Tuesday, April 30, 2024


Tax Time and Walpurgisnacht


There is something sinister about the Canadian Tax system. It is declared that we must file taxes by Midnight April 30. This is Walpurgisnacht, or night of the witches, the ancient pagan festival of fire; Beltane, and consumption of the last of the salted meat from harvest in celebration of the new life of spring.

Death and Taxes as they say. Leads to rebirth new life.

Walpurgisnacht,night of the witches the celebration of the end of darkness and the fire rituals of spring. We pays our taxes and hopes we gets some back from the tax man. A sacrifice, even if it is in coin, as the season demands.

Goethe and Mendelssohn express this Euroean pagan tradition in verse and song.
Mendelssohn's Choral arrangement is a modernist paenan to paganism. But damn we still must give unto Caesar; the real meaning of the festival of fools........

Mendelssohn’s Walpurgisnacht
Conductor : 
Valérie Fayet
Walpurgis Night, based on a work by Goethe, celebrates the popular tradition which talks about pagan gatherings taking place on the “witches' mountain” during the night of May 1 st.
Mendelssohn's work is admirably clear, colourful and full of energy.

Die erste Walpurgisnacht Op. 60: So weit gebracht, dass wir bei Nacht
Listen
Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, cantata for chorus & orchestra, Op. 60 So weit gebracht, daß wir bei Nacht
Composed by Felix Mendelssohn
Performed by Chamber Orchestra Europe
Conducted by Nikolaus Harnoncourt

A period of travel and concert-giving introduced Mendelssohn to England, Scotland (1829) and Italy (1830-31); after return visits to Paris (1831) and London (1832, 1833) he took up a conducting post at Düsseldorf (1833-5), concentrating on Handel's oratorios. Among the chief products of this time were The Hebrides (first performed in London, 1832), the g Minor Piano Concerto, Die erste Walpurgisnacht, the Italian Symphony (1833, London)

5. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: Ouverture: 1. Das schlechte 2. Der Ubergang zum Fruhling -
6. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: I Es lacht der Mai! -
7. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: II Konnt ihr so verwegen handeln? -
8. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: III Wer Opfer heut' zu bringen scheut -
9. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: IV Verteilt euch hier -
10. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: V Diese dumpfen Pfaffenchristen - Kommt mit Zacken und mit Gabeln -
11. Die Erste Walpurgisnacht, Op. 60: VII So weit gebracht - VIII Hilf, ach hilf mir, Kriegsgeselle - IX Die Flamme reinigt sich vom Rauch -
O+1+2.nwc:0: Overture
:1: Now may again
:2: Know ye not a deed so daring?
3+4.nwc :3: The man who flies
:4: Disperse, ye gallant men
5+6+7+8+9.nwc:5: Should our Christian foes assail us
:6: Come with torches brightly flashing
:7: Restrain'd by might
:8: Help, my comrades
:9: Unclouded now, the flame is bright


"...don't you think this could become a new kind of cantata?" Rituality, Authenticity and Staging in Mendelssohn’s Walpurgisnacht

Assuming a potential analogy between art and ritual, or between art and the interpretation of ritual as a Gesamtkunstwerk, 
the question arises as to what degree boundaries or transitions between aesthetic presentation, staging and identification with ritual can be determined in art. This topic could be discussed in terms of reception-aesthetics, with the question of the participation of an implicit or exclusive audience in ritual or in art. On the other hand, the perspective of this question can also be developed, as in this article, in terms of production-aesthetics, using the model of a musical composition based on a preexisting literary text. In Goethe's and Mendelssohn's texts,' not only their cultic-religious rituality will be investigated, but also the problem of how far beyond the cultic subject the immanent formative principles of ritual in terms of music are effective. Although in his early ballad Die erste Walpurgisnacht (The First Walpurgis Night) of 1799 Goethe distinguished the pagan Walpurgis night from the classical and romantic in both stages of Faust, in his own way Mendelssohn related these three forms of ritual directly to one another within one work.

Cantata - LoveToKnow 1911

In modern times the term cantata is applied almost exclusively to choral, as distinguished from solo vocal music. There has, perhaps, been only one kind of cantata since Bach which can be recognized as an art form and not as a mere title for works otherwise impossible to classify. It is just possible to recognize as a distinct artistic type that kind of early r9th-century cantata in which the chorus is the vehicle for music more lyric and songlike than the oratorio style, though at the same time not exclude ing the possibility of a brilliant climax in the shape of a light order of fugue. Beethoven's Glorreiche Augenblick is a brilliant "pot-boiler" in this style; Weber's Jubel Cantata is a typical specimen, and Mendelssohn's Walpurgisnacht is the classic.

