Tuesday, March 26, 2024

Special Report-Destruction, lawlessness and red tape hobble aid as Gazans go hungry


John Davison, Michelle Nichols, Emma Farge, Emily Rose and Farah Saafan
REUTERS
Mon, March 25, 2024 









CAIRO (Reuters) - In mid-March, a line of trucks stretched for 3 kilometers along a desert road near a crossing point from Israel into the Gaza Strip. On the same day, another line of trucks, some 1.5 kilometers long, sometimes two or three across, was backed up near a crossing from Egypt into Gaza.

The trucks were filled with aid, much of it food, for the more than 2 million Palestinians in the war-ravaged enclave. About 50 kilometers from Gaza, more aid trucks – some 2,400 in total – were sitting idle this month in the Egyptian city of Al Arish, according to an Egyptian Red Crescent official.

These motionless food-filled trucks, the main lifeline for Gazans, are at the heart of the escalating humanitarian crisis gripping the enclave. More than five months into Israel’s war with Hamas, a report by a global authority on food security has warned that famine is imminent in parts of Gaza, as more than three-quarters of the population have been forced from their homes and swathes of the territory are in ruins.

Galvanized by reports and images of starving children, the international community, led by the United States, has been pressuring Israel to facilitate the transfer of more aid into Gaza. Washington has airdropped food into the Mediterranean enclave and recently announced it would build a pier off the Gaza coast to help ferry in more aid.

U.N. officials have accused Israel of blocking humanitarian supplies to Gaza. The European Union’s foreign policy chief alleged Israel was using starvation as a “weapon of war.” And aid agency officials say Israeli red tape is slowing the flow of trucks carrying food supplies.

Israeli officials reject these accusations and say they have increased aid access to Gaza. Israel isn’t responsible for delays in aid getting into Gaza, they say, and the delivery of aid once inside the territory is the responsibility of the U.N. and humanitarian agencies. Israel has also accused Hamas of stealing aid.

Reuters interviewed more than two dozen people, including humanitarian workers, Israeli military officials and truck drivers, in tracing the tortuous route that aid takes into Gaza in an effort to identify the chokepoints and reasons for delays of supplies. Reuters also reviewed U.N. and Israeli military statistics on aid shipments, as well as satellite images of the border crossing areas, which revealed the long lines of trucks.

Before the aid shipments enter Gaza, they undergo a series of Israeli checks, and a shipment approved at one stage of the process can later be rejected, according to 18 aid workers and U.N. officials involved in the aid effort. At one crossing from Israel into Gaza, goods are twice loaded off trucks and then reloaded onto other trucks that then carry the aid to warehouses in Gaza. The aid delivery process can also be complicated by competing international demands, with some countries wanting their contributions to be prioritized.

Aid that does make it into Gaza can be ransacked by desperate civilians, sometimes fall prey to armed gangs, or get held up by Israeli army checkpoints. Half the warehouses storing aid in Gaza are no longer operational after having been hit in the fighting.

“It’s upsetting watching these aid trucks go nowhere and vast humanitarian supplies sit in warehouses when you think about what’s happening, right now, to the people who need them,” said Paolo Pezzati, an Oxfam worker who recently visited the queue of aid trucks near the Egypt-Gaza border.

Before the war began, an average of 200 trucks carrying aid entered Gaza each day, according to U.N. figures. A further 300 trucks laden with commercial imports, including food, agricultural supplies and industrial materials, also entered each day via Israel. Since the start of the war, an average of around 100 trucks have entered Gaza daily, according to a review of U.N. and Israeli military statistics on aid shipments.

While the trucks struggle to get into Gaza, the need for aid has risen dramatically, both because of the vast number of displaced people and the devastation of key infrastructure in Israel’s assault. This includes the destruction of bakeries, markets, and farmland whose crops met some of Gaza’s food needs.

“Previous wars weren’t like this,” said Alaa al-Atar, a municipal official, referring to conflicts in Gaza. “There wasn’t the destruction of all sources of subsistence – homes, farmland, infrastructure. There’s nothing left to survive on, just aid,” said Atar, who was displaced from the north to the south of Gaza early in the war.

To meet its minimum needs, aid agencies and U.N. officials say Gaza currently requires 500 to 600 trucks a day, including humanitarian aid and the commercial supplies that were coming in before the war. That’s about four times the number of trucks getting in now.

In March there has been an uptick, with an average of 150 trucks entering Gaza each day.

Some deliveries are being made by international air drops and via sea, but they aren't making up for shortfalls on the land routes. In the first three weeks of March, the equivalent of some 50 truckloads of aid was airdropped and brought in by sea, a Reuters tally based on Israeli military statistics showed.

The recent food security report, known as the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), found that a lack of aid means almost all households in Gaza are skipping meals every day and adults are cutting back on meals so their children can eat. The situation is particularly dire in northern Gaza, it said, where in nearly two-thirds of households, “people went entire days and nights without eating at least 10 times in the last 30 days.”

The war was triggered by a Hamas-led attack on communities in southern Israel on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people and resulted in more than 250 being taken hostage, according to Israel. Since then, Israel’s assault on Gaza has killed more than 31,000 people, according to Gaza health authorities.

A senior Hamas official said Israel is responsible for the inadequate aid flows. The “biggest threat” to the distribution of aid is Israel’s ongoing attacks in Gaza, Hamas official Bassem Naim told Reuters. “The biggest obstacle to getting the aid to the people who need it is the continued gunfire and the continued targeting of aid and those who are handling it,” he said.

