were carried out without the required permits and negatively affect agriculture and livestock, contaminate surface water and pose risks to human health and the ecosystem through the use of chemicals.

The court dismissed Demir’s claim on the basis of an expert report.

This decision was later upheld by the Council of State, although there were dissenting opinions emphasizing that the panel of experts lacked agricultural expertise and that further research was needed on the project’s impact on agriculture and livestock.

After the judiciary rejected his concerns, Demir appealed to the Constitutional Court, claiming that his rights to a fair trial, to life and to respect for private and family life had been violated due to the environmental impact of the project. The Constitutional Court found that there was a lack of agricultural expertise in the assessment of the project’s impact and criticized the superficial assessment of the project’s impact on livestock and agriculture. It concluded that the authorities had not carefully weighed the public and individual interests and had therefore failed to meet their obligations.

Despite critics highlighting the government’s responsibility in the disaster, so far only four people have been detained, low-ranking executives of the mining operation.

Work accidents are common in Turkey, where economic development can ride roughshod over safety concerns, particularly in the construction and mining industries. The country has recorded 1,898 mining fatalities since the AKP came to power in November 2002, according to data from the Health and Safety Labor Watch (İSİG).

Many blame Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP for prioritizing economic interests and favoring pro-government mining companies, often at the expense of important natural habitats.

Pro-gov’t co-owner of mine denies involvement in operations after cyanide-laced landslide


ByTurkish Minute
February 15, 2024

The chief advisor to the owner of a pro-government holding that co-owns the Çöpler gold mine in Turkey’s eastern Erzincan province has denied his company’s operational responsibility for a devastating landslide that buried nine workers.

The tragedy occurred on Tuesday when a massive landslide, triggered at 2:28 p.m. local time, sent some 10 million cubic meters of earth sliding down a 200-meter-high slope. The landslide, which consisted of soil contaminated with cyanide and sulphuric acid, took at least nine workers.

On Wednesday authorities said the location of the trapped workers has been identified and that rescue efforts have been intensified under difficult conditions. In addition the incident has triggered an investigation that has led to eight detentions in connection with the mine’s management.

The incident has put a spotlight on the environmental and safety practices of the mining operation. The mine in Erzincan province is operated by Anagold Madencilik and owned by Turkey-based Calik Holding and Denver, Colorado-based SSR Mining.

Hakkı Akil, the chief adviser to pro-government Çalık Holding’s owner Ahmet Çalık, defended the use of cyanide as the only method of gold extraction. When asked by Halk TV’s Seyhan Avşar, Akil said Çalık Holding is a mere investor and is not involved in the operations.

The environmental impact of the disaster is significant since up to 10,000 people could be exposed to cyanide.

The Turkish Union of Engineers and Architects’ Chambers (TMMOB) has filed a criminal complaint against Anagold Mining Industry and Trade Inc. officials, including the former and current minister of environment, urban planning and climate change, the governor of Erzincan and local administrative authorities, accusing them of ignoring the necessary precautions and of expanding the mine’s operations despite the known risks, including potential cyanide leakage.

The TMMOB emphasized that the ministry, the local administration and the courts ignored their previous warnings about the danger of landslides in the area, leading to the current disaster.

They demand that all responsible parties be prosecuted and punished for their role in the incident, “which has caused irrevocable damage to human health and the environment.”

Although the authorities claim that no contamination was detected in the samples taken from the site of the landslide, experts warn that the spread-out area, where there is no protection whatsoever, makes it impossible for cyanide and heavy metals not to contaminate the soil.

Anagold insists that the waste storage pond was not affected by the incident and denies any environmental contamination, a claim supported by the Ministry of Environment, Urban Planning and Climate Change, which has closed canal gates to prevent contaminated material from entering the Euphrates River.

However, the lack of a protective membrane in the area of the landslide indicates unavoidable contamination of the soil and water.

Former Anagold employees and experts who spoke to Deutsche Welle’s Turkish edition argue that the disaster was foreseeable due to inadequate control and oversight and point to the uncontrolled application of the cyanide solution as a likely cause of the landslide.

Concerns also extend to the health risks posed by heavy metals such as zinc, nickel, copper, iron and arsenic, which can remain in the environment for years, potentially contaminating water sources and affecting agricultural products.
Pro-government media spin mine collapse

Following the devastating landslide, pro-government newspapers have put the government’s narrative front and center, largely overlooking the environmental concerns and potential dangers associated with the incident.

The front page of Sabah emphasized the ongoing search and rescue efforts, citing Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar’s statements about previous inspections and assurances from mine officials that no cyanide had leaked into the Euphrates River. This reporting is consistent with the government’s efforts to reassure the public, although previous spills and regulatory fines point to longstanding environmental risks.

Contrary to official assurances, previous incidents, including a significant fine imposed by the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change over cyanide and sulfuric acid leak in the Euphrates River, raise questions about the mine’s safety and environmental management.

