Friday, March 22, 2024

Can We Awaken Enough To Avoid Extinction?



 
 MARCH 22, 2024Faceboo

Photo by Maria Oswalt

Recently Sweden, celebrated for its commitment to “neutrality” joined NATO as its 32nd member and immediately engaged in “defense” training exercises with all of its Scandinavian neighbors as well as U.S. Marines. One marine was quoted as saying that “we are ready to fight when they come.” Recently Senator John Thune, (r. South Dakota and touted as possible replacement for Mitch McConnell)) said that NATO had to be strengthened with new arms along Ukraine’s borders with Russia “or else we may have to send our own boys and folks won’t like that.”  In centuries past Sweden was a bellicose and imperial power and had aggressively invaded Russia and blocked its access to the Baltic Sea.

Amidst all the hype about the illegality of Russia’s re-annexation of Crimea and its illegal war nothing is said about the historical fact that for centuries European nations have been warring and seizing each other’s territories. In contravention of the United Nations the U.S. jumped into the act when it supported the breakup of Yugoslavia and later the secession of Kosovo which had been part of Serbia for 700 years. Well before the coup that overthrew the elected pro-Russian government in 2014 Washington had been arming and training the Ukrainian military with “the goal to produce NATO level military interoperability ” (Benjamin Abelow, How the West Brought War To Ukraine).

In all the hysterical dissimulation over Darth Putin’s malevolence and dire threat to western civilization a central historical fact has been disappeared: the last time Russian forces were in western Europe, with the exception of East Germany in 1945 for obvious reasons, was in 1814 after Napoleon’s equivalently illicit invasion when they drove the French dictator to defeat and briefly entered Paris, then to return to Mother Russia. Since then Russia has been invaded twice from the west with millions of casualties and consequences. If Americans could imagine such a bloodbath on American soil we might be able to see why Russia has set its “red line” on NATO and Ukraine. Under no circumstances would the U.S. allow foreign forces in the Western hemisphere. The near extinction events of 1962 demonstrate that.

Under International law there is no doubt that Putin’s assault on Ukraine is illegal but the hypocrisy emanating from Washington is appalling Yes, tragically the deaths and casualties of the “special military operation” are in the hundreds of thousands on both sides. Yet we ignore at our peril the hideous illegal wars waged in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan wherein the U.S. caused the fatalities of well over ten million human beings, all mere pawns in the planetary geo-political power game. The deadly game continues: more sacrificial victims yet to  come?

Despite the viral ideological contagion now infecting “the West” about the peril the demonic Putin poses, Russia isn’t going to be invading Scandinavia or Ukraine or any NATO country: Nor vice versa unless we do collectively lose our sanity. The reasons are many but the most consequential is that should they, or we, do so we shall all be extinct shortly thereafter. If there is a malevolent war-mongering shadow looming over Europe (and the world) it emanates from an agenda long basting in Washington since the U.S. became an international and economic power during World War I but especially after it emerged as overdog after Round Two in 1945. At the core of the immediate existential danger to our species is The BOMB. Neither world war has taught the lessons needed to save us from the third.

Many of the Bomb’s primary scientific creators realized their folly and warned our species that it was the overriding threat to our future existence and that all measures had to be taken to ensure it would never be used again. None of the nations armed with thousands of nukes today learned the lesson. Despite hopes for normal relations between the two superpowers after the collapse of the USSR in 1991 the U.S has abrogated most of the treaties designed to limit the dangers of nukes, thereby ramping up the potential for nuclear war.  I insist that so long as nuclear weapons exist sooner or later they will be used. Take your pick: slow extinction via climate disaster, the only solution to which is honest and intense international cooperation, or instant nuclear annihilation.

The U.S. and Russia were allies of a sort during World War II but had quite opposite visons for its aftermath. For Russia national security guarantees became paramount to ensure that anything remotely resembling Germany’s invasion could never again occur. For Washington the goal was mastery of a new global geo-political and economic order.