WAITING IN THE DESERT


Before some of the aid begins its journey to Gaza, it is flown to Cairo or shipped by sea to Port Said, which borders Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, about 150 kms to the west of Al Arish. From there, it is trucked to the city of Al Arish, on the Mediterranean coast. Some aid is also flown directly to the Egyptian city.

Once in Cairo or Al Arish, the aid undergoes its first check. International agencies submit a detailed inventory of each shipment to the Israeli military via the U.N. for clearance. Israel has long banned “dual use” items that it says could be used by Hamas to make weapons.

Of 153 requests made to the Israeli authorities for goods to enter Gaza between Jan. 11 and March 15, 100 were cleared, 15 were rejected outright and another 38 were pending, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs told Reuters. U.N. officials didn’t specify whether a request referred to a specific number of trucks or volume of aid. It takes almost a month on average to get a response, according to minutes of a meeting of aid agencies seen by Reuters.

The Israeli military says it approves almost 99% of the Gaza-bound trucks it inspects and that once the goods are inside the enclave, it is the responsibility of the international aid organizations to distribute it. The inspection process “isn’t the impediment” to aid “getting into the Gaza Strip,” said Shimon Freedman, a spokesman for COGAT, the Israeli military branch that handles aid transfers.

Diplomatic wrangling by countries donating aid can also create snarls in the delivery process. U.N. officials told Reuters that because aid comes not only from international agencies but also directly from individual donor countries, the process of deciding which trucks go to the front of the queue can be thorny even before they depart Al Arish.

The Egyptian Red Crescent official said donor countries “drop off aid in Al Arish or at Al Arish airport and walk away and say, ‘We gave out aid to Gaza.’” It is the Red Crescent and Egyptian authorities who then bear the responsibility of getting the aid to Gaza, he said.

From Al Arish, the trucks make the 50-kilometer journey to the Rafah crossing point on the Egypt-Gaza border.

Next stop: Israel’s truck-scanning centers.

Once they reach the Rafah crossing, some trucks are then required to drive along the Egypt-Israel border for 40 kilometers to an inspection facility on the Israeli side called Nitzana. Here the goods are physically checked by Israeli soldiers who use scanning machines and sniffer dogs, according to U.N. and other aid agency staff.

Some items get rejected during the physical inspection, in particular ones Israel believes could be used by Hamas and other armed groups for military purposes. Some shipments carrying dual-use items are sent back to Al Arish. The same item that is let through one day, can be rejected on another day, U.N. officials and aid workers said.

U.N. agencies say solar panels, metal tent poles, oxygen tanks, generators and water purification equipment are among the items the military has rejected.

Pezzati, the Oxfam worker, said he saw a warehouse in Al Arish in early March that was filled with items banned by Israel. “There were crutches, camping toilets, hygiene kits, disinfectants for doctors, for surgery,” he said.

COGAT’S Freedman said there is a publicized list of what constitutes dual-use items, but there isn’t a “blanket ban” on these goods. If Israeli authorities “understand what exactly it is necessary for, we can coordinate it,” he said. But Israel wants to be sure that goods aren’t going to be “used by Hamas for terrorist activities,” he said.

Israel’s inspections, Freedman said, aren’t the reason for any backlog in aid. “We have the capacity to inspect more humanitarian aid than the international organizations can distribute,” he said.

The Israeli military says it can scan a total of 44 trucks an hour at Nitzana and at a crossing from Israel into Gaza where aid trucks are inspected, at Kerem Shalom. But aid agency officials say the actual number scanned is fewer. The military declined to say how many hours Nitzana and Kerem Shalom are open each day.

Once the trucks pass inspection at Nitzana, they make the 40-kilometer journey back to Rafah, where they wait to cross into Gaza.

In late January, groups of Israelis, including friends and relatives of the more than 130 people still being held hostage by Hamas, began protesting against the delivery of aid to Gaza. Between late January and early March, the protests effectively shut down either Nitzana or Kerem Shalom for a total of 16 days, according to aid agencies.

At the Kerem Shalom crossing, goods are unloaded from the scanned trucks and reloaded onto trucks that have been vetted by the Israeli army, according to U.N. and aid agency workers. These “sanitized” trucks then make a 1 kilometer journey to a warehouse inside Gaza where the aid is again offloaded. The goods are then placed on trucks driven by Palestinians and taken to mostly U.N.-run warehouses in Rafah.

Under growing international pressure, Israel earlier this month initiated a new route for the delivery of aid directly to northern Gaza, known as the 96th gate. By March 20, COGAT said at least 86 international aid trucks had entered via the new crossing.

“There is a sufficient amount of food entering Gaza every day,” said Col. Moshe Tetro, a COGAT official overseeing Gaza.

The new route was initiated “as part of a pilot in order to prevent Hamas from taking over the aid,” COGAT said in a post on social media site X. Freedman, though, said he didn’t have “specific evidence” he could share about Hamas pilfering aid.

Hamas official Naim rejected the accusation that the group was stealing aid. “We have been cooperating and are cooperating with every single state and humanitarian organization so that the aid reaches people in dire need,” he said.

AN ARDUOUS JOURNEY

Once inside Gaza, the aid shipments face more challenges.

Several convoys have been attacked on the stretch of road from Kerem Shalom to Gaza warehouses by people carrying crude weapons such as axes and box-cutters, according to U.N. officials and truck drivers. Deeper inside Gaza, others have been swarmed by crowds of people desperate for food.

