Tuesday, March 05, 2024

 

Cost of direct air carbon capture to remain higher than hoped



Peer-Reviewed Publication

ETH ZURICH



Switzerland plans to reduce its net carbon emissions to zero by no later than 2050. To achieve this, it will need to drastically reduce its greenhouse gas emissions. In its climate strategy, the Swiss government acknowledges that some of these emissions, particularly in agriculture and industry, are difficult or impossible to avoid. Swiss climate policy therefore envisages actively removing 5 million tonnes of CO2 from the air and permanently storing it underground. By way of comparison, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates that up to 13 billion tonnes of CO2 will need to be removed from the atmosphere every year from 2050.

These targets will be hard to achieve unless ways can be found to reduce the cost of direct air capture (DAC) technologies. ETH spin-​off Climeworks operates a plant in Iceland that currently captures 4,000 tonnes of CO2 a year, at a cost per tonne of between 1,000 and 1,300 dollars. But how quickly can these costs come down as deployment increases?

ETH researchers have developed a new method that provides a more accurate estimate of the future cost of various DAC technologies. As the technologies are scaled up, direct air capture will become significantly cheaper – though not as cheap as some stakeholders currently anticipate. Rather than the oft-​cited figure of 100 to 300 US dollars, the researchers suggest the costs are more likely to be between 230 and 540 dollars.

“Just because DAC technologies are available, it certainly doesn’t mean we can relax our efforts to cut carbon emissions. That said, it’s still important to press ahead with the expansion of DAC plants, because we will need these technologies for emissions that are difficult or impossible to avoid,” says Bjarne Steffen, ETH Professor of Climate Finance and Policy. He developed the new method together with Katrin Sievert, a doctoral student in his research group, and ETH Professor Tobias Schmidt.

Three technologies and their costs

The ETH researchers applied their method to three direct air capture technologies. The goal was to compare how the cost of each technology is likely to evolve over time. Their findings suggest that the process developed by Swiss company Climeworks, in which a solid filter with a large surface area traps CO2 particles, could cost between 280 and 580 US dollars per tonne by 2050.

The estimated costs of the other two DAC technologies fall within a similar range. The researchers calculated a price of between 230 and 540 dollars a tonne for the capture of CO2 from the atmosphere using an aqueous solution of potassium hydroxide, a process that has been commercialised, for example, by Canadian company Carbon Engineering. The cost of carbon capture using calcium oxide derived from limestone was estimated at between 230 and 835 dollars. This latter method is offered by US company Heirloom Carbon Technologies, among others.

Focus on components

Estimating how the cost of new technologies will change over time is particularly difficult in situations where very little empirical information is available. This lack of real-​world data represents a challenge for DAC technologies: they haven’t been in use long enough to allow projections to be made as to how their cost might evolve in the future. To address this dilemma, the ETH researchers focused on the individual components of the different DAC systems and estimated their cost one by one. They then asked 30 industry experts to assess the design complexity of each technological component and determine how easy it would be to standardise.

The researchers based their work on certain assumptions: namely, that the cost of less complex components that can be mass-​produced will fall more sharply, while the cost of complex parts that must be tailored to each individual system will fall only slowly. DAC systems also include mature components such as compressors, which cannot feasibly be made much cheaper. Once the researchers had estimated the cost of each individual part, they then added the cost of integrating all the components and the costs of energy and operation.

Despite significant uncertainties in their calculations, the researchers’ message was clear: “At present, it is not possible to predict which of the available technologies will prevail. It is therefore crucial that we continue to pursue all the options,” says Katrin Sievert, lead author of the study, which recently appeared in the journal Joule.

 

The health and economic impact of youth violence in the United States reached $122 billion in 2020


New research in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine estimates the cost of homicides and nonfatal assaults of young people in the US


Peer-Reviewed Publication

ELSEVIER





Ann Arbor, March 4, 2024 – In 2020, the cost of youth violence in the United States was approximately $122 billion, according to new research in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine, published by Elsevier. The study quantifies the economic toll of homicides and nonfatal assaults of young people ages 10–24 years, differentiating by injury mechanism (e.g., firearms, stabbings, and other methods). Youth homicide cost the US an estimated $86 billion, of which firearm homicides contributed $78 billion. Nonfatal assault injuries among youth cost $36 billion. 