The pro-government Türkiye newspaper reported on the “cleanliness” of the environment and the absence of cyanide leaks, a stance contradicted by local environmental activists and experts who warn of the dire consequences of cyanide and heavy metal contamination of waterways.

The pro-government Yeni Şafak daily’s reporting focused on the technical aspects of search and rescue operations, ignoring the inadequate safety measures highlighted by photos of rescue teams working in contaminated soil without proper protective equipment.

While some media put the blame solely on the mining company, others, including Hürriyet, cite several factors that contributed to the disaster, such as poor waste management and the controversial decision to build the plant near the Euphrates River. It is striking that the role of former Environment and Urban Planning Minister Murat Kurum in approving the mine’s operational expansions is not mentioned in pro-government publications, underscoring the selective reporting that omits potentially damaging information about the involvement of government officials.

Six missing after cargo ship sinks in Marmara Sea

ByTurkish Minute
February 15, 2024

A cargo vessel sank in the Marmara Sea near İstanbul on Thursday, officials said, adding that a search was underway to find the six missing crew members, Agence France-Presse reported.

The Batuhan A, which was bringing dry cargo from Balıkesir’s Marmara Island to Bursa in northwest Turkey, took on water and sank off İmralı island, south of İstanbul, the private DHA news agency reported.

Bursa governor Mahmut Demirtaş said authorities received an “emergency” signal from the vessel but then lost contact.

The transportation ministry said an empty life boat was found during the search.

“The rescue operation continues to find six crew members who are believed to be Turkish citizens,” Demirtaş told the private NTV television.

“The waves reach three meters. I think we will receive positive news as soon as possible in our search efforts,” he said.

Helicopters in the region could not take off because of bad weather
Canadian Immigration Committee passes motion to study MPF access for Hong Kongers in Canada


The Canadian Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration has passed a motion to study pension transferability and access to the Mandatory Provident Fund (MPF) for Hong Kongers now residing in Canada.

The motion asks the Committee to invite representatives of Manulife Financial and SunLife Canada, Canadian trustees of the MPF, to appear as witnesses.

This follows a roundtable discussion held by Hong Kong Watch in Ottawa with MPs on the topic last November, during which Greg McLean MP took the initiative to draft a motion for a hearing at one of the committees, further highlighting the importance and urgency of addressing the MPF issue.

Hong Kong Watch previously published a briefing on MPF access for Hong Kongers, finding that Manulife and SunLife are withholding access to over CAD$1.5 billion worth of hard-earned pension funds. Subsequent Hong Kong Watch research found that Manulife and SunLife have rejected over 90 percent of Hong Kongers in Canada who have tried to withdraw their MPF savings. The briefings can be accessed here and here.

Tom Kmiec MP, Shadow Minister for Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship and member of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration, said in a video on social media: “These companies are allowing themselves to be used by obeying local laws in Hong Kong and stopping the transfer of pension funds by Canadian citizens and Canadian permanent residents to Canada.”

We thank all members of the Committee for agreeing to study this important matter that impacts up to thousands of Hong Kongers, including those in Canada. The full list of members are as follows (in alphabetical order):

Shafqat Ali

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe

Paul Chiang

Sukh Dhaliwal

Fayçal El-Khoury

Arielle Kayabaga

Tom Kmiec

Jenny Kwan

Larry Maguire

Greg McLean

Brad Redekopp

Salma Zahid
Who is Prabowo Subianto, the Ex-General Who is Indonesia’s Next President?


The ex-general’s ascent to the presidency of Southeast Asia’s most populous nation crowns a long and controversial career.


By Victoria Milko
February 15, 2024



Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, centre right, and his running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the eldest son of Indonesian President Joko Widodo, greet their supporters during their campaign rally at Gelora Bung Karno Main Stadium in Jakarta, Indonesia, Saturday, Feb. 10, 2024.Credit: AP Photo/Achmad Ibrahim, File


A wealthy ex-general with ties to both Indonesia’s popular outgoing president and its dictatorial past looks set to be its next president, after unofficial tallies showed him taking a clear majority in the first round of voting.

Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto presented himself as heir to the immensely popular sitting President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, vowing to continue the modernization agenda that’s brought rapid growth and vaunted Indonesia into the ranks of middle-income countries.

“We should not be arrogant. We should not be proud. We should not be euphoric. We still have to be humble. This victory must be a victory for all Indonesian people,” Prabowo said in a speech broadcast on national television from a sports stadium on the night of the election.

But Prabowo will enter office with unresolved questions about the costs of extraction-driven growth for the environment and traditional communities, as well as his own links to torture, disappearances and other human rights abuses in the final years of the brutal Suharto dictatorship, which he served as a lieutenant general.