In an incident that galvanized aid efforts, more than 100 people were killed in late February when a crowd descended on an aid convoy organized by Israel.

Security for food convoys traveling the short distance from the crossing points to warehouses in Rafah also deteriorated after several strikes by the Israeli military killed at least eight policemen in Gaza, according to U.N. officials. Israel says all police are members of Hamas.

“Whether they’re Hamas or not I don’t know, but they were doing a job for us in terms of crowd control,” said Jamie McGoldrick, a senior U.N. official. “The police are less willing to do that now.”

Aid agencies mostly now negotiate their own security with local communities, McGoldrick said.

Reuters reported recently that armed and masked men from an array of clans and factions in Gaza had begun providing security to aid convoys.

Police officers in Gaza “are Hamas, they are part of the Hamas terrorist organization,” COGAT’s Freedman said. Israel doesn’t target humanitarian convoys, “we try to assist them, but Hamas is our enemy.”

Storing aid in Gaza has also become a problem. Warehouses have been damaged by the fighting and occasionally looted. Of the 43 warehouses in Gaza that were operational before the war, only 22 are now working, according to the Logistics Cluster, a U.N.-run logistics facilitator for aid agencies.

In mid-March, an Israeli airstrike hit a U.N. food distribution center in southern Gaza, killing several people. Israel said it killed a Hamas commander in the attack. Hamas said the man targeted by Israel was a member of its police force.

From the warehouses, aid is delivered to southern Gaza, where the majority of the population is now located.

Making deliveries to northern Gaza is more fraught.

Roads to the north have been bombed by Israel and there are delays as trucks are held up or denied access at Israeli army checkpoints, say U.N. and other aid agency officials. Aid convoys are also often looted before reaching their destination by crowds of people desperate for food, U.N. officials said.

U.N. officials told Reuters that humanitarian agencies had made 158 requests to the Israeli military to deliver aid to northern Gaza from the beginning of the war to March 14. Of those, the military denied 57, they said.

COGAT’s Freedman said some requests to move aid inside Gaza have been rejected because aid agencies didn’t coordinate sufficiently with Israel.

“They weren't able to tell us exactly where that aid was going,” he said. “And if we don't know where it's going to, we don't know it's not going to end up in the hands of Hamas.”

In southern Gaza, residents are desperately waiting for aid.

“People have nothing to eat at all, nor do they have a place to stay, or a refuge,” said Suleiman al-Jaal, a local truck driver who said he has been attacked transporting aid in Gaza. “This is not a life. No matter how much aid they bring in, it’s not enough.”


AFP
Mon, March 25, 2024 

Mutliple foreign nations have resorted to airdropping aid into Gaza, with the humanitarian situation increasingly dire (-)

A military plane banked over the war-ravaged ruins of Gaza City dropping dozens of black parachutes carrying food aid.

On the ground, where almost no building within sight was still standing, hungry men and boys raced towards the beach where most of the aid seemed to have landed.

Dozens of them jostled intensely to get to the food, with scrums forming up and down the rubble-strewn dunes.

"People are dying just to get a can of tuna," said Mohamad al-Sabaawi, carrying an almost empty bag on his shoulder, a young boy beside him.

"The situation is tragic, as if we are in a famine. What can we do? They mock us by giving us a small can of tuna."

Aid groups say only a fraction of the supplies required to meet basic humanitarian needs have arrived in Gaza since October, while the UN has warned of famine in the north of the territory by May without urgent intervention.

The aid entering the Gaza Strip by land is far below pre-war levels, at around 150 vehicles a day compared to at least 500 before the war, according to UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees.

With Gazans increasingly desperate, foreign governments have turned to airdrops, in particular in the hard-to-reach northern parts of the territory including Gaza City.

The United States, France and Jordan are among several countries conducting airdrops to people living within the ruins of what was the besieged territory's biggest city.

But the aircrews themselves told AFP that the drops were insufficient.

US Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Jeremy Anderson noted earlier this month that what they were able to deliver was only a "drop in the bucket" of what was needed.

The air operation has also been marred by deaths. Five people on the ground were killed by one drop and 10 others injured after parachutes malfunctioned, according to a medic in Gaza.

Calls have mounted for Israel to allow in more aid overland, while Israel has blamed the UN and UNRWA for not distributing aid in Gaza.

"Palestinians in Gaza desperately need what has been promised -- a flood of aid. Not trickles. Not drops," UN chief Antonio Guterres said on Sunday after visiting Gaza's southern border crossing with Egypt at Rafah.

"Looking at Gaza, it almost appears that the four horsemen of war, famine, conquest and death are galloping across it," he added.

The war was sparked by Hamas's unprecedented October 7 attack on Israel, which resulted in about 1,160 deaths in Israel, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally of official Israeli figures.

Israel launched a retaliatory bombardment and invasion of Gaza aimed at destroying Hamas that has killed at least 32,333 people, according to the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza.

Returning home in Gaza City with little to keep his family going, Sabaawi said their situation was miserable.

"We are the people of Gaza, waiting for aid drops, willing to die to get a can of beans -- which we then share among 18 people."

bur-fg/jm/dcp


Israel besieges two more Gaza hospitals, demands evacuations, Palestinians say

Nidal al-Mughrabi
Updated Sun, March 24, 2024 









By Nidal al-Mughrabi

CAIRO (Reuters) -Israeli forces besieged two more Gaza hospitals on Sunday, pinning down medical teams under heavy gunfire, the Palestinian Red Crescent said, and Israel said it had captured 480 militants in continued clashes at Gaza's main Al Shifa hospital.