Lead investigator Elizabeth M. Parker, PhD, Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Atlanta, explains, “We lose young people to violence every day in this country. Violence is a leading cause of injury and death among American youth. It affects all types of communities across our country, causing pain and suffering to individuals, families, and communities. The high economic cost is an important measure of the widespread problem of youth violence. Understanding it helps us grasp the broader consequences of violence and the critical importance of violence prevention programs, policies, and practices. We hope identifying the economic implications of youth violence will encourage active engagement and contribute to building safer communities for all.”

The investigators used data from the CDC’s publicly available Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) to analyze homicides and nonfatal assaults resulting in emergency department visits among youth ages 10–24 years in 2020, as well as analyze the average economic cost of those injuries. The estimate includes costs for medical care, lost work, and reduced quality of life but does not include costs to the criminal justice system.

The study segmented the data by the injury mechanism or cause (e.g., firearms, stabbings, etc.), which distinguishes it from other recent research on youth violence. Injuries from firearms and stabbing accounted for 96% of youth homicides.

The findings highlight the importance of developing and implementing programs to address risk factors and prevent youth violence.

Dr. Parker adds, “Youth violence is preventable. We know there are strategies that work to prevent violence and ease the pain, suffering, and economic burden associated with youth nonfatal assault and homicide. CDC developed Resources for Action that describe strategies with the best available evidence to help communities and states focus their violence prevention efforts to ensure safer and healthier communities for all.”

These evidence-based approaches include but are not limited to, early childhood home visitation programs, preschool enrichment with family engagement, mentoring or after-school programs, street outreach, and community norm change campaigns.

 

 

Firearm ownership is correlated with elevated lead levels in children, study finds


Brown-led research found that firearm-related lead ammunition use is an unregulated source of lead exposure in the U.S. that may disproportionately impact children.


Peer-Reviewed Publication

BROWN UNIVERSITY





PROVIDENCE, R.I. [Brown University] — Childhood lead exposure, primarily from paint and water, is a significant health concern in the United States, but a new study has identified a surprising additional source of lead exposure that may disproportionately harm children: firearms.

A team led by researchers at Brown University found an association between household firearm ownership and elevated lead levels in children’s blood in 44 states, even when controlling for other major lead exposure sources.

Lead exposure from firearms is far less explored than from recognized sources like water or lead-based paint, but may be equally dangerous for children’s health, said Christian Hoover, a Ph.D. candidate in epidemiology at Brown’s School of Public Health, who is the lead author of the study published in the Journal of Pediatrics.

“This is very concerning because we don’t have a system of monitoring lead from firearm use, as we do with residential paint, and there is no system in place to minimize or prevent children’s exposure to lead in firearms,” Hoover said. “Firearm use is a relatively unchecked source of childhood exposure to lead. There’s currently no way to stop the exposure from happening and no interventions when it does.”

In the study, the association between elevated lead levels and firearm use was almost as strong as the association for lead-based paint, Hoover noted.

Lead levels in children in the United States have been persistently high for decades. While public health measures have been put in place to prevent and reduce childhood lead poisoning from paint and drinking water, blood lead levels haven’t concordantly dropped in significant measures, Hoover said.

Firearm-related take-home lead occurs when an individual discharges a firearm that uses lead-based ammunition and primer, which are the most commonly used in the United States, Hoover said. The lead dust settles on clothes and personal items, such as phones or bags, as well as in vehicles and common spaces. Children are more vulnerable to lead than adults due to their tendency to ingest contaminants through normal hand-to-mouth behaviors.

“Typically the places where the firearm-related lead collects, such as in carpets, are places where young children spend a considerable amount of time,” said Hoover, who is a co-investigator at the Harvard Injury Control Research Center.

A previous study led by Hoover found a link between firearms and elevated lead levels in children’s blood in cities and towns in Massachusetts; this new study involved the 44 U.S. states that report public health data on child blood lead levels.

Since there is no governmental database covering firearm ownership across states, the researchers used a widely-accepted proxy measure developed by the RAND Corporation to estimate state levels of household gun ownership. This metric combines data on firearm suicides, hunting licenses, subscriptions to Guns and Ammo magazine and background checks. They compared the data from the proxy measure with reports from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention of blood lead concentration surveillance data for children under 6. The analysis spanned the years between 2012 and 2018.

According to the study, for every 10% increase in the number of households that report owning a gun, there is an approximate 30% increase in cases of elevated pediatric blood lead levels.

Childhood exposure to lead increases the risk of behavioral problems, reduced cognitive abilities and poor growth and development. There is no safe level of lead exposure, said Joseph Braun, a professor of epidemiology and director of the Center for Children’s Environmental Health at Brown.

