Sunday, March 10, 2024

Discarding Old Theories on the Path to Finding the First Humans Outside Africa


 
 MARCH 8, 2024
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Photograph Source: Luna04 at French Wikipedia – CC BY-SA 3.0

When I began studying human prehistory in the mid-1990s, little did I know that I would witness a paradigm shift in our understanding of when the first humans settled in Western Eurasia firsthand. At the time, I was preparing my master’s thesis about the stone tools from the Caune de l’Arago cave, an Acheulian site situated in the picturesque wine-producing village of Tautavel in southwestern France.

On a main road leading into the village, travelers encounter a road sign for Tautavel’s Prehistory Museum that reads: “L’Homme le plus ancien de l’Europe” (French for, The oldest Man of Europe). Excavations in the cave in 1971 yielded a semi-complete cranial fossil attributed to Homo erectus tautavelensis (a subspecies of H. erectus), estimated at 450,000 years old.

In 1995, I was invited to attend the International Congress of Human Paleontology that was held in the Andalusian town of Orce, Spain, where some very important archeological discoveries had recently been brought to light. Unbeknownst to me, the visit would not be my last.

An influential theory, known as the Short Chronology, published just one year prior to the congress in Orce, proposed that early humans only durably occupied Western Europe after around 500,000 years ago. The theory was published after the proceedings of a conference held in Tautavel in 1993: The Earliest Occupation of Europe, during which distinguished researchers reviewed and discussed the archeological evidence for the first sustained human presence in Europe. Even as the Short Chronology hypothesis took hold against the proponents of a Long Chronology (proposing that hominins were in Europe as early as 2 million years ago), it rapidly had to be revisitedin light of a series of groundbreaking discoveries that would indelibly change the chrono-geographical setting of the first humans “out of Africa.”

From the 1980s, the UNESCO World Heritage site of Dmanisi, located in the Republic of Georgia between the Black and Caspian seas, began to report spectacular fossils of extinct animal species and then Oldowan stone tools. These findings were unearthed below the ruins of the Medieval town of Dmanisi in a volcanic sedimentary context dated to around 1.8 million years old. The vast open-air site, already well-known for its human settlements since the Bronze Age, continues to yield far earlier Paleolithic findings like those first exposed during excavations of the Medieval cellars. In 1991 a human mandible was discovered, beginning an astonishing series of finds that continue to contribute precious data about this little-known period of human prehistory. Ongoing excavations at Dmanisi have unearthed exceptionally well-preserved and diverse faunal remains (including extinct species of deer, horse, rhino, giraffe, and ostrich, as well as carnivores like saber-toothed cats, and giant cheetahs), along with stone tools attributed to the Oldowan cultural complex. In addition, the site has provided an unprecedented assemblage of fossil hominin remains that display a variety of anatomical features that led paleoanthropologists to create a distinct denomination for them: H. georgicus.

Prior to these discoveries, which are close to 2 million years old, only a few prehistorians had seriously considered the possibility that hominin groups were thriving outside of Africa even 1 million years ago. Their postulate was based in part on findings of primitive stone tools, often in agriculturally disturbed open-air contexts that are difficult to date with any precision, while few cave sites had produced convincing evidence. Indisputably, the exceptionally abundant, well-dated, and exquisitely preserved finds from Dmanisi provided irrefutable proof that hominins were indeed living “at the Gates of Europe” far earlier than previously believed. With the evidence from the Early Acheulian ‘Ubeidiya site in the Jordan Rift Valley (one of the earliest known H. erectus sites dating to around 1.5 million years ago), Dmanisi pushed back the date for the arrival of hominins in Eurasia, raising important questions, in particular, about which hominin was the first to successfully settle in lands situated outside of Africa.

The upheaval that followed in the wake of the Dmanisi discoveries—and those that would quickly follow—tells the story of how our own sociohistorical contexts influence what we think or what we believe when faced with hard evidence from the archeological record. There is no doubt that the extreme antiquity of the Dmanisi hominins created a paradigm shift within the scientific community that required rethinking the ideas entrenched in the dominant academic mindset. In retrospect, it demanded a total reconfiguration of the widely accepted scenario in which H. erectus was lauded as the first “colonizer” (a term clearly unfitting to describe ancient population dynamics and whose connotations anachronistically denote the modern concept of borders) of virgin territories outside of Africa. According to this scenario, H. erectus was put forward as the most likely candidate for undertaking such an achievement because it was doted with a larger brain and longer legs than its predecessors, and because it possessed a more advanced (Acheulian) toolkit, and even mastered fire making. Today, paleoanthropologists are still debating whether the Dmanisi hominins might have had some relationship with the African H. habilis, or if they were more closely related to the H. erectus.