The Jews seem fated to wanDer forever among other nations and be faced perpetually with minority status and a legitimate pressure to acculturate and assimilate. If one compares the ending of The Eternal Road to Felix Mendelssohn's setting of Goethe's Die erste Walpurgisnacht, one is struck by a vital difference. Mendelssohn, although bearing the most celebrated name in early nineteenth-century German-Jewish history, had been converted and become a devout Protestant. Nevertheless through his music he celebrated with empathy and pride the courageous resistance of the Druids to the siege on their traditions and beliefs laid by violent Christian attackers. In contrast, The Eternal Road ends much more ambiguously with a vague hope for a return to Zion among a defeated and divided community, bowing to a fate of perpetual exclusion, persecution, and powerlessness.


Mendelssohn, Goethe, and the Walpurgis Night

The Heathen Muse in European Culture, 1700-1850
John Michael Cooper


Mendelssohn, Goethe, and the Walpurgis Night is a book about tolerance and acceptance in the face of cultural, political, and religious strife. Its point of departure is the Walpurgis Night. The Night, also known as Beltane or May Eve, was supposedly an annual witches' Sabbath that centered around the Brocken, the highest peak of the Harz Mountains.
After exploring how a notoriously pagan celebration came to be named after the Christian missionary St. Walpurgis (ca. 710-79), John Michael Cooper discusses the Night's treatments in several closely interwoven works by Goethe and Mendelssohn. His book situates those works in their immediate personal and professional contexts, as well as among treatments by a wide array of other artists, philosophers, and political thinkers, including Voltaire, Lessing, Shelley, Heine, Delacroix, and Berlioz.
In an age of decisive political and religious conflict, Walpurgis Night became a heathen muse: a source of spiritual inspiration that was neither specifically Christian, nor Jewish, nor Muslim. And Mendelssohn's and Goethe's engagements with it offer new insights into its role in European cultural history, as well as into issues of political, religious, and social identity -- and the relations between cultural groups -- in today's world.


Among some of his (Goethe’s) most engaging/compelling musical experiences of his late maturity were the visits of Felix Mendelssohn, who was 12 years old in 1821 and had been introduced to Goethe personally in Weimar by his (Mendelssohn’s) teacher, Zelter. Further visits took place in 1822, 1825, and 1830. Goethe had Mendelssohn play for him and explain to him technical matters concerning music and music history. This relationship became one of tender devotion on the part of Goethe towards Mendelssohn: in 1822 Goethe said to Mendelssohn: “I am Saul and you are my David,” and in his last letter to Mendelssohn, Goethe began with “My dear son.” Mendelssohn dedicated his Piano Quartet in B minor, opus 3 to Goethe and composed music for “Die erste Walpurgisnacht” (1st version in 1832)…. Goethe was eager to hear instrumental music which was played by Reichardt, Kayser, Zelter, Eberwein, Hummel, Spohr, Beethoven, Baron Oliva, Szymanowska (female pianist), J. H. F. Schütz, and finally by Mendelssohn whom he repeatedly asked to play something for him.”]


Mendelssohn's Die erste Walpurgisnacht, one of his greatest cantatas, was based on Goethe's Faust, and on Goethe's personal interpretation of the scene (Grove Dictionary 146). Mendelssohn's friendship with the poet lasted for a great many years, up until Goethe's death in 1832.