“Despite public health efforts to prevent or reduce childhood lead exposure, a substantial proportion of U.S. children are still exposed,” Braun said. “Thus, we need to identify other modifiable sources of lead exposure in children’s environments to protect their developing bodies and brains.”

The authors concluded that the data suggest firearms are a notable source of child lead exposure that requires more targeted research.

Alan Fossa, a postdoctoral research associate in environmental health at Brown, also contributed to this study.

This research was supported by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (R21 ES034187).

 

Geologists explore the hidden history of Colorado’s Spanish Peaks


Peer-Reviewed Publication

UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO AT BOULDER

Sabrina Kainz 

IMAGE: 

SABRINA KAINZ ON AN EXPEDITION TO COLLECT ROCK SAMPLES.

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CREDIT: LON ABBOTT




If you’ve driven the mostly flat stretch of I-25 in Colorado from Pueblo to Trinidad, you’ve seen them: the Spanish Peaks, twin mountains that soar into the sky out of nowhere, reaching altitudes of 13,628 and 12,701 feet above sea level.

In a new study, geologists from the University of Colorado Boulder have laid out a timeline for the emergence of these majestic but isolated mountains. The team’s findings could bring scientists closer to answering one of the most enduring puzzles in Colorado geology: What made Denver, the Mile High City, a mile high?

“For geologists, the big question is: Why are Colorado’s High Plains so high?” said Sabrina Kainz, who led the research as an undergraduate student studying geology at CU Boulder.

The group published its findings March 1 in the scientific journal “Lithosphere.”

Colorado’s craggy, snow-capped Rocky Mountains attract tourists and more. But for researchers like Kainz and CU Boulder geologist Lon Abbott, the High Plains that extend over much of eastern Colorado—the territory of tumbleweeds and prairie dogs—may be even more interesting.

Abbott explained that the world’s highest places tend to be that way because of squishing and squeezing from tectonic plates—giant pieces of Earth’s crust that slam together, crumpling up land masses and raising entire mountain ranges. But Colorado’s High Plains, which are dominated by sedimentary rocks, aren’t crumpled at all. They’re one tall, flat stack of geological pancakes.

“The Colorado High Plains are anomalous, really, in the entire world,” said Abbott, co-author of the study and teaching professor in the Department of Geological Sciences. “They’re not formed the way that mountains are typically formed.”

To get nearer to solving the mystery of the plains, the researchers collected and analyzed rocks from the Spanish Peaks east to Two Buttes, a geologic formation near the Kansas border. 

They found that the rocks forming the Spanish Peaks injected into the crust below Colorado as magma around 24 million years ago, but remained miles underground until about 17 million years ago. What happened to bring them to the surface remains a mystery.

“We can answer when the plains around the Spanish Peaks got so high,” Kainz said. “The ‘why’ of the matter is a little more complicated.”

Colorado landmark

The Spanish Peaks have long been an important monument for generations of people who have called southern Colorado home.

The indigenous Comanche people referred to these formations as “Wahatoya,” which means “Double Mountain.” In the early 1800s, travelers following the Santa Fe Trail, which joined Missouri to what is now the southwestern U.S., formerly the northern reaches of New Spain and then Mexico, used the peaks as a landmark.

“They would spend weeks and weeks traveling in their wagons on the plains,” said Abbott, whose book “Geology Underfoot Along Colorado’s Front Range” is a primer for the state’s rockhounds. “Then, all of a sudden, they'd see those mountains, and they knew they were getting close.”

In 1913, hundreds of coal miners striking against the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company set up a tent camp not far from the mountains—a prelude to the Ludlow Massacre of 1914, which remains among the nation’s deadliest labor disputes.

The peaks have always been a bit mysterious. They are as tall as many of the Rocky Mountain summits to the west, but the Spanish Peaks formed at a different time and from completely different rocks.

For Kainz, now a doctoral student at the University of Washington in Seattle, getting to study those features as an undergrad was a dream come true. She began the project at the height of the COVID pandemic in 2020, and spent hours crammed into cars with dozens of rock samples.

The team included Rebecca Flowers, professor of geological sciences; undergraduate geology student Skye Fernandez; James Metcalf, manager of the Thermochronology Research and Instrumentation Laboratory (TRaIL); and Aidan Olsson, then a student at Fairview High School in Boulder now studying biology at CU Boulder.

The project hinged on an approach called thermochronology. Kainz noted that small chemical changes in the crystals within many rocks can give geologists clues about how hot or cold those samples were millions of years ago. Rocks buried deep below the Earth tend to be hotter than those closer to the surface.