Discoveries made in the 1990s at two sites in Orce; Barranco León and Fuente Nueva 3, would play a pivotal role in changing our ideas about the first peopling of Europe. The sites are situated in the Guadix-Baza Basin in northeastern Granada, an area long known for its extraordinarily preserved archeo-paleontological treasures dating to different periods. Today, Orce is a prominent site in the UNESCO Granada Global Geopark. Located nearly 1,000 meters above mean sea level, Orce currently offers a unique and arid landscape shaped by millions of years of accumulated geological deposits and erosion that fashioned a deeply faulted landscape, interspersed with vast badlands and surrounded by mountains. The scenery was very different more than 1 million years ago, however, when much of the area was occupied by a large saline lake and fresh water rushing forth from the surrounding mountains and the natural springs that still characterize the zone. The age of these two sites has been evaluated by a combination of dating methods to, respectively, 1.4 million and 1.3 million years ago.

Systematic excavations that are still ongoing began at the sites after indisputably human-made stone tools knapped from local flint and limestone were discovered in the early 1990s, in association with a broad range of faunal remains, including a huge species of mammoth (M. meridionalis), rhinos, horses, bison, and hippopotamus, as well as carnivorous predators like hyenas, wolves, saber-toothed cats, and wild dogs. Unsurprisingly, the anthropic nature of such ancient stone tools was a hotly debated topic during the Orce congress in 1995. These multilayered open-air sites, situated on the fluctuating lake margin in a swampy environment frequented by many animals, provided an attractive scenario for the hominins who used their stone tools to create their own niche, even withstanding changes in climatic conditions more than 1 million years ago. Their presence predates the oldest documented Acheulian-producing hominins in Europe, demonstrating the efficacy of Oldowan toolkits and underpinning the need for changes in the dominant paradigms about the first inhabitants of Europe.

Buttressing the indisputable evidence emanating from these well-dated and systematically excavated sites came the announcement of groundbreaking discoveries from level TD-6 of the Gran Dolina site at the Sierra de Atapuerca in Burgos, Spain, where a new set of hominin remains, stone tools and fauna was published in 1995. The spectacular hominin fossils, some 0.9 million years old, presented a distinct set of anatomical traits, justifying the naming of a new species: H. antecessor, finally putting to rest any remaining skeptics questioning the veracity of the great antiquity of the arrival of the genus Homo in Europe.

Since these pioneering discoveries were made known, the number of excavated sites with stone tools attesting to a hominin presence predating 1 million years ago continues to increase, in particular, around the Mediterranean basin. While we still know relatively little about the hominins responsible for these accumulations, the fossil record is steadily increasing in pace with continued discoveries and excavations in some of the key areas. In 2008, a new set of hominin remains, stone tools, and fauna was published from level TE-9 of the Sima del Elefante site in the Sierra de Atapuerca, with an age of around 1.2 million years old. Then, in 2013, the discovery of a human deciduous molar was published from Orce’s Barranco León site in a level dated close to 1.4 million years old. Meanwhile, at the Eastern end of Eurasia, a growing body of evidence from China suggests that hominins were present there nearly 2 million years ago.

Archeology is teaching us that in order to truly understand how humans came to expand across the globe during the Lower Paleolithic, we need to keep our minds open and embrace the science—even if it means modifying or even discarding the long-held ideas that are shaping our own historical moment.

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

The New Atheism at 20: How an Intellectual Movement Exploited Rationalism to Promote War


 
 MARCH 8, 2024
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Photograph Source: Steve Jurvetson – CC BY 2.0

As Western bombs rain on Gaza’s starving civilians, the New Atheism turns 20. The philosophical genre, which argues for secularism over organized religion, was kick-started by Sam Harris. His 2004 book, The End of Faith, promoted neuroscience-based spirituality in place of irrational groupthink. The philosopher, Daniel Dennett, soon followed with Breaking the Spell (2006), as did the evolutionary biologist, Richard Dawkins, with his 2 million unit-selling, The God Delusion. The late essayist, Christopher Hitchens, completed the quartet, known as the Four Horsemen, publishing God Is Not Great (2007).

Inspired by the attacks of September 11th, the genre appeared on the scene shortly after the invasion of Iraq in 2003. It became immediately clear that the Four Horsemen were exploiting Enlightenment principles to justify the bombing of women and children in third world nations.  Muslim terrorists are not aggrieved by Western foreign policy, the authors claim, but rather by their fanatical devotion to their faith. The decimation of Iraq was not motivated by elite US strategies to control oil markets, but because “god” told Bush to invade. The state does not exploit religious differences for cynical realpolitik; but rather, hateful mobs randomly attack each other because of their different belief systems.