The first Walpurgisnacht

The Ouverture represents the transition from the winter to spring. The beginning in A-Moll is overwritten with “the bad weather”, while with the idiom into the Dur variant approaching the Walpurgisnacht in spring is announced. It is described in the following, as the priests and Druiden of the Celts meet secretly in the inhospitable mountains of the resin, in order to address after old custom with fire their prayer to the all father of the sky and the earth. Since their rites are forbidden by the Christian gentlemen however, everything must happen in the secret one. With cheat and to linings the soldiers of the Christians were frightened in such a manner that the Celts in peace can celebrate their Walpurgisnacht.
There are two Walpurgisnächte in Goethe's work. Admits is above all that from that fist I, in which a typical Hexensabbat is sworn to in visionär grotesque way. On the other hand Goethe takes poem the first Walpurgisnacht a heidnisches victim celebration developed to 1799 in that during thunderstorm eight to the cause to confront two incompatible ways of thinking and being LV each other.
Whole 19. Through century the romantic composers let themselves fist be inspired again and again from the picture world of the I and fist II, while the first Walpurgisnacht remained almost unknown. Only Carl Friedrich Zelter, Goethe friend and musical advisor, have try, the poem tone. It kept full fifteen years it under its papers, before it took distance finally from a project, which exceeded its imagination.
That was introduced by Zelter at that time twelve-year-old boy Mendelssohn with around sixty years the older Olympier Goethe, whom time and fame had coined/shaped. By Beethoven and Schubert to judge, understood the old gentleman not much about music. In its youth he had heard some of the Mozarts' works, whose clarity and harmony it zollte still at the age attention and acknowledgment; and it found favours to feel with the citizen of Berlin miracle child from good family the aftereffect of those melodies in those the ideal of its own youth lived. It would be inaccurate to speak of a co-operation between Goethe and Mendelssohn. The first important piece, to which the poet energized the young musician, was the Ouvertüre sea silence and lucky travel, which arrived only in the year 1832, Goethe's death year, at the public performance. That Goethe would have known to appreciate a music, so clearly under Beethovens the influence is to be doubted. Just as little it the score of the first Walpurgisnacht would have probably behagt. The work, in which orchestras and voices verwoben closely into one another are, becomes not completely fair the central thought of the artist Philosphen. From its “Faible for witches” seduced, Mendelssohn stated little interest in the deeper meaning of the poem: the always-lasting conflict between the instinktiven natural forces on the one hand and the mental clarity of a thought world coined/shaped by the clearing-up on the other hand. With the primarily romantic treatment of the article it remains on the level of a descriptive poem and tears us in tumbles uncontrolled thunderstorm eight.
The 1831 completed first minute of the score experienced substantial changes, before she arrived to 1842 at the premiere. Goethe did not experience no more, which regulation to his verses assign became, whose Vertonung lends a fascinating juvenile fire to them. Mendelssohn proves here as genuine romantics. It uses a pallet of magnificent tone qualities, lets the horns from the supple fabric of the Streicher step out and gives to the Holzbläsern a most personal note. The choirs are from a Schlichtheit, which lends occasionally the serious character of a Volksliedes to them, while proper large airs are assigned to the soloist.
The whole wealth of the romantic opera is united in this musical illustration of a poem, which reminds at the Feenzauber of shakespearscher scenes. The choir of the Druiden (No. 6 of the score) is from an imaginativeness, which only the late Verdi in the last act of its Falstaff reaches again. The composer, at whom Goethe estimated the causing its own youth, somehow not completely up-to-date one, appears here surprisingly as one of the prophets of the music 19. Century. With deciveness it secures the transition from Beethoven to the large rhapsodies of Brahms.
Jean Francois Labie
(Translation: Ingrid trusting man)


G O E T H E ' S   P A G A N   P O E T R Y

Goethe, a genius with unmistakable Pagan sympathies,
excelled as a poet, dramatist, novelist, essayist,
philosopher and scientist (his works occupy 140
volumes!). Here are several of his Pagan poems,
including his ballade "The First Walpurgis-Night," in
which the Pagans score a Discordian victory over their
oppressors. (I'm sure Goethe now dwells happily among
the Pagan Gods.) The ballade has been set to music by
Mendelssohn (Die Erste Walpurgisnacht), which is quite
good, but not suitable for small group performance.
Perhaps the Muses will help some modern Pagan to
compose a version for contemporary witches' sabbats.
Although only the God (Allvater) is mentioned, I've
left Goethe's text unchanged; it's easy to substitute
"Mother" for some or all of the "Father"s if you like.
-- John Opsopaus


THE FIRST WALPURGIS-NIGHT
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

A DRUID.

Sweet smiles the May!
The forest gay
From frost and ice is freed;
No snow is found,
Glad songs resound
Across the verdant mead.
Upon the height
The snow lies light,
Yet thither now we go,
There to extol our Father's name,
Whom we for ages know.
Amid the smoke shall gleam the flame;
Thus pure the heart will grow.

THE DRUIDS.

Amid the smoke shall gleam the flame;
Extol we now our Father's name,
Whom we for ages know!
Up, up, then, let us go!

ONE OF THE PEOPLE.

Would ye, then, so rashly act?
Would ye instant death attract?
Know ye not the cruel threats
Of the victors we obey?
Round about are placed their nets
In the sinful Heathen's way.
Ah! upon the lofty wall
Wife and children slaughter they;
And we all
Hasten to a certain fall.

CHORUS OF WOMEN.

Ay, upon the camp's high wall
All our children loved they slay.
Ah, what cruel victors they!
And we all
Hasten to a certain fall.

A DRUID.

Who fears to-day
His rites to pay,
Deserves his chains to wear.
The forest's free!
This wood take we,
And straight a pile prepare!
Yet in the wood
To stay 'tis good
By day till all is still,
With watchers all around us placed
Protecting you from ill.
With courage fresh, then, let us haste
Our duties to fulfil.

CHORUS OF WATCHERS.

Ye valiant watchers now divide
Your numbers through the forest wide,
And see that all is still,
While they their rites fulfil.

A WATCHER.