Israel says hospitals in the Palestinian enclave, where war has been raging for over five months, are used by Hamas militants as bases. It has released videos and pictures supporting the claim.

Hamas and medical staff deny the accusations.

The Palestinian Red Crescent said one of its staff was killed when Israeli tanks suddenly pushed back into areas around Al-Amal and Nasser hospitals in the southern city of Khan Younis, amid heavy bombardment and gunfire.

Israeli forces began operating around Al-Amal, the military said, following "precise intelligence ... which indicated that terrorists are using civilian infrastructure for terror activities in the area of Al-Amal."

Israeli armoured forces sealed off Al-Amal Hospital and carried out extensive bulldozing operations in its vicinity, the Red Crescent said in a statement.

"All of our teams are in extreme danger at the moment and are completely immobilised," it said.

The Red Crescent said Israeli forces were now demanding the complete evacuation of staff, patients and displaced people from Al Amal's premises and were firing smoke bombs into the area to force out its occupants.

A displaced Palestinian was killed inside the hospital compound after being hit in the head by Israeli fire, the Red Crescent said in a later update.

The health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza said dozens of patients and medical staffers had been detained by Israeli forces at Al Shifa in Gaza City in the enclave's north that has been under Israeli control for a week.

The Hamas-run government media office said Israeli forces had killed five Palestinian doctors during their seven-day-old swoop on Al Shifa.

The Israeli military did not immediately respond to a request for comment on that report. It said earlier that it had killed over 170 gunmen in the raid, which the Palestinian Health Ministry said had also caused the deaths of five patients.

Al Shifa is one of the few healthcare facilities even partially operational in north Gaza, and - like others - had also been housing some of the nearly 2 million civilians - over 80% of Gaza's population - displaced by the war.

"Right now, Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists are barricading themselves inside Shifa hospital wards," said Israeli military spokesperson, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari.

Hagari said Hamas gunmen were firing at soldiers from inside the emergency and maternity wards of the hospital, and also firing mortars at troops in the hospital, causing damage.

The Hamas-run government media office said they "categorically refute this."

"How can they claim this while their soldiers roam and frolic inside the complex with ease, conducting interrogations with displaced persons, patients, and the wounded," said media office director Ismail Al-Thawabta.

AIR STRIKE KILLS SEVEN IN RAFAH

Reuters has been unable to access Gaza's contested hospital areas and verify accounts by either side.

Khan Younis residents said Israeli forces had also advanced and formed a cordon around Nasser Hospital in the city's west under cover of heavy air and ground fire.

In Rafah, Gaza's southernmost town on the Egyptian border that has become the last refuge for half of Gaza's uprooted population, an Israeli air strike on a house killed seven people, health officials said.

At least 32,226 Palestinians have been killed, among them 84 in the past 24 hours, and 74,518 injured in Israel's air and ground offensive into the densely populated coastal territory since Oct. 7, its health ministry said in a Sunday update.

Israel launched the offensive after Hamas-led Islamist militants attacked its south on Oct. 7, killing 1,200 people and taking 253 hostages back to Gaza, according to Israeli tallies.

U.S.-backed mediation by Qatar and Egypt has so far failed to secure a Hamas-Israel ceasefire, prisoner releases and unfettered aid to Gaza civilians facing famine, with each side sticking to core demands.

Hamas wants any truce deal to include an Israeli commitment to end the war and withdraw forces from Gaza. Israel has ruled this out, saying it will keep fighting until Hamas is eradicated as a political and military force.

U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres described the backlog of aid destined for Gaza as a moral outrage during a visit to the Egyptian side of the Rafah border crossing on Saturday.

Speaking in Cairo on Sunday, Guterres said the only effective and efficient way to deliver heavy goods to meet Gaza's humanitarian needs was by road.

The United States and other countries have tried using air drops and ships to deliver aid, but U.N. aid officials say deliveries can only be scaled up by land, accusing Israel of impeding relief, which Israel denies.

(Reporting by Nidal al-Mughrabi and Emily Rose; editing by Mark Heinrich, Tomasz Janowski and Marguerita Choy)
Taliban leader says women will be stoned to death in public

FEMICIDE AND GENDER APARTHEID ARE THE RESULT OF U$ IMPERIALISM

Akhtar Makoii
Mon, March 25, 2024

The Taliban has quickly returned to harsh public punishments in Afghanistan
 - Ebrahim Noroozi/AP


The Taliban’s Supreme Leader has vowed to start stoning women to death in public as he declared the fight against Western democracy will continue.

“You say it’s a violation of women’s rights when we stone them to death,” said Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada in a voice message, aired on state television over the weekend, addressing Western officials.

“But we will soon implement the punishment for adultery. We will flog women in public. We will stone them to death in public,” he declared in his harshest comments since taking over Kabul in August 2021.

“These are all against your democracy but we will continue doing it. We both say we defend human rights – we do it as God’s representative and you as the devil’s.”

Afghanistan’s state TV, now under Taliban control, broadcasts voice messages purporting to be from Akhundzada, who has never been seen in public aside from a few old portraits.

He is believed to be based in southern Kandahar, the stronghold of the Taliban.  