A former rival of Jokowi who lost two presidential races to him, Prabowo embraced the popular leader to run as his heir, even choosing Jokowi’s son as his running mate, a choice that ran up against constitutional age limits and has activists worried about an emerging political dynasty in the 25-year-old democracy.

Prabowo’s win is not yet official. His two rivals have not yet conceded and the official results could take up to a month to be tabulated, but election night “quick counts” showed him taking over 55 percent of the vote in a three-way race. Those counts, conducted by polling agencies and based on millions of ballots sampled from across the country, have proved accurate in past elections.

Prabowo was born in 1951 to one of Indonesia’s most powerful families, the third of four children. His father, Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, was an influential politician, and a minister under Presidents Sukarno and Suharto.

Prabowo’s father first worked for Sukarno, but later turned against him and was forced into exile. Prabowo spent most of his childhood overseas and speaks French, German, English, and Dutch.

The family returned to Indonesia after General Suharto came to power in 1967 following a failed left-wing coup. Suharto brutally dealt with dissenters and was accused of stealing billions of dollars of state funds for himself, family and close associates. Suharto dismissed the allegations even after leaving office in 1998.

Prabowo enrolled in Indonesia’s Military Academy in 1970, graduating in 1974 and serving in the military for nearly three decades. In 1976, Prabowo joined the Indonesian National Army Special Force, called Kopassus, and was commander of a group that operated in what is now East Timor.

Human rights groups have claimed that Prabowo was involved in a series of human rights violations in Timor-Leste in the 1980s and 90s, when Indonesia occupied the now-independent nation. Prabowo has denied those allegations.

Prabowo and other members of Kopassus were banned from traveling to the U.S. for years over the alleged human rights abuses they committed against the people of Timor-Leste. This ban lasted until 2020, when it was effectively lifted so he could visit the U.S. as Indonesia’s defense minister.

In 1983, he married Suharto’s daughter Siti Hediati Hariyadi.

More allegations of human rights abuses led to Prabowo being forced out of the military. He was dishonorably discharged in 1998, after Kopassus soldiers kidnapped and tortured political opponents of Suharto, his then-father-in-law. Of 22 activists kidnapped that year, 13 remain missing. Several of his men were tried and convicted, but Prabowo never faced trial.

He never commented on these accusations, but went into self-imposed exile in Jordan in 1998.

A number of former democracy activists have joined his campaign. Budiman Sudjatmiko, a politician who was a democracy activist in 1998, said that reconciliation is necessary to move forward. Sudjatmiko left the governing Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle to join Prabowo’s campaign team.

Sudjatmiko said that the international focus on Prabowo’s human rights record was overblown. “Developed countries don’t like leaders from developing countries who are brave, firm and strategic,” he said.

Prabowo returned from Jordan in 2008, and helped to found the Gerindra Party. He ran for the presidency twice, losing to Jokowi both times. He refused to acknowledge the results at first, but accepted Jokowi’s offer of the defense minister position in 2019, in a bid for unity.

He has vowed to continue Jokowi’s economic development plans, which capitalized on Indonesia’s abundant nickel, coal, oil and gas reserves and led Southeast Asia’s biggest economy through a decade of rapid growth and modernization that vastly expanded the country’s networks of roads and railways.

That includes the $30 billion project to build a new capital city called Nusantara. A report by a coalition of NGOs claimed that Prabowo’s family would profit from the Nusantara project, thanks to land and mining interests the family holds in East Kalimantan, the site of the new city. A member of the family denied the report’s allegations.

Prabowo and his family also have business ties to Indonesia’s palm oil, coal and gas, mining, agriculture, and fishery industries.

Prabowo bristles at international criticism over human rights and other topics, but he’s expected to keep the country’s pragmatic approach to power politics. Under Jokowi, Indonesia has strengthened defense ties with the U.S. while courting Chinese investment.

“Countries like us, countries as big as us, countries as rich as us, are always envied by other powers,” Prabowo said during his victory speech after the election. “Therefore, we must be united. United and harmonious.”

The former rivals became tacit allies: Indonesian presidents don’t typically endorse candidates, but Prabowo chose Jokowi’s son, 36-year-old Surakarta Mayor Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as his vice presidential running mate, and Jokowi coyly favored Prabowo over the candidate of his own former party.

Gibran is below the statutory minimum age of 40, but was allowed to run under an exception created by the Constitutional Court — then headed by Jokowi’s brother-in-law — allowing current and former regional governors to run at age 35.

“This is the first time in Indonesian history that a sitting president has a relative who won in a presidential election,” said Yoes Kenawas, a research fellow at Atma Jaya Catholic University in Jakarta. “It could be said that the Jokowi political dynasty has been established at the highest level of Indonesian government.”

Prabowo has also had close ties with hard-line Islamists, whom he used to undermine his opponents.

But for the 2024 election, Prabowo projected a softer image that has resonated with Indonesia’s large youth population, including videos of him dancing on stage and ads showing digital anime-like renderings of him roller-skating through Jakarta’s streets.