Let us in a cunning wise,
Yon dull Christian priests surprise!
With the devil of their talk
We'll those very priests confound.
Come with prong and come with fork,
Raise a wild and rattling sound
Through the livelong night, and prowl
All the rocky passes round.
Screech-owl, owl,
Join in chorus with our howl!

CHORUS OF WATCHERS.

Come with prong, and come with fork,
Like the devil of their talk,
And with wildly rattling sound,
Prowl the desert rocks around!
Screech owl, owl,
Join in chorus with our howl!

A DRUID.

This far 'tis right,
That we by night
Our Father's praises sing;
Yet when 'tis day,
To Thee we may
A heart unsullied bring.
'Tis true that now,
And often, Thou
Favorest the foe in fight.
As from the smoke is freed the blaze,
So let our faith burn bright!
And if they crush our olden ways,
Who e'er can crush Thy light?

A CHRISTIAN WATCHER.

Comrades, quick! your aid afford!
All the brood of hell's abroad:
See how their enchanted forms
Through and through with flames are glowing!
Dragon-women, men-wolf swarms,
On in quick succession going!
Let us, let us haste to fly!
Wilder yet the sounds are growing,
And the arch fiend roars on high;
From the ground
Hellish vapors rise around.

CHORUS OF CHRISTIAN WATCHERS.

Terrible enchanted forms,
Dragon-women, men-wolf swarms!
Wilder yet the sounds are growing!
See, the arch fiend comes, all-glowing!
From the ground
Hellish vapors rise around.

CHORUS OF DRUIDS

As from the smoke is freed the blaze,
So let our faith burn bright!
And if they crush our olden ways,
Whoe'er can crush Thy light?

[Bowring translation]


THE CONSECRATED SPOT

When in the dance of the Nymphs, in the
moonlight so holy assembled,
Mingle the Graces, down from Olympus in secret
descending,
Here doth the minstrel hide, and list to their
numbers enthralling,
Here doth he watch their silent dances'
mysterious measure.
[tr. Bowring]


[All selections from "The Poems of Goethe," New York:
John D. Williams, 1882.]

finis


The Romantic Mendelssohn: The Composition of Die erste Walpurgisnacht

THE FAUST LEGEND IN MUSIC


Monday, April 30, 2007




‘Wacko PM’: Canadian opposition leader ejected for Trudeau insult

Conservative Pierre Poilievre refuses to withdraw ‘wacko’ remark, prompting censure from speaker and removal from Commons



Reuters in Ottawa
Tue 30 Apr 2024 


The leader of Canada’s main opposition party was ejected from the House of Commons after calling Prime Minister Justin Trudeau “a wacko”, in the latest clash between two men set to fight an election next year.

The incident started when Pierre Poilievre, leader of the Conservatives, criticised Trudeau for supporting moves in British Columbia to decriminalize some hard drugs in an attempt to reduce the number of overdose-related deaths.

“When will we put an end to this wacko policy by this wacko prime minister?” he asked Trudeau in the House of Commons.

Speaker Greg Fergus, a Liberal, told Poilievre the comment was unparliamentary and unacceptable, and asked him four times to withdraw it. Poilievre declined on each occasion, saying instead he would use the word extremist or radical.

Fergus told Poilievre he was disregarding the speaker’s authority and, in an unusual move, said: “I order to you to withdraw from the House … for the remainder of this day’s sitting.”


British Columbia drops decriminalization of drugs in public


Poilievre, who left the chamber with his legislators, later repeated his attack on Trudeau’s stance on drugs.

“This is a wacko policy from a wacko PM that’s destroying lives,” he said in a social media post.

Last week, British Columbia reversed course on part of its narcotics policy, reintroducing a ban on public drug use, although personal possession and consumption will still be allowed in private spaces.

Liberal parliamentarian Steven MacKinnon, in charge of government business in the House, told reporters the incident had been a disgrace and showed a disrespect for institutions.

Trudeau has a testy relationship with Poilievre, whom he accuses of being an extremist and a supporter of the Make America Great Again movement of Donald Trump.

Trudeau had earlier spoken to reporters on Tuesday and accused Poilievre of spending time with far-right groups.

“That is not responsible leadership. That is dangerous for democracy, it’s dangerous for Canadians,” he said.

Ejections from the House are relatively rare. The speaker’s office was not immediately available to comment on the last time a leader of the official opposition had been booted out.

The next election must be held by late October 2025. Surveys of public opinion indicate the Conservatives would win a large majority over the center-left Liberals, who have been in power since November 2015.
Delacroix’s Liberty shows her true colours after Louvre restoration

Eight layers of varnish had drowned iconic painting’s colours over time, as coating became yellow with oxidation


Philip Oltermann 
European culture editor
Tue 30 Apr 2024 


For almost 200 years, she has been the definitive symbol of the French republic. Now, after a much-needed facelift, Eugène Delacroix’s Liberty Leading the People will rise above the fray of revolutionary anarchy in her true colours once more.