Akhundzada has never been seen in public 
- Xinhua/Shutterstock

Despite promising a more moderate government, the Taliban quickly returned to harsh public punishments like public executions and floggings, similar to those from their previous rule in the late 1990s.

The United Nations has strongly criticised the Taliban and has called on the country’s rulers to halt such practices.

In his voice message, Akhundzada said that the women’s rights that the international community had been advocating for were against the Taliban’s harsh interpretation of Islamic Sharia.

“Do women want the rights that Westerners are talking about? They are against Sharia and clerics’ opinions, the clerics who toppled Western democracy,” he said.

“I told the Mujahedin that we tell the Westerners that we fought against you for 20 years and we will fight 20 and even more years against you,” he said, emphasising the need for resilience in opposing women’s rights among Taliban foot soldiers.

“It did not finish [when you left]. It does not mean we would now just sit and drink tea. We will bring Sharia to this land,” he added. “It did finish after we took over Kabul. No, we will now bring Sharia into action.”
Women ‘living in prison’

His remarks have incited outrage among Afghans, with some calling on the international community to increase pressure on the Taliban.

“The money that they receive from the international community as humanitarian aid is just feeding them against women,” Tala, a former civil servant, told The Telegraph from the capital Kabul.

“As a woman, I don’t feel safe and secure in Afghanistan. Each morning starts with a barrage of notices and orders imposing restrictions and stringent rules on women, stripping away even the smallest joys and extinguishing hope for a brighter future,” she added.

“We, the women, are living in prison,” Tala said, “And the Taliban are making it smaller for us every passing day.”

West Papua: The Torture Mode Of Governance

 

MARCH 25, 2024
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A group of people in military uniformsDescription automatically generated

Photo: Made available by Benny Wenda (President ULMWP).

Budi Hernawan said it ten years ago: “torture in Papua … has become a mode of governance.” It hasn’t stopped. It’s got worse. It’s got worse precisely because it’s a mode of governance accepted and blessed by the international “community” whose neoliberal politics of extraction means extermination of anything and anyone getting in its way.

It’s got worse just now because Israel’s genocide, ecocide, starvation, and torture in Palestine isn’t only distracting attention from these practices in smaller and more remote places but also showing that it’s okay, it’s part of our system, you can do it with impunity because it’s all part of a bigger plan, and even the US presidential elections might have something to do with decisions being made to let Israel get on with its murderous work. It’s okay because 91-times-indicted US presidential candidate Trump is given his electoral stump and media loudspeakers to warn, Hitler-style, that his enemies are “vermin”, that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country,” and promising the largest ever deportation operation in U.S. history. Not that Europe is much better. Of course it’s not. It’s part of the same system. Just wearing different masks. One result is that, since 2014, some 29,000 people from empire-damaged parts of the world have died trying to migrate to Europe, and rejected by Europe. Many “could have been prevented by prompt and effective assistance to migrants in distress”. And it’s okay to have former Suharto son-in-law, mass murderer, war criminal Prabowo Subianto, former head of US-trained Kopassus “Special Forces” (special at torturing and kidnapping) as the new president of Indonesia. He’s our ally against China.

But what about torture itself? What about the human beings who are routinely called “moneys”, “dogs”, “pigs”, “rats” and “stone-age idiots” and thus harmed and mutilated by their fellow human beings? What about the place where it happens? Who allows it to happen? West Papua was handed to Indonesia (and international corporations) by the United Nations in a trumped-up referendum in 1969, but the brutality actually began in 1963 after Indonesia was given control of West Papua in the (Cold War) New York Agreement concocted by the United States, Holland, and Indonesia. What happened next? To start with, more than 500,000 people have been murdered. Institutionalised torture was part of that.

The latest example to come out of West Papua is from a highlands place called Yahukimo (named for the Yali, Hubla, Kimyal, and Momuna tribes in the area) with a population of about 362,000 (but more than half the population of Melanesian West Papua consists of Indonesian transmigrants—another slow but effective mechanism of genocide). Look at the videos, if you can stomach them. Look anyway, even if it makes you want to throw up, because this affects everyone who has something called humanity.

Here we see young Indonesians having fun as they joke about taking turns to thrash, stab, slash, and kick the “animal flesh” of a West Papuan man they have made to stand in a drum of freezing water. Seeing the suffering of the shivering, wounded man is unbearable. Seeing young men amused about what they’re doing to him is also unbearable. What world raised them to do this with their young lives? This is nothing new in Yahukimo. Last month two teenage boys were arrested and tortured by grinning Indonesian soldiers, who took trophy photos of their victims. Another five teenage boys were murdered by Indonesian soldiers in September 2023. Two women were raped and murdered last October. Some 40% of woman torture victims are raped. Illegal gold mining is killing people with mercury, precious metals, and in the name of security for the miners. Dozens of people have died in a recent famine in Yahukimo. That didn’t make world headlines either. Famine also happened in 20062009, also unheadlined. It’s normal there. But who knows or cares about Yahukimo?

Unlike torture perpetrated in the infamous black sites, it isn’t secret in West Papua. Well, it isn’t and is, depending on the audience. On the one hand, it’s a show for Indonesian and Papuan audiences within West Papua and, on the other hand, in the international domain, it’s under wraps because Indonesia effectively seals the borders, and the international powers-that-be are happy with it for their own geopolitical reasons. It’s an international secret because Indonesia is “our” ally against China, not to mention easy legally untrammelled plunder of its natural resources.

Budi Hernawan describes ten aspects of torture in West Papua.