The Hollywood film “Oppenheimer” ignores (among many vital issues especially the desolation A-Bombs wrought), the resignation of Joseph Rotblat, a prominent scientist engaged in the Manhattan Project. Once he realized that Germany would not be able to create its own Bomb he perceived the weapon as immoral. As he asserted in an article published by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (August 1985), he made his decision when he heard General Leslie Groves, the military commander of the bomb project, state categorically that the “that the new rationale for the U.S. nuclear project was To Subdue The Soviet Union “

Groves asserted the same on various occasions. Of course, Russian intelligence became aware of such statements. Later, as many scientists and others raised serious objections to future developments of the Bomb, they were ignored. Russia meanwhile knew of the U.S. bomb project and understood that if the bomb was successful it would be employed as the primary measure of American postwar power in its blueprint to reconfigure the geo-politics of planet Earth. Virtually on the day Japan surrendered Stalin accelerated the Soviet Bomb project

Most citizens are also inculcated since childhood with the false belief that the Atomic desolations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were absolutely necessary to end the war. In fact, Washington had broken Japan’s communication codes and knew that Tokyo was seeking an end to its war via secret communications with Moscow. At that point Russia was not involved in the war against Japan. But Stalin desired revenge for Russia’s defeat in the Russo-Japanese War of 1905 and he agreed with the U.S. to enter the Asian War after Germany’s surrender.

Now Washington had a problem. Before the Bomb, the Truman Administration believed it required Russian participation in the invasion of Japan. As originally conceived such an incursion was expected to be enormously costly in lives. Even so a full-scale operation was probably not possible until early 1946. By August 1945 the Soviets mobilized and rapidly overran northern China and Korea, signaling further intent by taking a few remote Japanese islands. Would Washington have to accept U.S.-Soviet co-occupation of Japan? That would mean the same agonistic issues then emerging from the co-occupation of Germany and Europe. The Atomic bombings were not “necessary” to defeat Japan but to beat Russia to the prize and send a clear message about American ruthlessness in its geo-political goals. By September of 1945 only the U.S. ruled Japan.

How many Americans know that the Red Army willingly withdrew from China, and Iran and Austria after the war? So much for the falsehood that the USSR was intent on global conquest. It is essential to note that American forces did not occupy South Korea by force. The Soviets had defeated Japanese forces on mainland Asia not the U.S. and then enabled American troops to occupy the South when Stalin consented to co-occupation with the U.S. coupled with agreement that elections would be held and the Koreans would decide their future. However, the only real native Korean resistance throughout Japanese rule had come from the Korean communists. The U.S. knew where that would lead so it maintained Korea’s division, prevented elections, and ruled the South with the same Koreans who had collaborated with the Japanese, thereby setting in motion the full-scale Korean War of 1950 with four million deaths. An armistice was reached in 1954, the same year the Hydrogen Bomb was developed. It is technically still “on” and North Korea’s acquisition of nukes today intensifies and accelerates the already extreme danger of nuclear war.

Now, what has all this to do with the current crisis in Ukraine?  First, some essential background. In 1918 it became clear in Washington that the Bolsheviks would not cooperate with western plans for the post-war so American and allied forces were dispatched but failed to  strangle the new communist baby in its cradle. During WWII Ukrainian Nazis allied with Germany murdered many Soviets in both Ukraine and Russia, and at least 100,000 Jews as well. As relations worsened between the Soviets and U.S in the post-war the newly established Central Intelligence Agency recruited many such genuine Ukrainian fascists opposed to communist rule and in 1948-49 injected armed guerrillas into Ukraine in an absurd and failed attempt to overthrow the Soviet regime there. We can bet that the Russians have never forgotten these episodes of direct American intervention and the many others that have continued to this day.

Should Washington have been surprised that 1949 was also the year the USSR acquired its own BOMB.