The 19th-century painter’s world-famous and widely copied Liberty Leading the People, depicting a bare-chested woman brandishing the French flag and leading armed men into battle, will be hung again at the Louvre art museum on Thursday, after a six-month effort to remove decades of varnish and grime.


Often assumed to depict the French Revolution of 1789, Delacroix’s artwork was made in 1830 to commemorate the July Revolution that toppled King Charles X of France the same year.

Bought by the French state the year after and housed at the Louvre since 1874, it has become the definitive depiction of the personified France, known as Marianne, and an icon of revolutionary insurrections.
View image in fullscreen‘We’re the first generation to rediscover the colour,’ says Sébastien Allard, the Louvre’s director of paintings. Photograph: Abdullah Firas/ABACA/REX/Shutterstock

The painting has been re-interpreted by countless modern artists, and versions of the image have appeared on banknotes, album sleeves, book covers and political placards at protests around the world.

The original, however, gradually lost its expressive powers over the years due to what contemporary restorers now say were misguided attempts by their predecessors to trap the painting’s glory in time.

Eight layers of varnish were applied to Liberty Leading the People over the years in a bid to brighten its colours, but instead ended up drowning them under a coating of drab yellow as the varnish oxidised on the surface.

View image in fullscreenThe painting, pictured here before restoration, had lost its original colours due to excessive varnishing, according to restorers. Photograph: Dimitar Dilkoff/AFP/Getty Images

The colours, “the whites, the shadows – all of this ended up melting together under these yellowish layers”, Sébastien Allard, director of paintings at the Paris museum, told Agence France-Presse. “We’re the first generation to rediscover the colour,” he added.

The painting was removed from its traditional place at the Louvre on 20 September 2023 and replaced with Ary Scheffer’s Les Femmes souliotes, which used to hang opposite.


Louvre acquires €24m painting originally destined for rubbish tip


Due to Liberty’s large size – 2.6 metres x 3.25 metres (8.5ft x 10.5ft) – the restoration works took place on site at the museum.

Curator Côme Fabre told AFP that specialists started by analysing the artwork using x-ray, ultraviolet and infrared radiation, comparing their discoveries with archive images of the painting.

In the process, Fabre said, “they even discovered that certain alterations, including a brown mark on Liberty’s dress, had been added after Delacroix and could therefore be removed”.

The Louvre, the largest museum in the world, has carried out about 200 restorations since 2015, including of Leonardo da Vinci’s La Belle Ferronnière, Titian’s Pardo Venus and several by Delacroix including Women of Algiers and the Massacre at Chios.

 

Britain’s shame: UK rights record slated by Amnesty’s annual report

The report comes as the government brings forward a shocking round-up of asylum seekers for deportation to Rwanda. “We will resist, together,” says Jeremy Corbyn.

Amnesty International has just produced its annual report on The State of the World’s Human Rights and shamefully Britain gets a special mention. The organization accuses the UK of “deliberately destabilising” human rights internationally.

The report comes as the Guardian highlights a shock operation by the Home Office to detain asylum seekers across the UK today in preparation for deportation to Rwanda. The round-up, unprecedented in scale, is believed to have been timed to gain maximum electoral advantage for the government ahead of this week’s local elections.

The Guardian reports: “Officials plan to hold refugees who turn up for routine meetings at immigration service offices and will also pick people up nationwide in a two-week exercise. They will be immediately transferred to detention centres, which have already been prepared for the operation, and held to be put on later flights to Rwanda. Others identified for these flights are already being held.”

Amnesty International’s report presents a stark assessment of the global betrayal of human rights principles by today’s leaders and institutions. In the face of multiplying conflicts, it says, the actions of many powerful states have further undermined the global rules-based order first established in 1945.

“In a conflict that defined 2023 and shows no sign of abating, evidence of war crimes continues to mount as the Israeli government makes a mockery of international law in Gaza,” says the organization.

The report points to the USA’s brazen use of its veto to paralyse the UN Security Council for months on a much-needed resolution for a ceasefire, as it continues to arm Israel with munitions that have been used to commit what likely amounts to war crimes. It also highlights the grotesque double standards of European countries such as the UK and Germany, given their well-founded protestations about war crimes by Russia and Hamas, while they simultaneously bolster the actions of Israeli and US authorities in this conflict.

“The confounding failure of the international community to protect thousands of civilians – a horrifically high percentage of them children – from being killed in the occupied Gaza Strip makes patently clear that the very institutions set up to protect civilians and uphold human rights are no longer fit for purpose,” said Agnès Callamard, AI’s Secretary General.