1) Most victims are village people, subsistence farmers, either accused of supporting the independence movement or “collateral” victims. The collateral crime doesn’t matter because, since West Papuans are described as animals and primitive, they’re innately members or sympathisers of “armed criminal groups” and, in their occupied land non-citizens, and therefore a threat by their very existence. So, they can all only be disciplined by the harshest of measures. Extreme Indonesian nationalist views dating back to Sukarno’s “Sabang to Merauke” (an Indonesia encompassing all the former Dutch East Indies) slogan, is an expression of sovereignty and a licence to kill the “animals” that get in the way of Indonesian settler colonial projects. Torture proves their subhuman nature.

2) Rape is often part and parcel of torturing women who are being interrogated about the whereabouts of their menfolk. In one case, witnesses tell of a woman whose vagina was gouged out after which her husband was made to eat it. And rape doesn’t end with the act: “Women who suffered torture, sexual violence we find from the 70s or 80s whose children were shot, tortured and so on are still alive; but living in discrimination because there is a stigma attached to them”. Other tortured women, left with the agony of damaged bodies are impaired in their ability to communicate what happened to them. They can’t express it to their community and, not heard, they’re forced into an excruciating exile because “language, the bridge between the survivor and the world, has been destroyed”.

3) The torturers are mostly members of the Indonesian army and police (the “security” apparatus that sows terror and insecurity everywhere it is established). Therefore, torture is state policy, a “mode of governance” that was established more than sixty years ago. Torture is a “crime of obedience”, upholding the integrity of the state and its “security”. Through its manifest presence within West Papua, as part of a network of power, it’s an underlying aspect of all political and social life, even in health and education systems and development policy. The deeply embedded state doctrine is NKRI harga mati (Indonesian territorial integrity is non-negotiable). The message is that the end (state security) justifies the means (any means).

4) Torture is cheap. It doesn’t require expensive instruments and depends on the perverse imagination and cruelty of the perpetrators. “Security” service members are poorly equipped and underpaid, and the armed forces are notorious for funding their operations through business, extractive business, which automatically entails human rights violations. The techniques of torture might be cheap but they are, as Budi Hernawan notes, part of “a sophisticated architecture of domination.”

5) Unproven, wild, often crazy accusations referring to the catch-all “armed criminal groups”, any sign of support (like refusing to denounce friends and relatives) for West Papuan independence, or attacks against Indonesia personnel, their installations or illegal gold miners are sufficient basis for torture to be used and with impunity. Rule of law doesn’t apply.

6) Especially since the Suharto military coup of 1965, torture has been a common resort when dealing with secessionist movements in general and in West Papua in particular. It involves the highest levels of political and military authority.

7) As the International criminal Court for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) determined, “such a long-term and unpunished practice of state-sponsored torture can only be possible if there is a plan or policy”.

8) Hernawan estimates that more than 80% of torture cases were performed publicly, deliberately making a show of the victim’s wounded and mutilated body, so its purpose is not only inflicting pain but communicating it as a show of force, of the type of sovereignty that’s operating. It happens on roadsides, yards of people’s homes, marketplaces, next to police or military compounds, and other open areas so that everybody, including children, can see what’s happening and hear the screams. People are often forced to watch. In Aceh and East Timor, dead tortured bodies were left on display but in West Papua they’re kept alive to illustrate the sovereignty story and infect communities with terror. Making videos of torture is a particular feature of its practice in West Papua. While it’s effective propaganda, the videos, like the ones shown here, don’t have borders than can be blocked and they’re now in the international arena so, to some extent, they’re backfiring. With its primitive practices of sovereignty, Indonesia has inadvertently lobbed the ball into the court of western powers that can no longer plead ignorance of what is happening.

9) Using public space as a torture arena is also a way of advertising impunity, at least within West Papua. So far, impunity prevails in the international system too, even though these videos are now entering ubiquitous digital spaces.

10) Most of the torture in West Papua has been reported by local church organs and NGOs, but now more reports are coming from outside West Papua, in large part thanks to the communication skills of the Oxford based ULMWP.

Papuan resistance to Indonesian sovereignty is intolerable because it challenges the sanctity of the whole inviolate state of Indonesia, no matter how it was actually cobbled together. Since it’s a product of Cold War engineering and continues to be of geopolitical importance in the global balance of power, Indonesian rulers have little fear of being held accountable for their atrocities in West Papua. Hence, the international system, which “democratically” claims to speak for all of us, is also hurting, maiming, and leaving scars on West Papuan bodies. We’re all being made complicit by the message that the pleasures of western daily lives are somehow based on this.

More than a hundred countries have called for a UN monitoring visit of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to West Papua. Needless to say, Indonesia is blocking such a visit, not that the UN, party to the genocide-and-torture show in West Papua from the very beginning, will be keen to get involved in a project that questions its own honour and decency. Indeed, Indonesia was able to boast that it was “re-elected as a member of the UN Human Rights Council on October 10, 2023 … with a significant vote gain and the support of the majority of UN member states. … Indonesia has once again earned international trust!” This “trust” says a lot about the UN and also that torture isn’t just something that happens in places like Yahukimo but is officially embraced by the highest human rights body of the international system. Such “trust” tells us that if we want to live in a world without torture, everything must change.