In 1922 Lenin turned the area known as the Donbas over to Ukraine to enlarge its agricultural and industrial potential as part of the new Soviet Union. In 1954 then Soviet Premiere Khrushchev turned Crimea over to Ukraine to bolster ties between the two Soviet republics. Facts on the ground are that much of the population of these territories are ethnically Russian and see themselves as part of Greater Russia. The transfer of territory to Ukraine within the structure of the Soviet system safeguarded the Soviet Fleet headquartered in Crimea. However, by the late 1980s as the Soviet system collapsed,  the security and integrity of the naval base at Sebastopol was threatened. Washington moved to seize advantage, pressuring Moscow to allow German reunification. Then Soviet Premiere Gorbachev enabled that reunification in what was touted as the end of the Cold War with a promise from Secretary of State James Baker…

“…not only for the Soviet Union but for other European countries as well it is important to have guarantees that if the United States keeps its presence in Germany within the framework of NATO, not an inch of NATO’s present military jurisdiction will spread in an eastern direction.” 

The utter, unashamed and perilous betrayal of that warrant to Russia that NATO would not be enlarged is central to the crisis over Ukraine today. In 1998 NATO comprised 16 members. Then in 1999 the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, all substantially east of Germany, were admitted. By 2024 the number had risen to thirty-two.

Russian memory of and apprehension of any threat from the West is all but genetically ingrained in its population. In 1991 as political order disintegrated Ukraine became an independent state for the first time and retained Crimea as its territory with no Russian objection at that time. Meanwhile, both the Russian and Ukrainian economies collapsed. American advisers flooded Moscow and “guided” the corrupt Yeltsin regime to an almost instant conversion of the Soviet system to unregulated capitalism, which then set off an economic collapse that dwarfed even the American Great Depression, vastly demolishing the living standards of ordinary Russians while creating a new oligarchy of wealth and corruption. For a time it seemed that Russia’s economy would be folded into the “rules-based international order” sponsored by Wall Street, the World Bank/IMF, the European Union and NATO. Then in opposition to the American-backed and corrupt Yeltsin, Putin initiated Russia’s own version of oligarchical capitalism in opposition to Wall Street’s dreams. Putin’s measures actually unwound Yeltsin’s sellout and substantially improved economic conditions (contributing to majority support in Russia for Putin to this day).

Certainly, Putin’s Russia is a dictatorial state but Washington has propped up far bloodier regimes too many times to count. The issue is always whether dictators cooperate with the American global agenda.

Almost as soon as independence Ukraine descended into political civil strife while organized crime ran rampant. Ukraine was judged the “most corrupt state in Europe.” Meanwhile, Washington’s agents worked to bring Ukraine into the European Union (EU) with open discussions about its entry into NATO as well. Much of Ukraine’s Western population supported such measures while predominantly Russian speakers in the East were opposed.  At that point, Putin’s issued his “red line” warning on Ukraine’s admittance to NATO. Even the U.S. ambassador to Russia, William Burns declared that the U.S. must take Russia’s warning seriously or face wider war and the threat of nuclear escalation.  Now Burns directs the CIA?

In 2010 pro-Russian Victor Yanukovych was elected by a small margin and turned against the American and EU-led program of loans his supporters perceived as detrimental to Ukraine’s finances and opted for better terms offered by Russia. This set off massive and extremely violent protests in the capital of Kiev in 2014 that were openly and intensely supported and armed by the U.S. State Department and CIA that led to Yanukovych’s violent overthrow. At that point Undersecretary of State Victoria Nuland was recorded as she openly chose the new interim president for Ukraine.

Intense conflict broke out in the Donbas between actual neo-Nazis, who had longstanding and serious influence in Ukraine since WWII, and supporters of Yanukovych that ultimately resulted in the deaths of 14,000. Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine met and successively crafted the Minsk Agreements ostensibly to ward off war that called for limited autonomy in the Donbas region where most of the public had voted for Yanukovych. However, as Germany’s president Angela Merkel revealed, these were measures intended to “buy time” for Ukraine to build up military force. After that Russia decided to re-annex Crimea, mobilized its forces and began its “special military operation.”