“We will be the president and vice president and government for all Indonesian people,” said Prabowo during his victory speech. “I will lead, with Gibran (to) protect and defend all Indonesian people, whatever tribe, whatever ethnic group, whatever race, religion, whatever social background. It will be our responsibility for all Indonesian people to safeguard their interests.”

Strategic campaigning laid foundation for Prabowo’s expected rise as Indonesia president: Experts

Hariz Baharudin
Indonesia Correspondent
Mr Prabowo Subianto (left) and his running mate, Mr Gibran Rakabuming Raka, greeting supporters at a watch party in Jakarta on Feb 14. 
ST PHOTO: ARIFFIN JAMAR

UPDATED
FEB 15, 2024

JAKARTA – Wrapping up the Indonesian presidential election in a single round is a feat for defence minister Prabowo Subianto that surpasses expectations, said experts, noting that the electoral gains he made reflect a well-thought-out campaign that spoke to people across the archipelago.

Despite his chequered past, Mr Prabowo has the political experience to govern Indonesia effectively and represent Indonesia on the international stage, added these observers.

They spoke to The Straits Times after unofficial quick count results from the Feb 14 election indicated that Mr Prabowo had won Indonesia’s presidency with nearly 60 per cent of the vote. With more than 205 million Indonesians qualified to vote on Feb 14, the nation is the world’s third-largest democracy.

Mr Prabowo declared victory for himself and his running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the mayor of Solo and son of President Joko Widodo, in front of thousands of supporters at a packed stadium in Jakarta some hours after polls closed earlier that day.

Dr Mustafa Izzuddin, a senior international affairs analyst at policy and business consultancy Solaris Strategies Singapore, said garnering enough votes to avoid a run-off election – which has to be held if no candidate gets more than 50 per cent of the votes in the first round – in one of the world’s largest democracies, shows that Mr Prabowo has worked hard to deserve the victory.

The last time Indonesia went to a run-off election was in 2004, when Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono went up against Ms Megawati Soekarnoputri after they emerged as the top two among five candidates in the first round.

“Despite the criticisms levelled against him, Prabowo was able to surmount them, prove his critics wrong and defeat his competitors quite resoundingly,” said Dr Mustafa, who is also a visiting professor in international relations at the Islamic University of Indonesia.

“His choice of Gibran as his running mate has proven to be a political master stroke, as it is arguably pivotal in Prabowo winning the Indonesian presidential election.”

The outgoing president, Mr Widodo, who remains very popular among Indonesians, did not officially endorse anyone in the race to succeed him. But his son’s decision to be Mr Prabowo’s running mate is widely presumed as a presidential seal of approval.

This was in spite of the controversy that came with Mr Gibran’s vice-presidential candidacy, as Indonesia’s Constitutional Court issued a special ruling in October 2023 that effectively allowed previously elected regional leaders, like him, to run despite being younger than 40, the minimum age required to contest the election.


Other factors paved the road for the pair to win as well.

Mr Dedi Dinarto, lead Indonesia analyst at public policy advisory firm Global Counsel, highlighted Mr Prabowo’s efforts in the online space.

During the 75-day hustings, Mr Prabowo cultivated for himself a “gemoy” persona, complete with a signature dance. The word is a play on “gemas”, an Indonesian slang term that means cute or adorable, which is widely used by young people.

Experts said that the persona has been used to soften Mr Prabowo’s hardline image as a former military general, who had faced allegations of human rights abuses in the past.

“His rampant social media campaign is a breakthrough in Indonesian electoral politics,” said Mr Dedi.


Mr Beltsazar Krisetya from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said Mr Prabowo did a successful “180-degree re-imagining” of his image.

“The middle class especially had certain preconceptions of Mr Prabowo’s image, what with his controversial history of human rights violations... This notion was challenged and totally reworked by the portrayal we saw,” said Mr Beltsazar, the principal researcher at CSIS’ Safer Internet Lab.

He also pointed out how the Prabowo-Gibran team made promises of free food, milk for children and support for pregnant women, which all hit home for Indonesia’s lower class, which makes up the majority of voters.

As at Feb 15, the votes are still being counted by the General Elections Commission (KPU). Under Indonesia elections law, the vote-counting process may take up to 35 days to be completed, given the large number of eligible voters and the vast territory. The KPU has said official results are expected to be released by March 20 at the latest.

Official results are not expected to differ significantly from the quick count tallies.



Mr Prabowo’s competitors, former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo and former governor of Jakarta Anies Baswedan, have not yet conceded defeat, and their campaign teams have urged supporters to wait for official results.

But regardless of Mr Prabowo’s path to the presidency, there is a consensus that he has the experience to run Indonesia well, having been in politics since 2004 and serving as the defence minister since 2019.