Sacha Deshmukh, Amnesty International UK’s Chief Executive, weighed in on Britain’s refugee policy: “The Illegal Migration Act and the Rwanda scheme are a complete betrayal of the rights of refugees and the principle of offering sanctuary to those in need, but they also represent the death knell for the universal application of human rights in the UK. We’re particularly alarmed at the dangerous precedent set by ‘switching off’ the human rights of certain groups as a political convenience.”

Amnesty’s report was highly critical of Britain on other fronts. It accused the UK of pursuing “a policy agenda that breached its international human rights commitments and curtailed human rights protections. People seeking asylum and other migrants were particularly targeted, along with protesters. New government legislation further eroded the freedom of assembly and expression. Police faced findings of institutional racism and other forms of discrimination.”

Access to abortion was still “hindered”, said the overview. “Legislation was passed terminating investigations into and prosecutions of historic human rights violations during the Northern Ireland Troubles. Minimum service levels during industrial action were imposed in various sectors.”

The report further criticised Britain for delaying or abandoning key policies intended to contribute towards reaching net zero by 2050. These included a delaying of the ban on the sale of new petrol and diesel cars from 2030 and of the phase-out of liquid petroleum gas boilers for residential heating. “Requirements on residential landlords to increase the insulation of their properties by 2028 were scrapped. In November, the government announced plans to pass new legislation permitting fossil fuel companies to bid for new oil and gas drilling licences on an annual basis.”

Freedom of expression is also under attack, with the passage of the Public Order Act, furthering a legislative crackdown on peaceful protest. Secondary legislation expanded the circumstances in which the police can impose conditions on protests, backed by prison sentences. In May, dozens of peaceful protesters were arrested around the coronation of King Charles III, including pre-emptive arrests.

“Arrests, prosecutions and imprisonment of peaceful environmental protesters continued throughout 2023,” said the report. In some instances, defendants were prevented by judges from referencing climate change in their defence, and those who ignored such orders faced prosecution for contempt of court and prison sentences.

Non-violent protests calling for a ceasefire in Gaza were described by the then Home Secretary  as “hate marches”. Some people in the UK on temporary visas had their leave to remain curtailed because of their involvement in pro-Palestine protests.

The report also singled out Britain on the issue of discrimination, highlighting the government’s blocking of Scotland’s Gender Recognition Reform Act, the Casey Report’s findings on institutional racism, sexism and homophobia in the Metropolitan Police and the use of strip-searching by police against children.

Amnesty’s report also criticised the government’s Prevent strategy, itself the subject of a separate Amnesty report last month which described it as “a dangerously broken system.”

On refugees’ and migrants’ rights, the report said the government’s Illegal Migration Act was “in conflict with the UN Refugee Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights.” The act stopped the processing of asylum claims made by people who had arrived without prior permission and granted new powers to detain migrants without effective judicial oversight, despite a recent report detailing 19 instances of inhuman or degrading treatment of detained people by staff within a five-month period. The act also reduced the safeguards for migrant survivors of human trafficking and unaccompanied children.

Meanwhile, the government round-up of asylum seekers, reported today, is expected to meet active opposition. The Guardian reports that “Police in Scotland have been put on alert because of the high risks of street protests and attempts by pro-refugee campaigners to stop detentions. Local communities in Scotland have twice prevented deportations by staging mass protests.”

It will be interesting to see if such protests are replicated elsewhere in the next days.

A Momentum spokesperson said: “This is horrifying news and a reminder that the hostile environment is alive and well. We need Keir Starmer to stand up for migrants’ rights as he once promised to do, oppose this Tory war on migrants and advocate for more safe routes for refugees.”

Former Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell MP called the Home Office crackdown “a brutal election stunt that will cause consternation and fear amongst many asylum seekers and their families, who came here desperate to find safety and security. Shameful.”

Former leader Jeremy Corbyn MP tweeted: “I am disgusted by reports that the Home Office will begin rounding up and detaining asylum seekers, in preparation for deportation to Rwanda. This is a terrifying, repulsive election stunt from a government devoid of humanity. We will resist, together.”

mage: London protest 2023, c/o Labour Hub.

 

Long Covid: the silent pandemic crippling Britain’s economy and lives

“On 19 April, Rishi Sunak announced proposed changes to the benefit system which would make it even more difficult for people with Long Covid to be supported via benefits.”

Joseph Healy and Sandra Wyman expose the hidden costs and human suffering caused by Long Covid, urging policy makers to take immediate action to support those affected and prevent devastating consequences for the UK’s economy and society

Long Covid (Part 1)

Since last year, the Office of National Statistics (ONS) surveys have shown large numbers of people being out of the workforce due to long-term illness. As of March last year, almost 2 million people were diagnosed with Long Covid, but then for some mysterious reason, the government decided to stop compiling data on Long Covid cases. There is about to be a Winter Infection Survey report released today (25 April) where, according to some Long Covid support groups, stats on updated Long Covid cases will hopefully be revealed.