In 2019 popular television comedian, Volodymyr Zelensky, was put up as a “peace candidate” for Ukraine’s presidency, campaigned to end the conflict in Donbas, and won over 70% of the vote. This was an enormous mandate to make peace. Some believe Zelensky was bluffing to win time for Ukraine’s military buildup and others note the words of late Soviet-American specialist, Prof. Stephen Cohen…

…there are opponents of this (peace) in Ukraine and they are armed. Some people say they are fascist, but they are certainly ultra-nationalist, and they have said that they will remove and kill  Zelensky if he continues along this line of negotiating with Putin…

The war continues with the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives. Millions have fled to nearby nations stressing them to their limits. Ukraine’s vital infrastructure is destroyed. Ever more Washington insiders realize that Ukraine cannot win this war and is well on way to become a “failed state.” Many including senior military planners want to turn American attention to the “threat” posed by the  ”adversary” China to the independence of Taiwan and continue extremely hazardous provocations across the Taiwan Strait. Meanwhile, the Middle East volcano verges on eruption. The imperative international cooperation necessary to address the looming existential crises on the horizon is all but lifeless.

Paul Atwood is the author of War and Empire: the American Way of Life.

Attack of the Corporations: Are the NLRB’s Days Numbered?


 
 MARCH 22, 2024
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Photograph Source: Geraldshields11 – CC BY-SA 3.0

With SpaceX in the lead, a group of very rich corporations, some headed by billionaires have brought suit arguing that the National Labor Relations Board is unconstitutional. The corporations are SpaceX, Trader Joe’s, Amazon and Starbucks, and their legal case smacks of sour grapes, since they’ve been charged with hundreds of worker organizing rights violations over the years. You don’t have to scratch too far beneath the surface to get other paleolithic goals, besides defenestrating the NLRB, which these companies might likely pursue, such as opposition to the right to strike, to unionize, to the minimum wage and in general promoting the return of the bad old days of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when labor lay crushed and bloodied (and sometimes violently fought back) under capital’s fist. These gigantically profitable corporations haven’t announced these other aims, but that’s definitely the vibe.

Under the National Labor Relations Act of 1935, the NLRB has a mostly two-pronged job. It prevents employers from committing unfair labor practices and allows for secret-ballot elections among employees who are unionizing. Thus the NLRB is an administrative tribunal that resolves matters arising under the Labor Relations Code; so, like a court, it has power over bosses, corporations and employees. The four corporations currently trying to sue it out of existence find that power intolerable, because clearly, they believe there should be no constraints on their power, that their power over workers should be absolute. That’s what their assault on the NLRB and thereby the whole New Deal labor-management architecture says, and that’s what their abusive workplace behavior says. Dispiritingly, in a similar case, the American Civil Liberties Union, of all groups, is also suing the NLRB, arguing that the agency’s general counsel was unconstitutionally appointed. This in response to the ACLU being charged with wrongfully firing an employee. With friends like these on the left, who needs enemies?

SpaceX’s Elon Musk has a particularly bad track record. He vigorously helped squash a union drive at his 20,000 worker Tesla plant in Fremont, California in 2017 – and later in Buffalo. As In These Times headlined an article February 16, 2023, “Tesla Workers Announced a Union Drive. The Next Day They Were Fired.” Over 30 workers in Buffalo lost their jobs, for partnering with the SEIU-affiliated Workers United. (At the time, the company sent an email to employees banning recording workplace meetings without all participants’ permission – such recordings of illegal management threats and lies had been famously put to good use by Starbucks workers.) These 2023 firings “add to a long record of both alleged and documented labor abuses for Musk and his companies.”

Earlier, in the 2017 union drive, Musk personally attacked an organizer on social media, and called the unionizing effort “morally outrageous.” According to NLRB rulings, Tesla resorted to illegal tactics, committing unfair labor practices like “restricting workers from wearing union T-shirts and a tweet by Musk warning that employees would lose their stock options if they unionized.” Meanwhile “Tesla is facing at least ten lawsuits from former workers alleging rampant racism and sexual harassment, including at the Fremont factory, where workers have also reported more safety violations than at slaughterhouses and sawmills.”