“Prabowo has the requisite political experience to govern Indonesia effectively and the diplomatic wisdom to navigate Indonesia masterfully on the international stage,” said Dr Mustafa.

Dr Irman G. Lanti from the Padjadjaran University in Indonesia pointed out how Mr Prabowo has a lot of international exposure, even more so than Mr Widodo now.

In his ministerial role, Mr Prabowo – who speaks fluent English, Dutch, French and German – has regularly interacted with military and world leaders. In November 2023, Singapore conferred on Mr Prabowo its top military award, a sign that he has contributed significantly to close and longstanding bilateral defence relations between the two neighbours.

“He will represent the country naturally on the international stage,” noted Dr Irman, who is also a visiting fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore.

But Mr Prabowo’s presidency is unlikely to be totally smooth sailing despite the first-round victory, said Dr Irman, pointing to the controversial issues that arose during campaigning that he will have to deal with.

This includes fierce opposition from university campuses and civil society activists, who have openly criticised him and Mr Widodo for supposedly colluding with each other.

Two days before the election, hundreds of Indonesian students and activists staged protests over what they saw as an abuse of power by Mr Widodo to sway voters towards Mr Prabowo.

On Jan 29, Mr Widodo was seen eating bakso (meatball soup) at a roadside stall with Mr Prabowo. They had met for dinner in Jakarta on Jan 5 as well – another meeting that was publicised.

Critics also said Mr Widodo had been deploying populist programmes purportedly in support of Mr Prabowo’s presidential bid. These range from El Nino cash aid for low-income households to the first pay rise for civil servants in five years.

“Even if he is able to manage opposition from the other parties… he would still face the issue of lacking legitimacy from the academic and progressive communities,” said Dr Irman.

There is also the looming issue of how Mr Prabowo and Mr Gibran, will step out of Mr Widodo’s shadow and make their own mark in Indonesia.

While Mr Prabowo did not receive any explicit endorsement from Mr Widodo, he is enjoying a spike in popularity from his association with his old political foe-turned-friend, better known as Jokowi, whose leadership approval ratings exceed 70 per cent even as the President reaches the end of his term.

Mr Prabowo has repeatedly underscored his commitment to continue Mr Widodo’s ambitious economic development and legacy infrastructure projects, perhaps the most notable one of all being the move of the administrative capital from Jakarta to Nusantara in East Kalimantan.

Dr Mustafa said: “There is a need for Prabowo to carve his own imprint that sets him apart from Jokowi, and for Gibran to carve his own identity going beyond the characterisation that he is Jokowi’s son.”

 EU HUMAN RIGHTS COMMENT

Protecting the human rights of sex workers



STRASBOURG 15/02/2024

The lived realities of sex workers across Europe raise serious human rights concerns. It is crucial to approach this important and complex issue with a full understanding of the human rights consequences of the experience of high levels of violence and inadequate protection from law enforcement and the justice system; stigma; and multiple layers of discrimination that result in isolation and limited access to essential services, including housing and healthcare. All these factors pave the way for a persistent culture of impunity for crimes committed against sex workers, which in turn leads to even more violence.

After having consulted with sex workers across Europe, their representative organisations, relevant international organisations and experts, I call for an approach to sex work[1] that is firmly based on human rights and focuses on the effective protection of sex workers’ rights, prioritising their safety, agency and bodily autonomy over stereotypes and misconceptions. Sex workers, like all individuals, are entitled to protection against discrimination based on their occupation. They should have equal access to basic human rights, services, and legal protections, regardless of their chosen profession.

Exposure to violence and inadequate protection from law enforcement and the justice system

Across the continent, sex workers often face high levels of violence and abuse. This is mainly due to their marginalisation and unsafe working conditions, as well as harmful attitudes which persist in society. Violence can take different forms, ranging from verbal abuse and threats, stalking and harassment, including online, to robberies, physical attacks, rape and sexual violence, hate crimes and even killings. For the same reasons, sex workers are also at high risk of falling prey to other serious human rights violations such as trafficking in human beings and exploitation.

In many member states, there is a lack of official disaggregated records that would allow the identification and numbering of violent crimes committed against sex workers. The available data is largely based on information shared by NGOs to which sex workers report incidents confidentially to warn others. According to the available information, the range of perpetrators varies. In many countries, sex workers report that police and law enforcement authorities may themselves engage in or perpetuate violence against them. Cases of police harassment and heavy-handed policing against sex workers are reportedly so common that sex workers tend to see the police as a threat rather than guardians of their safety and most have little trust in the police’s ability or willingness to protect them. Sex workers are also often reluctant to report violence and other human rights violations that they have been subjected to or witnessed due to fear of stigmatisation, prosecution, sanctions, or deportation, even in countries where the sale of sexual services itself is not illegal. Therefore, authorities should prioritise the protection of sex workers by ensuring they can report crimes without fear of legal repercussions, and that those who perpetrate violence against them are held accountable.