The debate so far on the long-term sick is attributing it to mental health and musculoskeletal disorders, but there is hardly any mention of Long Covid. It is the illness that dare not be spoken of. The reason is that if the real impact is revealed, the public will become aware of how much they have been thrown to the lions, or in this case the virus, with no mitigations to protect them as part of the so-called “living with Covid” strategy. Apart from the level of suffering caused by ill health, there is a real economic impact. This was analysed by Cambridge Econometrics in a major hard-hitting report issued in March this year.

Costs for the NHS and healthcare system

The Cambridge Econometrics report highlights the significant costs that Long Covid poses for the NHS and the healthcare system. Based on UK employment trends, the analysis suggests a need for some 46,300 public healthcare workers to support Long Covid treatment. If government expenditures do not increase to accommodate this, then one possible outcome is that spending and staffing for other public services may have to fall. The UK health system is, however, already under strain. Another possibility is that health expenditures relating to Long Covid lead to further reductions in elective care, in the form of longer waiting lists and a reduced service. Either situation would be exacerbated by higher future prevalence and there are policy choices to be made in this regard. The analysis also does not consider the possibility of resorting to private care, which would further raise the monetary cost on people and their families.

Sectoral Employment Impacts

The trend in economic inactivity of the 1.9 million people with Long Covid in the UK and the cost of treating the condition could lead to around 138,000 fewer jobs by 2030. The health needs of those with Long Covid could also lead to greater demand for healthcare workers, by as many as 46,300 by 2030.

The sectoral employment effects reflect both the pattern of Long Covid infections across sectors and the composition of the UK economy, with almost 80% of job losses in service sectors especially affecting sectors such as IT, legal and accounting, architecture, and property management, which could see 93,800 fewer jobs by 2030. The Retail and Hospitality sector could also suffer with a further 13,000 fewer jobs.

Different Finance Options for treating Long Covid

The report considered alternative tax options for government funding of healthcare, rather than reallocating existing government expenditure. Their analysis showed that Long Covid treatment can be funded on top of existing government expenditures, although the choice of tax instrument does itself have macroeconomic impacts. Income taxes tend to have a slightly more negative impact than, for example, higher national insurance contributions on the part of employers.

Overall economic cost

On the fall in household incomes, the report projected a fall of over £2 billion if the number of cases rose to 4 million by 2030. This is quite likely to happen with the continuing number of reinfections which scientists have warned will inevitably give rise to more cases. Furthermore, many of these cases will render those with the condition unable to work for a long time and in some cases permanently. This is a ticking economic timebomb and will have huge implications for the funding and operation of the NHS as well as for the economy generally. The conspiracy of silence continues about these very real costs, despite the efforts of Long Covid groups and others to sound the alarm bell.

The report also made the point that it did not include the loss of income and the added economic costs to informal carers. Policy makers must grasp this nettle, or it will act as a huge economic drag on the UK economy for decades to come.

Long Covid (Part 2) THE HUMAN COST

How people are affected

The NHS has listed the following symptoms: fatigue, shortness of breath, problems with memory and concentration, palpitations, dizziness, joint pain and muscle aches. However, research by other bodies such as the Zoe Health Study, which collects data from affected individuals, reports many other symptoms including chest pains, breathing difficulties, gut problems, sore/dry eyes, hair loss, depression and confusion. Those most likely to be affected include women, older people, people with underlying health conditions including asthma and diabetes, those with conditions affecting the immune system, and people with mental health conditions.

Whilst the NHS puts the average length of time at four months, this includes those who have experienced symptoms for only very short periods. In fact, many people are affected for much longer and some do not make a full recovery. Anyone who is affected for six months or more would be considered under the Equality Act 2010 to be disabled.

There is treatment available to avoid the worst effects of Long Covid but currently it is only generally available for those who are classed as clinically vulnerable. Otherwise, the main focus is help in the form of physio for those experiencing difficulties with breathing. For the most part, emphasis is on managing the condition. There is a significant need for funding for proper research into possible treatments.

An historical perspective

Many of the symptoms resemble those of ME/CFS (Myalgic Encephalomyelitis/Chronic Fatigue Syndrome), a condition first recognised in the 1980s. At the time it was mocked in the media as “Yuppy flu” and regarded by many, including some medical practitioners, as psychosomatic. An early flawed research project, based on a study that instead of confining itself to those who met the criteria for a diagnosis of ME/CFS included anyone complaining of tiredness, resulted in the acceptance of a combination of Graded Exercise Therapy and Cognitive Behaviour Therapy (GET/CBT) being accepted by NICE (the body advising health professionals on treatment of health conditions), despite the fact that a significant number of those participating found their health worsening and dropped out of the research programme. This has been the recommended treatment until 2017, and still continues to be recommended by many health professionals despite being discredited.