Things are not great at Trader Joe’s either. The NLRB has accused the company of firing a pro-union worker, spreading lies to thwart organizing and illegally retaliating against its employees. According to an October 4 Fast Company reprint of a Capital & Main article, Trader Joe’s has “delivered threats, told people they wouldn’t get raises if they unionized.” The article quotes the union’s communications director, Maeg Yosef: “Despite its progressive and folksy reputation, Yosef said, Trader Joe’s ‘has rolled out the sort of union-busting campaign you might see at Amazon or Starbucks.’”

Union organizing began at Trader Joe’s in 2022. This at a time in the industry when unionized grocery workers number far fewer than they did 40 years ago. Back then, one-third of grocery workers belonged to a union. “Today unionization rates among supermarket workers are half that.” Huge nonunion supermarkets like Target and Walmart are part of the problem. “Since June 2022, Trader Joe’s United has filed 48 charges of unfair labor practices…from firing union supporters to failing to bargain in good faith.”

Unlike SpaceX, Starbucks and Amazon, Trader Joe’s is not owned by a celebrity plutocrat. But its owner is still a billionaire, one that just hasn’t garnered as many headlines as the other three honchos (Starbucks’ founding billionaire no longer owns it outright but is its main individual shareholder). What all four of these corporations and their owners share is a profound antipathy to unions.

Very much in the news in recent years have been organizing drives at Starbucks and Amazon and the corporate, high-profile fights against those efforts. Amazon’s jefe also owns the Washington Post, notable for opinion pieces on such matters as how the minimum wage harms workers. The NLRB says that there are over 250 open or settled cases against Amazon.

Meanwhile, Starbucks’ CEO was on Hillary Clinton’s list to be Labor Secretary if she won the white house in 2016. That tells you all you need to know about HRC – eager to nominate a labor nemesis to run the department supposedly dedicated to labor’s welfare – namely, that she’s as anti-union as the GOP. I mean, in what universe is Starbucks billionaire Howard Schultz considered any better for your average worker than that GOP darling, labor secretary and wife of Mitch “Democracy’s Gravedigger” McConnell, Elaine Chao? 

They both are lousy choices to head an agency entrusted with labor’s well-being and prove that many Dems along with the entire GOP learned a core lesson from Ronald “Fire the Air Traffic Controllers” Reagan: always put the fox in charge of the chicken coop.

Not all companies have responded to union drives with such hostility. Ben & Jerry’s and Microsoft have “tried to start a positive labor-management relationship,” the Economic Policy Institute reported on March 7, in an article arguing that the legal battle to ditch the NLRB relies on “long-rejected constitutional arguments about the agency’s structure.” EPI notes that none of the workers at Starbucks, Amazon or Trader Joe’s have a collective bargaining agreement yet, because these companies “have stalled the bargaining process.”

EPI also observes that at the NLRB “there are 741 open or settled cases against Starbucks…[and] 45 decisions finding that Starbucks has broken the law.” That’s why these companies want the NLRB to have “to spend scarce resources to defend itself.” The NLRB challenges their power; it holds them to account. That’s why it’s labor’s tribunal of last resort, and that’s why we need it to survive this current assault that, if successful, would toss all working people back into the dark times of no rights, toil without end and the capricious, unchecked tyranny of capital.

Eve Ottenberg is a novelist and journalist. Her latest book is Lizard People. She can be reached at her website.