As I document in my latest book, The New Atheism Hoax, the authors concocted a major fraud. In case after case, their own sources say the opposite of what they claim. This doesn’t happen a few times. It happens almost every time. Examples are cherry-picked, context is removed, and counter-evidence suppressed. In tribute to the suffering people of Palestine, consider these Arab-Israeli examples alone:

SAM HARRIS

“Most Muslims who commit atrocities are explicit about their desire to get to paradise,” says Harris in The End of Faith(Free Press edition) citing the single example of Zaydan Zaydan, a failed Palestinian suicide bomber. Zaydan:

described being “pushed” to attack Israelis by “the love of martyrdom.” He added, “I didn’t want revenge for anything. I just wanted to be a martyr.” … With regard to the suffering that his death would have inflicted upon his family, he reminded his interviewer that a martyr gets to pick seventy people to join him in paradise. He would have been sure to invite his family along. (p. 31)

Source(s): James Bennett, ‘In Israeli Hospital, Bomber Tells of Trying to Kill Israelis’, New York Times, June 8, 2002.

Here’s what Harris left out. Bennett describes the painful circumstances that led Zaydan to try to become a bomber. Crucially, Bennett also emphasizes Zaydan’s efforts to kill Israeli occupational soldiers, not Israeli civilians. Zaydan makes clear that he does not hate ordinary Israelis. Bennett also implies that Zaydan wanted revenge not for particular Israeli atrocities, but rather as a means of resisting occupation and the threat of further raids into the Jenin refugee camp in 2002. Bennett (omitted by Harris) writes:

[Zaydan] gave a rare glimpse into the blend of religion, desperation, low technology and cruelty that can produce suicide bombers …  Mr. Zaydan, who is 18, spoke of his hopeless search for a job, of long days spent in pool halls before he found his way deeper into Islam, and of how his recruiter composed his last, videotaped statement for him, because, as a fifth-grade dropout, he can read but not write.

This is in direct contradiction not only to Harris’s rendering of events, but also his other claims, that no or few Palestinian bombers are motivated by poverty and desperation. Bennett provides some background: Israel raided the Jenin refugee camp in 2002; Israeli soldiers “could enter Jenin at any time”; Zaydan “sought to kill only soldiers.” Zaydan is quoted by Bennett, not by Harris, as saying: “As long as life continues like this … you will have people who think like me.”

DANIEL DENNETT

In one chapter, Dennett writes about the Palestinian lawyer and activist, Raja Shehadeh. Dennett says: “Palestinian society, if Shehadeh is right, is beset with a virulent case of the ‘punish those who won’t punish’ meme … [W]e mustn’t assume that policies that are benign in our own culture will not be malignant in others.” (Breaking the Spell, Penguin edition, pp. 329-30)

According to Dennett’s largely vacant account, the alleged and largely undefined dogma within Palestinian society is a result of religion. Dennett is careful not to quote Shehadeh’s explanation of this condition of prolonged tension, namely the Israeli occupation and the political collusion with Israeli occupiers by the Palestinian authorities in the occupied West Bank.

The collaborationist PLO is the largely secular Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), also known as the Palestinian Authority and Fatah, which rules the West Bank as a dictatorship, much in the way that the Islamist group Hamas rules Gaza.

Shehadeh explains (here’s what Dennett leaves out): “The prevailing local Palestinian politics were of the crudest kind … It was feared that [judiciaries] might use their position to challenge the political hegemony of the PLO.”  Palestine, writes Shehadeh, is “a society that had to survive under difficult and trying conditions.” He goes on to recount the painful experience of meeting West Bankers living in the United States and how their American enculturation led to a naiveté among the expats concerning the daily struggles of life under occupation. Shehadeh writes of his encounter with one such individual in the US:

He did not have to worry about being stopped and harassed [by the Israeli occupiers and PLO collaborators]. He did not have to be concerned that soldiers could enter his home and do what they wished under the authority of military law. He did not live with the constant news of bombs exploding here and there and injuries and deaths and bloodshed and collective punishments and hatred and fear and no certainty from day to day whether you can go on with the education of your children or with your business or profession.

Dennett omits all of the above, reducing the roots of Palestinian terrorism to the supposedly backward culture of the peoples.

RICHARD DAWKINS

Following the pattern, Richard Dawkins quotes the testament of ‘S’, “a polite young Palestinian aged twenty-seven.” ‘S’ is reported as saying:

We were floating, swimming, in the feeling that we were about to enter eternity … We made an oath on the Koran, in the presence of Allah – a pledge not to waver. This jihad pledge is called bayt al-ridwan, after the garden in Paradise that is reserved for the prophets and the martyrs. I know that there are other ways to do jihad. But this one is sweet – the sweetest. (Quoted in The God Delusion, Black Swan edition pp. 344-45. Ellipsis added).