As noted by GREVIO, the monitoring body of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (the Istanbul Convention), harmful stereotypical attitudes also persist in prosecution services and the judiciary, based on notions implying that “only innocent women and girls can be victims of rape”, which may adversely impact decisions taken in the justice system with respect to sex workers.

Stigmatisation and multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination

Sex workers suffer from the persistent stigma of sex work as shameful and dishonourable. The ensuing high level of socially accepted disrespect, intimidation and discrimination on the basis of their perceived failure to conform to social and gender-based norms of sexual behaviour is obstructive to their efforts to lead self-determined lives. Stigmatisation often leads to sex workers hiding their involvement in sex work and living under constant fear of being outed and exposed to public shaming for themselves and their families. It also prevents them from obtaining adequate health services and can influence their access to housing, education, or childcare.

Particularly concerning is the human rights situation of sex workers who belong to groups facing multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination, including migrants, persons facing racial discrimination, transgender (trans) people or persons with disabilities or long-term illnesses. The way their identities or status are perceived place them in a situation of even more acute isolation and helplessness. Persons belonging to these groups are often already marginalised in society and have difficulties in accessing the regular labour market.

Criminalisation of sex work

In many countries, sex work or the involvement by third parties, i.e., the so-called “procurement services”, such as the purchase of sex, “pimping”, “brothel-keeping”, renting out flats to sex workers and advertising, is criminalised or such criminalisation is being considered. Available evidence submitted by international human rights organisations, relevant UN bodies and the accounts from sex workers themselves indicate, however, that the protection of sex workers and their rights cannot be assured via the criminalisation of sex work.

In 2016, the UN Working Group on the issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice (“the UN Working Group”), noted that criminalisation of women in sex work “places them in a situation of injustice, vulnerability and stigma and is contrary to international human rights law.” It underscored that the enforcement of punitive provisions to regulate women’s control over their own bodies, such as those governing sex work, is a severe and unjustified form of state control and infringes women’s dignity and bodily integrity by restricting their autonomy to make decisions about their own lives and health.

According to sex workers’ organisations and rights defenders, the criminalisation of third parties - even in the absence of criminalisation of sex work itself automatically and directly affects sex workers themselves as their working space overall becomes criminalised, with increased stigmatisation of their work and greater risks of violence. In this respect, the European Court of Human Rights (“the Court”), in its admissibility decision in the case of M.A. and others v. France, found that the applicants, 261 people of various nationalities lawfully engaged in sex work in France, were entitled to claim victim status under the European Convention on Human Rights. In this case, the applicants claim that the 2016 French law, which criminalises the purchase of sexual relations between consensual adults, pushes them to work in a clandestine manner and in isolation, exposing them to greater risks for their physical integrity and lives. They also claim that it affects their freedom to define how they live their private lives, in violation of Articles 2 (right to life), 3 (prohibition of torture) and 8 (right to private and family life) of the Convention. The judgment of the Court on whether such violations occurred is pending.

The results of a survey of 185 individuals engaged in sex work across England in 2019 and 2020 show that third-party criminalisation also has an impact on persons such as family, friends, and colleagues who wish to provide assistance to sex workers. In this respect, Front Line Defenders found that such laws further endanger and undermine the work of human rights defenders, including those carrying out anti-trafficking work, as they make it dangerous or illegal for activists to organise health and human rights outreach in brothels or to contact victims for fear of being arrested and accused of criminal activity.

In 2023, the UN Working Group found that “there is now sufficient evidence on the harms of any forms of criminalisation of sex work, including criminalisation of clients and ‘third parties’ related activities”.

Sex work in relation to sexual exploitation and trafficking in human beings

As also recently pointed out by the UN Working Group, highly polarised views on the relationship between sex work, trafficking in human beings and sexual exploitation, feminism and human rights have restricted any real progress in protecting the human rights of sex workers.

The argument, often advanced in favour of the criminalisation and suppression of sex work, or some aspects of it, which equates sex work involving consenting adults with violence against women, disregards the distinction between sex work and violence in sex work. It also disregards the fact that gender-based violence is already criminalised and that member states are under the human rights obligation to prevent and combat this form of violence, whether the victims are engaged in sex work or not. In addition, it overlooks the diversity of people who engage in sex work and of their lived realities and contexts, without respecting their autonomy and agency in making choices about their bodies and lives.

GREVIO has noted that the Istanbul Convention does not define sex work (prostitution) in itself as a form of violence against women. Instead, it focuses on the support and protection of women who engage in sex work for any instances of gender-based violence that they may experience. In this line, GREVIO has called on states to take into account in their policies and measures addressing violence against women, the specific risk of multiple and intersectional discrimination to which women sex workers are exposed, as well as their challenges in accessing general and specialist support services, including access to shelters. In the same line, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have stressed that the conflation of human trafficking with sex work can result in over-reaching initiatives that can make sex workers and people who have been trafficked more vulnerable to violence and harm. In addition, there is a lack of evidence to suggest that such approaches are successful in addressing trafficking in terms of preventing, identifying and protecting victims and supporting the prosecution of perpetrators.