The Importance of Social Class as a Power Category Besides Race and Gender to Understand What is Going on in the US


 
 MARCH 22, 2024
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Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

A characteristic of the hegemonic political and media culture of the United States is the near invisibility of social class as a major determinant of power. Race and gender have finally started to attract attention in the political and media establishments, but social class appears either ignored or silenced. The dominant establishments depict the U.S. as if it is a classless society, where because of ample opportunities and a large degree of social and vertical mobility, it is possible for everyone to rise from the bottom of society to the top. The evidence, however, shows that the United States has social classes (with a social class structure not dissimilar to the ones that exist in most countries on both sides of the North Atlantic, which, incidentally, have more extensive social mobility than in the U.S.). Moreover, there is plenty of evidence that each social class in the U.S. has its own economic, social, and cultural interests, expressed and promoted through their influence over the U.S. political institutions, advancing those policies that increase or reduce, for example, the huge social class health and quality of life inequalities that exist in this country, the largest among developed capitalist countries. Class health inequalities in the U.S. are also larger than race and gender inequalities, a reality that rarely appears in the dominant political and media discourse.

Another reality is that there are not only social classes, but there has also been an increased polarization of the class structure of the U.S. with a growing concentration of economic, political, and social power wielded by the dominant and upper class (known in the U.S. as the corporate class) at the cost of disempowering the popular classes, particularly the working class and the lower echelons of the middle class. What is also interesting (but rarely mentioned in the major media) is that, according to the most detailed study of popular perceptions of class in the U.S., the majority of people in the U.S. are and define themselves as belonging to the working class (for further elaboration of these points, see Vicente Navarro, What is happening in the United States; How social classes influence the political life of the country and its health and quality of lifeInternational Journal of Social Determinants of Health and Health Services, April 51(2), 2021).

The widely reproduced perception that the majority of the working population is middle class, as even President Biden mentioned in his State of the Union address, is inaccurate and is based on a biased survey that asked people to define themselves either as upper, middle, or lower class. The term lower class is derogatory and insulting, and very few people choose to define themselves as lower class. The occupational groups used by the General Social Survey (GSS) give an idea of classes in the U.S.: The corporate class includes corporate owners and managers; the middle class is comprised of professionals and technicians, business middle class and executives, self-employed shopkeepers, craftsmen and artisans; and the working class (the largest social class) includes manual workers, service workers, clerical and sales workers, and farm workers.

HOW THE CURRENT SOCIAL CLASS POWER RELATIONS PRODUCES AND REPRODUCES RACISM IN THE U.S.

As mentioned before, there are other categories of power, such as race and gender, that also have enormous importance in shaping the distribution of power in the U.S. and that are currently the center of attention in health equity circles. I consider these developments extraordinarily positive and necessary. However, not much attention has been given in those same circles to the category of social class, which is regrettable for many reasons. It is impossible, for example, to eliminate racism in the United States without understanding how racism is produced and reproduced in the country and the role it plays in dividing and weakening the working class in the defense of their interests, frequently in conflict with the corporate class. It is not by chance that the most ultra-right-wing parties, who actively promote the interests of the corporate class, also promote the most racist ideologies.

On the other hand, the relationship between the civil rights movement and the labor movement in the U.S. is precisely based on their commonality of interests. It was none other than Martin Luther King who, one week before being assassinated and while he was supporting a worker’s strike, said that the “class conflict was the critical conflict in the U.S.” (cited in, D. J. Garrow, The FBI and Martin Luther King; Penguin Books, 1981). Martin Luther King had been extremely critical of many labor laws, such as the profoundly anti-worker “right to work” laws that make it extremely difficult to establish a union. They were adopted in many states in the 1950s to stop the civil and labor rights movements that were growing at that time. In 1961, Martin Luther King defined such legislation as “a law to rob us of our civil rights and job rights, to destroy labor unions and the freedom of collective bargaining by which unions have improved wages and the working conditions of everyone. Wherever these laws have been passed, wages are lower, job opportunities are fewer, and there are no civil rights” (cited in Daryl Newman, President of the Detroit AFL-CIO, Remembering the racist history of right to work lawsPortside, February 28, 2024). It shows the enormous power of the corporate class that such a racist and anti-labor law was in place in Michigan (historically one of the most industrialized states) for 60 years until it was finally repealed this year, just a few weeks ago (February 13). Because racism is continuously and fundamentally used to divide the working class, the elimination of racism would benefit most of the population. The overwhelming power of the corporate class is based on the weakness of the working class, facilitated and reproduced by the lack of class solidarity and the existence of racism.