Once again, the most castigated people are the most steadfast and daring. So, in times when the merest glance at the daily news shrieks catastrophe in ocean currents, vanishing species, fires, floods, starvation, Europe on a “war footing”, violence, and the whole planet in danger, the West Papuan leaders have presented a coherent solution, their Green State Vision, a “Green Philosophy… inclusive in thinking and action, involving participation of all communities of beings: spirits, plants, animals and humans, rather than individualism.” This Green State Vision would, perforce, mean an end to neoliberalism.

Yes, we have to change everything. Change the foul neoliberal system. And here is a blueprint. But it can only be implemented if the whole evil, torturing system is overthrown. As new forms of fascism are gaining ground, this is really the task we’re faced with. An early step in facing it is recognising that torture in Yahukimo isn’t an isolated thing. In this global system, people of conscience have a responsibility to try and stop it, there and everywhere else. We’re all living in a Zone of Interest.

The Critical Missing Piece from the U.S. Energy Transition

BY JOHN FEFFER

MARCH 25, 2024

At the outset, the United States was blessed with enormous tracts of land (that it stole from the natives) and a considerable labor force (that it enslaved from Africa) to achieve economic success based largely on growing things. The next leap forward—into the industrial era—was facilitated by large deposits of coal and oil. A century later, inspired by a gifted group of engineers and funded early on by the Pentagon, Silicon Valley led the country into the computer age.

The United States, in other words, has been lucky. When the luck ran thin, it also relied on brute force.

Today, the world stands at the brink of another new economic revolution. Thanks to the same fossil fuels that made the industrial age possible—for the United States and other countries of the Global North—humanity has to shift over to renewable energy or else risk frying the planet.

This time, however, the United States is not so lucky.

When it comes to the 50 minerals necessary for the “clean” energy transformation, the United States is currently 100 percent reliant on exports for 12 of them (including graphite). For another 31 of those minerals—including cobalt, zinc, and tin—it imports at least 50 percent of what it needs. (If you’re not sure what minerals qualify as “critical,” here’s a list.)

The Biden administration is investing a lot of money to build a bridge to this renewable energy future. But it has neglected to secure all the necessary building materials to make that bridge happen.

Remember all the brouhaha around ensuring America’s energy independence? Boosters of domestic oil and gas production, especially the fracking industry, made a big deal about cutting ties of dependency to the Middle East and other regions of the world.

So far, there has been no comparable push to create mineral independence. Up until a few years ago, there wasn’t much appetite for such a campaign. To quote just one example, the United States closed down its only rare earth mine in California and was perfectly content to let China mine and process the 17 rare earth minerals that figure so prominently in the components of batteries, solar panels, and windmills.

The example of rare earth elements is not unique. The United States lacks many of the minerals that China currently controls. China produces more than 50 percent of rare earth elements and graphite, and it has secured access to other critical raw materials, including cobalt mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo and lithium mines elsewhere in Africa.

Policymakers and titans of industry wouldn’t be sweating right now if the United States had a good relationship with China. But the two countries have engaged in tit-for-tat tariffs and export restrictions, especially around minerals and high technology. Suddenly, U.S. policymakers from both parties are worried about how the country will cook up electric batteries, EVs, solar panels and so on if it can’t get the necessary ingredients.

Europe has already acted to address mineral dependency. The EU will pass its own critical raw materials legislation this year to increase domestic sourcing of these important minerals and also to expand efforts to recycle them.

The United States hasn’t yet passed comparable legislation. It’s running low on luck, and it can’t rely on the outright brutality of earlier eras to seize what it needs. Instead, America is using a variety of incentives, positive and negative, to get these critical raw materials.

But the most obvious way for the United States to wean itself of fossil fuels has nothing to do with luck or brutality. To have a chance at creating a just green transition for all, the United States simply has to repair its relationship with China.

Homegrown Extraction

Like oil, strategic minerals are unevenly distributed around the planet. Lithium mines are concentrated in Australia and the ABC triangle of Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile. The largest producer of nickel is Indonesia. Peru and Chile dominate the copper market. The DRC is responsible for nearly 70 percent of cobalt production.

The United States is not short on mines, particularly in the western part of the country. America was once the world’s largest copper producer (it’s now number five). It was once the largest extractor of rare earth elements (it’s now a distant second to China). For a period it supplied over 90 percent of the world’s bauxite (it’s now nowhere near the top ten).

It’s not as if mining has disappeared from the United States. It is still number two in the world in terms of overall mineral production of 2.2 billion tons (behind China’s 4.6 billion tons). In terms of the value of that production, the United States falls to third place, far behind China. Drill down into those numbers—pardon the extractive pun—and it’s easy to understand why the value of U.S. extraction is comparatively low. Crushed stone is the top mined commodity in the United States, followed by cement, copper, and construction sand and gravel.

Crushed stone is not exactly a strategic mineral, however useful it might be. You can’t make a computer or an EV out of cement.

Sometimes, the U.S. mining industry has lost out to countries with larger deposits. Sometimes, U.S. mines were simply tapped out. But in some key instances, the United States decreased or even stopped production in favor of imports. It turned out to be cheaper to rely on other countries either because their labor costs were lower or because they didn’t bother with profit-reducing environmental regulations.

Consider the case of rare earth elements. The Mountain Pass mine in California once produced most of the world’s supply, which went into color televisions, lasers, and microchips. U.S. dominance in production lasted into the 1990s, even as it began shipping the ore to China for processing, effectively exporting that particular environmental hazard. Certain U.S. regulations increased the cost of production; then a toxic waste spill in 2002 and subsequent litigation shut down the mine. China easily overtook the United States in the production and processing of rare earth elements.