More than a mile high

According to the team’s results, the Spanish Peaks first formed when magma welled up from deep within Earth’s crust but didn’t quite break through to the surface.

Then, something happened. In a very short span of time, geologically-speaking, huge tracks of land in southeastern Colorado vanished. Between roughly 18 and 14 million years ago, more than a mile of sedimentary rocks around the Spanish Peaks eroded away, then were swept into the Arkansas River.

The researchers suspect that as-of-yet-unidentified geologic forces were pushing up southeastern Colorado from below—exposing previously underground rocks to rain and flowing water. 

Abbott and his colleagues are now exploring how this disturbance may have fit into the broader evolution of Colorado’s plains. Their preliminary data, for example, suggests that the flat lands around what is now Denver may not have experienced similar upheaval at the same time.

But the study makes one thing clear: Colorado’s High Plains have long been something to behold.

“As high as the High Plains are today, they used to be a lot higher,” Kainz said. “They were as high as the Rocky Mountains are today.”

The Spanish Peaks rise from Huerfano County, Colorado.

CREDIT

Sabrina Kainz

 

Research suggests new tool-making timeline for East Asian hominins


Peer-Reviewed Publication

CHINESE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES HEADQUARTERS

Retouched tool patterns in the CJW assemblage 

IMAGE: 

(A-E) SLENDER FLAKES ARE INTENTIONALLY BROKEN AND USED AS BLANKS FOR RETOUCHING TIPPED TOOLS. (G-I) UNIFACIALLY RETOUCHED POINTS. (J-M) BORERS.

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CREDIT: IVPP



A new study from the Nihewan basin of China has revealed that hominins who possessed advanced knapping abilities equivalent to Mode 2 technological features occupied East Asia as early as 1.1 million years ago (Ma), which is 0.3 Ma earlier than the date associated with the first handaxes found in East Asia. This suggests that Mode 2 hominins dispersed into East Asia much earlier than previously thought. 

The study, which was conducted by a joint team led by Prof. PEI Shuwen from the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology (IVPP) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Prof. Ignacio de la Torre from the Institute of History the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC), was published in PNAS on Mar. 4 and provide insights into the early dispersals and adaptions of hominins in Eurasia.  

By reconstructing Cenjiawan refit sets from Nihewan basin, the research team discovered organized flaking techniques that aimed at producing slender flakes by core preparation on both the striking platform and flaking surface. The standardized operational process was not only shown by refit sets: Plenty of products detached at each stage of the process, thus provide strong evidence of standardized core preparation.  

Prepared core technologies were characterized by organized methods to obtain predetermined flakes that required detailed planning and a deep understanding of flaking mechanisms, which originated in the Acheulean and particularly more than 1.0 Ma.  

Regarding retouched tools, technological analysis of refitted products detached from the prepared core technology indicates intentional breakage of slender flakes in two halves. One or more of the resulting fragments were then selected as blanks for retouching, with the aiming of creating tipped tools with two convergent sides, thus significantly altering the original shape of blanks.  

In addition, patterns of retouching tools like points and borers, which showed standardization of tool shape, were also well documented in the Cenjiawan assemblage, thus suggesting complex mental templates among the Cenjiawan toolmakers.  

The prepared core technology, standardized predetermined products and retouching tool shapes, together with the high level of manual precision, fragmented reduction sequences, long reduction sequences, and organized management of raw materials documented in the Cenjiawan assemblage, provide compelling evidence for complex technical abilities and in-depth planning behaviors among Early Pleistocene hominins in East Asia. 

"The advanced technological behaviors documented at the Cenjiawan site similar to those of Mode 2 technology, rather than the technical simplicity attributed to Mode 1", said Dr. MA Dongdong, first author of the study, who conducted the research during his Ph.D at IVPP and currently is working as a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of History of CISC.  

The Lower Paleolithic technology in China has long been regarded as simple (Oldowan-like/Mode 1) and homogeneous before late Pleistocene. The compelling evidence in the Cenjiawan assemblage provides a new perspective in understanding the small debitage system in China and may force a reconsideration of current perceptions of technological stasis in East Asia.  

The authors argued that the technological features, rather than the mere presence or absence of specific tool types (e.g., handaxes), should be the basis for studying Early and Middle Pleistocene assemblages in East Asia. This enables a more integrated understanding of Mode 2 technology as well as the human cultural and biological connections between East Asia and other regions of the Old World. 


The CJW site and Lithology of the CJW profile and corresponding magnetic polarity time scale

Operational scheme of prepared core technology (A and B) and predetermined products in CJW (C and D).

CREDIT

IVPP