This makes ‘S’ and by association all suicide bombers sound like lunatics motivated by visions of “paradise.” Dawkins again conveniently omits the background details.

Source(s): Nasra Hassan, ‘An Arsenal of Believers: Talking to the “human bombs”’, The New Yorker, 19 November 2001.

The rest of the article—not quoted by Dawkins—says that ‘S’ was one of 11 children born to a middle-class family that had to flee from Majdal, Palestine, to a refugee camp in Gaza due to the founding of the State of Israel in 1948.

‘S’ joined Hamas in his early-teens as a street activist. In 1989, he was jailed by the Israeli occupiers for his part in the overwhelmingly non-violent Palestinian Intifada (‘Uprising’ against the occupation). Hassan notes that over half of the suicide bombers he studied “were refugees from what is now Israel.” Like Harris with his case of Mr. Zaydan, Dawkins leaves out all of the crucial details.

The would-be bombers told Hassan: “The Israelis humiliate us. They occupy our land, and deny our history.” When asked why they condone the murder of Israeli civilians and in contrast to Zaydan, they told Hassan: “The Israelis kill our children and our women. This is war, and innocent people get hurt.”

CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS

In God Is Not Great, Hitchens writes of a young Palestinian woman, Yusra al-Azami, who was shot to death in Gaza in April 2005 “for the crime of sitting un-chaperoned in a car with her fiancé. The young man escaped with only a vicious beating,” says Hitchens. The culprits, he alleges, were the Hamas Vice and Virtue Squad, whose members roam the streets of Israeli-occupied Gaza looking for fellow Palestinians to harass for alleged immoral and un-Islamic behavior. “In once secular Palestine, mobs of sexually repressed young men are conscripted to snoop around parked cars, and given permission to do what they like” by the upper echelons of Hamas. (p. 24).

The New Humanist article indeed says what Hitchens claims it does.  Other accounts of al-Azami’s murder differ somewhat. Ghazi Ahmed in The Palestine Report notes that “Yusra was in fact a member of the Islamic Front”: Hamas’s student division. Her murder “shocked the Gaza Strip, and was condemned and discussed across the board by Palestinian factions, residents, officials at the PA [Palestinian Authority], writers and journalists.”

The alternative report says that “Yusra was killed on April 8, while walking with her fiancé, her sister, Majduleen, and her sister’s fiancé on Gaza’s beach,” not in a parked car. The group headed to their car when armed men shot at their tyres but hit Yusra in the head. “Hamas has been emphatic that, while the individuals are members of the movement, they acted at their own behest and not with any approval from the movement.” Ahmed notes that Israeli media picked up the story and added lies about a Hamas ‘Decency’ unit that was responsible for the murder. Ergo, the New Humanist article was probably based on Israeli propaganda.

Returning to the New Humanist, the article gives the background details on the origins of Hamas and fundamentalism in Palestine. The background is excised by Hitchens. The article says that Hamas developed from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. The Israeli occupation of Egypt (1967-82), Palestine (’67-present), and Syria (’67-present) boosted the popularity of the Muslim Brotherhood among Arabs in the region. The article goes on to note that successive Israeli administrations backed Hamas as an Islamic weapon against the secular PLO, which was then reluctantly accepting a two-state solution.

CONCLUSION

At the time of writing, the two surviving New Atheists—Dawkins and Dennett—have been rather quiet about the Gaza genocide. Dawkins signed an open letter in support of Israel’s supposed right of self-defense, which in reality no country has while it illegally occupyies another. But he has not written or tweeted about it, as far as I know. Harris, on the other hand, has published thousands of words on the subject (transcripts from his podcast). If his previous record is anything to go by, prepare, dear reader, to be twisted into logical pretzels and to be lied to by omission.

With the exception of Hitchens whom, in his final years, became a right-winger, the attention of liberals was diverted by the seductive, anti-religiosity of the New Atheists. Instead of analyzing the world through the only lens that matters—realpolitik—progressives were invited to divide the world into the simple dialectics promoted by George W. Bush and Osama bin Laden’s speechwriters: that of a “clash of civilizations,” to use a phrase popularized by Samuel P. Huntington.

For the New Atheists’ many critics who spent time trying to argue points of logic, none seemed to notice that the Four Horsemen had perpetrated an intellectual hoax by systematically misrepresenting their own sources.

T. J. Coles is director of the Plymouth Institute for Peace Research and the author of several books, including Voices for Peace (with Noam Chomsky and others) and  Fire and Fury: How the US Isolates North Korea, Encircles China and Risks Nuclear War in Asia (both Clairview Books).