THE ENORMOUS AND URGENT NEED TO ESTABLISH CLASS-BASED ALLIANCES AND COALITIONS

It is because of this reality that there has always been a need for all the groups that are exploited and discriminated against (by race, gender, age, nationality, and other categories) to work together in common cause for the elimination of injustice. This is what occurred in the 1980s with the establishment of the Rainbow Coalition, which was created under the leadership of one of the disciples of Martin Luther King, the Reverend Jesse Jackson, to whom I was health advisor in his 1984 and 1988 campaigns for the Democratic presidential nomination. Jesse Jackson ran as the voice of the minorities in 1984 (his slogan was “Our time has come”).

However, after the establishment of the Rainbow Coalition, he ran as the “voice of the working people” of all colors, black, brown, yellow, white, and whatever color, identity, and sensitivities.

The coalition included the civil rights movement, the trade union movement, the feminist movement, and the elderly movement, among others, making proposals to reduce and eliminate injustice and exploitation. An element that facilitated the establishment of such a coalition is that the majority of African Americans, Latinos, and other minorities, women, and the elderly are members of the working class, which also includes those echelons of the middle class that have been proletarianized with the increased dominance of for-profit corporations in sectors, like health and medicine, that were previously non-profit oriented. Therefore, social class became a connecting link among diverse groups.

In this strategy, race, for example, was not replaced by class, but rather, it was enriched by adding the category of class to race. The class solidarity needed by the different components of the coalition to reach their objectives was (and continues to be) incompatible with the existence of racism. In summary, social movements need a coalition that strengthens the possibility of obtaining their goals. This is what the Rainbow Coalition intended in 1988, and it succeeded. It introduced proposals that considerably impacted the country’s political debate. In the health sector, one of their most important proposals was for the establishment of a National Health Program, a universal program that would guarantee access to health care to all citizens and residents in the country in the same way, for example, that Medicare guarantees health care to all the elderly. (In the current terminology, the phrase Medicare for All is a demand for that right to universality.) The impact of Jesse Jackson’s proposals, like the one for a National Health Program, was enormous and mobilized many sectors of the working population. Jesse Jackson almost won the Democratic primary in 1988, shaking up the Democratic Party apparatus that was surprised and afraid of that movement.

THE OVERWHELMING POLITICAL POWER OF THE CORPORATE CLASS IS AN OBSTACLE TO SOLVING SOME OF THE U.S.’S MAJOR HEALTH INEQUITIES.

In the 1992 presidential election, Bill Clinton prominently included a proposal in his Democratic primary campaign for changes in the health sector, trying to capitalize on the interest in the subject that had been awakened in the late 1980s by the Rainbow Coalition’s advocacy for a National Health Program. He later established a Commission presided over by Hillary Clinton to make proposals to improve access to health care. However, he completely excluded the possibility of establishing a National Health Program, which is why Reverend Jackson, President of the Rainbow Coalition, Dennis Rivera, the President of 1199 SEIU, the most important union of healthcare workers in the U.S., and myself, health advisor to the Rainbow Coalition, went tosee Hillary Clinton to complain about that absence. Reverend Jackson asked that I be included in their Task Force, so for a year, I worked in the White House as part of that Task Force without having any influence. It was clear from the beginning that there was no chance that a National Health Program could even be considered despite being favored by most of the population. A key condition of the White House Task Force was that their proposals needed to be approved by the Senate and the House Health Committees. But many members of those and other especially relevant committees received campaign funding from corporate interests dominant in the health sector (from insurance companies to pharmaceutical companies, among many others) who put profits above human needs. In this context, a National Health Program was not even allowed to be considered. That complete rejection was a clear example of corporate class dominance of the political process. Consequently, the U.S. is one of the few countries on both sides of the North Atlantic that does not guarantee access to health care for citizens or residents.