As far as third-party criminalisation is concerned, proponents argue that such legislation reduces demand, helps decrease the volume of sex work overall and contributes to the fight against gender-based violence and human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. However, there are consistent reports showing that, in some states, not only have commercial sexual services not been reduced but they have possibly even increased in the period following the criminalisation. Moreover, several anti-trafficking organisations, including the Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women and La Strada International, consider that the criminalisation of the purchase of sex has no proven impact on preventing and combating human trafficking and may even undermine the identification of victims of trafficking among sex workers and their protection.

These divisive debates and misconceptions also stem from the lack of consultation of the major stakeholders. The sex workers and their representatives I spoke with explained to me that they are either not consulted at all before decisions concerning their work and lives are taken or, even when they are consulted, their views are not seriously considered.

Multiple barriers in accessing rights

A human rights based approach to sex work also means that access to rights of sex workers should be proactively facilitated, whether it concerns access to shelter for victims of violence or trafficking in line with the relevant Council of Europe standards or access to social rights, including health, housing, education and labour rights.

As already stated in the Commissioner’s Issue Papers on the right to health and on women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights in Europe, sex workers face important obstacles to securing their right to health, despite their increased health care needs. This results in significantly diminished health outcomes. Alarmingly, sex workers across Europe also face a range of coercive practices and confidentiality infringements that undermine their sexual and reproductive health and rights, with many member states still failing to take effective measures to ensure their equal and unhindered access to these rights.

Even where sex work is not criminalised, the regulation of sex work in some countries can be so restrictive that it causes harm to sex workers’ access to rights and results in most sex work occurring outside the legal framework. This means that sex workers are at risk of sanctions or fines, similar to countries where sex work is criminalised. In Greece, for instance, specific requirements such as being “single, divorced, or widowed” and adhering to regular health testing to work in the few licensed brothels have reportedly resulted in most sex work taking place illegally. Sex workers’ rights defenders report that mandatory health checks in such regulatory models are often perceived as a violation of sex workers’ human rights. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has expressed concern over the mandatory character of health tests for sex workers in Austria, which are carried out by public health officials and have to be paid for in some provinces. In Germany, the extensive and complex regulations in place are reported to lead to the repression and exclusion of many sex workers, in particular migrants, trans people, and otherwise particularly marginalised individuals.

As regards access to employment and labour rights, the particularly high proportion of migrants, trans people and persons with disabilities or long-term illnesses among sex workers appears to reflect the considerable difficulties of persons with specific needs in finding alternative gainful employment that is suited to their conditions. While some member states offer support structures to help those sex workers who wish to find alternative employment, access to these support mechanisms is reportedly often difficult, particularly for the most marginalised sex workers, as support is often subject to special conditions and inadequate. To facilitate access to labour rights and social protection systems for sex workers, all support measures should centre around the sex worker’s specific needs and situation, including with respect to adequate financial support and access to relevant education services.

In a landmark change in legislation adopted in consultation with sex workers, Belgium became the first European country to decriminalise sex work in 2022. As a result, sex workers became able to legally work as self-employed workers and build up social rights. Since summer 2023, a new law has extended labour rights also to sex worker employees, including rules around working hours and payment, the right to refuse clients and the mandatory availability of emergency buttons in every room. The new law also decriminalises third parties, who will no longer be penalised for opening a bank account for sex workers or renting out accommodation, and it allows sex workers to advertise their services.

The way forward: a human rights based approach

Council of Europe member states should adopt a human rights based approach to sex work. Such an approach must ensure sex workers’ protection from violence and abuse, their equal access to health and other social rights, as well as their rights to private life and to participate in public and political life.

All policy measures must consider the distinctive exposure of sex workers to discrimination, including on intersecting and multiple grounds, such as ethnic origin, sex, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression and sex characteristics, migration status and disability.

Member states should take action to ensure that everyone can enjoy access to an adequate standard of living, health and education, to safe and non-exploitative work environments, as well as to guarantee equal access to social protection and to the full range of other social rights.

Member states should also strengthen training programmes for law-enforcement officials, judicial authorities, public health professionals and social services on the need to address stigma against sex workers and to protect sex workers’ rights, to guarantee equal access to these services, while promoting the implementation of programmes that eliminate prevailing stigma against sex workers in society.