U.S. Policy Evolves to a Point

Back in 2009, as the Obama administration was struggling to drag the U.S. economy out of a profound financial crisis, it managed to pass the $800 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, which contained $90 billion for renewable energy. It was a modest but important nudge for the solar and wind energy industry, electric vehicle production, and the electrification of public transport.

Then came the Trump dark ages.

With the pandemic still in place and the economy struggling once again, Joe Biden took office and followed the Obama game plan. This time, he went even bigger on renewables in the $1 trillion Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and even more so with $300 billion earmarked for energy and climate in the Inflation Reduction Act.

But there was very little in all that legislation that specifically addressed critical raw materials.

The Biden administration is clearly committed to shifting eventually to renewables. The key word here, of course, is “eventually.” The administration has also pumped out a record amount of oil, in part in response to the war in Ukraine and the replacement of Russian supplies to European countries.

But when it comes to building the infrastructure for the energy transition, the United States will be competing with everyone for finite resources. According to the International Energy Agency, this transition will boost demand for rare earth elements fourfold, nickel, cobalt, and graphite 20-fold, and lithium an astounding 40-fold. The World Resources Institute assesses the stakes for the United States:


Expanding renewable energy infrastructure in the U.S. and coupling it with stationary storage batteries will require significant quantities of critical minerals such as lithium, nickel and cobalt. Likewise, the rapid shift to electric vehicles will depend on new EV batteries that require these same minerals. As the country increases its overall reliance on electricity, moreover, it will require increased transmission which calls for large amounts of copper and aluminum.

The only mineral mentioned above that the United States is mining in any quantity at the moment is copper.

The Inflation Reduction Act contains a single provision that addresses the sourcing of these minerals. To qualify for EV tax incentives, the batteries used in electric vehicles must contain at least 40 percent of critical minerals sourced either from the United States or from its free trade partners. A Korean manufacturer of EVs, for instance, has to reduce its dependency on Chinese imports for its battery production or risk being outpriced in the U.S. market. By 2027, that percentage rises to 80 percent.

There are no requirements for any other Green transition product: not solar panels, not wind turbines, not heat pumps. However, there is something called 45X in the IRA. It’s a production tax credit that provides a 10 percent credit for the use of domestic critical minerals. But, as critics have pointed out, it doesn’t support either the mining of those minerals or the recycling of them.

Congress is a little late to the game, but there’s bipartisan support for a Critical Materials Security Act which would help companies divest from the Chinese supply chain and share knowhow on processing with allied countries. But along with earlier legislation on battery production, the bill hasn’t yet gone anywhere.

In the absence of congressional action, the Biden administration has moved forward with the Minerals Security Partnership, a trade bloc of 14 nations designed to establish a supply chain for the resources they all need. It’s billed as a kind of responsible alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, at least when it comes to minerals, though urgent need will probably trump “responsible” when push comes to shove.

The administration also wants to open new mines that can power the energy transition. It created a new permitting process (FAST-41) to expedite new ventures, like a zinc and manganese mine in southern Arizona. New lithium mines are popping up in Imperial Valley (California), Thacker Pass (Nevada), and Smackover (Arkansas). Mountain Pass has subsequently reopened, but it will now face competition from other rare earth mines slated for Wyoming and Nebraska. Opposition from local groups might derail these efforts, however, just as they have blocked the mining of the largest potential U.S. lithium deposit in Maine.

Competition with China

The United States and its allies have tried to block China from acquiring advanced technology, such as the latest semiconductorsnecessary for AI applications. China has retaliated by slapping export restrictions on key rare earth minerals. It’s the kind of trade war that doesn’t immediately affect consumers—unlike the proposed TikTok ban—but it will prove hugely consequential for the future production of pretty much everything.

It doesn’t have to be this way.

China and the United States could collaborate profitably for mutual benefit on renewable energy technology. It did so during the Obama administration with the U.S.-China Clean Energy Research Center (CERC). Even in the current period of heightened tensions, Ford has been collaborating with China’s CATL to build a factory in Michigan that would produce batteries for its American-built EVs. But such cooperation has raised red flags among House Republicans, who sent Ford a letter that read, in part: “we are concerned that Ford’s partnership with a Chinese company could aid China’s efforts to expand its control over United States electric vehicle supply chains and jeopardize national security by furthering dependence on China.”

This kind of Cold War, zero-sum thinking could very well destroy what little chance the world still has of addressing the climate crisis. At Brookings, Cheng Li and Xiuye Zhao put it well:


Properly handled, U.S.-China collaboration in clean tech could further drive carbon reduction of the top two emitters, build trust, and put a floor under the deteriorating bilateral relationship. If framed as yet another battleground for zero-sum competition, however, mutual hostility in the form of trade restrictions and technology decoupling will disrupt global supply chains and torpedo the climate agenda worldwide.

China is just as suspicious of U.S. motives as the United States is of China’s. But the two countries don’t have to trust each other across the board. The United States and Soviet Union didn’t during the Cold War, and yet they were able to forge important arms control agreements that led to real reductions in nuclear arsenals and reduced the risk of war. China and the United States must do the same in the field of renewable energy, reduction of carbon emissions, and other environmental priorities.

Competition is meaningless, after all, if the prize is a dead planet.

This article is part of the new Global Just Transition project.

John Feffer is the director of Foreign Policy In Focus, where this article originally appeared.