THE HISTORICAL ROOTS OF HEALTH INEQUITY AND THE RISE OF FOR-PROFIT HEALTHCARE IN THE AFTERMATH OF WORLD WAR II

Corporate dominance of the health sector was legally established in the U.S. immediately after World War II. That war was among the few popular wars the U.S. government has ever fought. It was a war against fascism and Nazism (maximum expressions of classism, racism, and sexism) led by an immensely popular and progressive president, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Furthermore, the popular classes played a crucial role in that war. As a consequence, the demands from the majority of the population were very high after the war, with calls for significant changes such as the nationalization of banking and, in the health sector, the establishment of a National Health Program (as happened later on in Canada when the Social Democratic Party established a universal health care system in a western province where it governed, which was later on expanded to the whole country). In the U.S., the rising demand for change, including in the health sector, frightened the dominant corporate class, which mobilized to stop reforms that would affect their interests. The corporate class, through the Republican party and the right-wing racist members of the Southern Democratic Party, united to pass the Taft-Harley Act (despite President Truman’s veto), which included a measure that weakened the labor movement by outlawing sympathy strikes. In other words, the unions could not function as class agents but were required to limit their organizing to their sectors and places of work. A blue-collar workers union, for example, could not strike in support of a service workers union. This was a way of dividing the working class, disallowing them to work together.

In other words, class solidarity was forbidden. The federal government of the U.S. is one of the few governments among developed democratic countries that prohibits sympathy strikes. In contrast, general strikes that paralyzed the whole economy occurred in several European countries during the tumultuous years of the Great Recession. The enormous power of the corporate class at the expense of the working class (the majority of the population in the U.S.) is one of the major causes of the dramatic underdevelopment of social and health rights in this country. The data clearly shows that on both sides of the North Atlantic, those countries where political parties have been historically rooted in the working class or labor parties, have much better equity and health indicators than those with very weak or no labor parties, like the U.S.Plenty of evidence supports this statement (Vicente Navarro and Leiyu Shi The Political Context of Social Inequalities and Health Inequalities Social Science and Medicine, Vol 52, 2001).

It is important to note that this same law, the Taft-Hartley Act that weakened and undermined the labor movement in the U.S., was also the law that established the regressive and fragmented basis for the funding of health care in the U.S., leading to the inevitable rise of inequities in access to health care. Instead of establishing a National Health Program (as Canada would later), the U.S. federal government promoted employers’ voluntary purchase of private health insurance plans, making people’s access to care dependent on their employer’s willingness and ability to provide coverage. In other words, when a worker is fired, they not only lose their salary but also their (and their family members’) medical care benefits. This form of control over employees is unknown in most other countries on both sides of the North Atlantic. It also explains why the number of working days lost because of strikes in the U.S. is among the lowest.

Not only did the Taft-Hartley Act strengthen the corporate class’s control over the labor force in each workplace, but it also promoted the rapid privatization of healthcare, expanding enormously the for-profit health sector, which became dominant in major areas like insurance and pharmaceuticals, prioritizing the optimization of profits over human needs. The system also became highly inefficient, with enormous administrative costs. Again, it was for the benefit of corporate interests at the expense of most of the population. Thus, the same law that thwarted the labor movement established the foundation for enormous inequities and injustice in the U.S. healthcare system.

Based on all these facts, it should be evident that social class is a critical variable in understanding what has been happening in the U.S. The enormous limitations of social rights and labor rights, as well as the very limited democracy in their representative institutions, are based primarily on the immense power of the corporate class, much greater than in any other major democratic country, and the overwhelming weakness of the working class, the weakest in any major democratic country. The lack of attention to this reality in the political media and academic institutions is precisely a consequence of their dominance by the corporate class.

Vicente Navarro is Emeritus Professor of the Johns Hopkins University.