A human rights based approach also means that consensual sexual relations between adults for remuneration should not be criminalised. Criminalisation and the enforcement of punitive provisions against sex workers, clients or third parties has significantly reduced sex workers’ access to rights and essential services and has led sex workers to live and work in a clandestine manner and in isolation, in fear of the justice system. Conversely, decriminalisation of consensual adult sex work has had positive effects on the safety of sex workers and on their access to social protection and health services, resulting in improved health outcomes. The UN working Group also noted that a decriminalised framework is most conducive to the protection of sex workers’ rights to participate in public and political life.

Consensual adult sex work should not be conflated with violence against women or trafficking in human beings. Instead, sex workers should be protected from violence, human trafficking and exploitation. As noted by Amnesty International, the decriminalisation of sex work does not mean the removal of laws that criminalise exploitation, human trafficking or violence against sex workers. On the contrary, these laws must remain, and should be strengthened. To better address the protection needs of victims of human trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation and of gender-based violence, whether or not they are engaged in sex work, member states must ensure that their laws are in line with the European Convention on Human Rights (in particular, Article 2 on the right to life, Article 3 on the prohibition of torture and Article 4 on the prohibition of slavery) as interpreted by the Court, and with the Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings and the Istanbul Convention, and effectively implement them in accordance with the recommendations provided by their respective monitoring bodies.

Finally, no-one can speak better for sex workers than sex workers themselves, no-one knows the environment better, nor the reasons that lead individuals to engage in sex work. For effective and truly empowering and protective human rights based policies to be developed and implemented, it is indispensable that greater attention and visibility is given to their voices and rights. To do so, sex workers in all their diversities and their representative organisations must be duly consulted and included in the policy-making process, as their experiences and perspectives are essential for developing effective policies and interventions that support their human rights and dignity.

 

[1] For the purposes of this Human Rights Comment, sex work is understood as the consensual exchange of sexual services for payment among adults.

PAKISTAN

Textile exporters blame govt for ‘economic disaster’

 Published February 15, 2024

KARACHI: The interim rule has again drawn severe criticism for “intruding” into the economic matters that left the national economy in disaster by increasing the energy prices to a “historic” level, textile exporters said on Wednesday.

They said that the interim government was responsible for mainly holding the elections and not wrestling with the economy. They also blamed it for “deliberate” and “engineered” motives that caused industrial slowdown and sabotaged the country’s exports during its entire tenure.

Muhammad Jawed Bilwani, Chief Coordinator Value-Added Textile Forum, Mubashar Naseer Butt, Chairman Pakistan Readymade Garments Manufacturers & Exporters Association, Muhammad Usman, Towel Manufacturers & Exporters Association and Khalid Majeed, Chairman, Denim Manufacturers & Exporters Association jointly held the interim setup for the economic downturn.

Pakistan’s textile exports plunge 12% year-on-year in September: APTMA

Repeated increase in the gas and electricity prices to an unbearable level by the interim government has left the value-added textile export uncompetitive on the world markets, blaming it for ensnaring the country in the IMF plans. They added that the transitional setup had also poor economic policies that unleashed the free fall of rupee against the dollar, ensuing in input cost escalation to pull down the manufacturing growth and brought the industry near to a close.

The textile export industry is also grappled with gas cuts for twice a week, besides the discount policy rate has also touched the highest limit of 22 percent and export refinancing and LTFF 19 percent with a bank spread, they said.

Showing their profound concerns, they said that the country’s exports have nosedived comparatively by 12.71 percent from $31.78 billion in July-June 2021-22 to $27.74 billion over the same period in 2022-23, citing the “harsh” factors, which is hurting the industry.

“This is 16.61 percent decline to the export target of $32.35 billion set for the fiscal year 2022-2023,” they said that the export-oriented industries are faced with the “greatest” ever challenges in terms of the “highest” cost of manufacturing. Many industries, they claimed to have already stopped their production in the country with several others fearing a closure because of the unviable trade, which may also pulled the country’s exports further down.

The interim rule has raised gas tariffs to “the highest” ever levels by 118 percent from August 2023 and added on with a 40 percent cost of RLNG. This move overall gave a steep rise of 191 percent to the gas prices to the historic levels, they added. The exports industry is also compelled to pay the “exorbitant” gas price, which is tagged with the cross subsidy that the fertilizer, feedstock, domestic consumers and power generation sector enjoy, they pointed.

“The circular debt is additional. The export industries cannot pass on the exorbitant effect of the high gas tariff and costly industrial inputs,” they added.

They again accused the intern setup of its plan to further increase the gas tariffs to Rs2950 per mmbtu for the industrial consumers. “For RLNG blend previously the ratio of Indigenous gas was 50 percent and RLNG 50 percent, which has now been changed to 33:67,” they added.

The OGRA, which has determined the tariff of two gas companies including SSGCL and SNGPL without consulting the industry, they said and called it “deplorable” that the industry has no representation on the oil and gas regulator board.

They requested to the Prime Minister to intervene in the matter and invite the stakeholders to a meeting for a deliberation to solve the energy problems that the industry is facing.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2024