This is relevant because similar treatments are now being thought suitable for Long Covid without the backup of proper research. The idea being that doctors have to rely on this because no other course of treatment is available. Some GPs recommend pacing (ie short stints of activity balanced by rest) as a more positive way of managing both conditions.

The comparison is also relevant because the existence of long-term Long Covid is also disbelieved by many, and this may result in people being unable to access even the moral support they need.

In many cases those diagnosed with ME/CFS have experienced considerable problems in being awarded benefits. There are signs that this has also happened with Long Covid and current government policy is likely to make this a great deal worse.

Current and proposed DWP measures and the impact on those with Long Covid

On 19 April, Conservative Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced proposed changes to the benefit system which would make it even more difficult for people with Long Covid to be supported via benefits. This will make it harder for people to be signed off work. “Fit notes” will be awarded by people other than doctors; there is no guarantee that those who make judgements about people’s capacity for work have any medical knowledge or qualifications at all.

The rhetoric behind the policy is based on the assumption that many of those unable to work are making dishonest claims, reviving the all-too-familiar “scrounger” narrative. This dangerous language now has the potential to inflict even greater harm on vulnerable individuals than it has in the past. The DWP already has a troubling history of causing immense suffering, and this policy threatens to dramatically worsen the situation, leading to devastating consequences for those in need of support.

The policy not only means people will be deprived of benefits; there are other measures included as well: for example, scrutiny of claimants’ bank accounts, seizing of goods and property if any evidence of fraud is found. Whilst the basic policy is extremely unlikely to be enacted during the government’s current term of office, since it will be subject to judicial review, many of the secondary measures are likely to be introduced before the next election. And many of those whose lives have been damaged by Long Covid will be at serious risk.

The Devastating Impact and the Urgent Need for Action

The devastating impact of Long Covid on individuals, families, and the economy cannot be overstated. The government’s failure to acknowledge the true extent of the problem, coupled with the proposed changes to the benefit system, threatens to push countless sufferers into financial hardship and despair. The human cost of this debilitating condition is immeasurable, with lives shattered, careers destroyed, and families torn apart. It is time for policy makers to confront the reality of Long Covid head-on, to invest in research and treatment, and to provide the support that those affected so desperately need. Failure to do so will not only prolong the suffering of millions but will also have far-reaching consequences for the nation’s health, wealth, and wellbeing for generations to come. The choice is clear: we can either continue to ignore the problem and pay the price, or we can take decisive action to support those affected and build a better future for all.





 

Lawfare and right-wing attacks haven’t stopped progress under Colombia’s Petro

“Since the historic election, powerful political groups – primarily drawn from business, landowning and military sectors – have sought to obstruct the government agenda.”

By Nick MacWilliam, Justice for Colombia

As head of the first progressive government in Colombian history and following a 30-year political career challenging the right-wing oligarchy, Gustavo Petro was aware of the intense opposition his administration would encounter upon taking office in August 2022.

It has proven as much. A strong opposition block in Congress formed of traditional elites, conservatives and the far-right has fought tooth and nail to block Petro’s coalition, the Historic Pact, from enacting an ambitious agenda that seeks to redistribute wealth and build peace in a country where inequality and armed conflict remain daily realities in many communities.

With land and economic resources concentrated among a privileged minority, successive neoliberal governments implemented free-market reforms that sank millions into severe economic hardship. When in mid-2021 the hard-right Iván Duque government deployed security forces to kill, torture and maim unarmed youths as they demanded fairer social conditions, the clamour for change propelled Petro into government just over one year later.

Since the historic election, powerful political groups – primarily drawn from business, landowning and military sectors – have sought to obstruct the government agenda, with some degree of success.

One main avenue of disruption has been through the office of former Attorney General Francisco Barbosa, whose term ended in February. A close ally and appointee of President Duque, Barbosa shielded another former president, Álvaro Uribe – the figurehead of Colombian right-wing militarism – from witness tampering investigations linked to longstanding suspicions of collusion with paramilitary death squads in the 1990s, while governor of the Antioquia regional department. Elected president in 2002, Uribe’s eight-year governance saw massive human rights abuses by state forces, including the murders of over 6,400 civilians presented as guerrillas killed in combat (the so-called ‘False Positives’ scandal is one of the major investigations underway by the transitional justice court).

Uribe’s Democratic Centre party bitterly opposed the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas, coordinating the successful ‘No’ vote in that October’s peace plebiscite, and appeared to be on a resurgence with the election of Duque, Uribe’s handpicked candidate, two years later. As anticipated on the left, Duque’s government saw the militarisation of volatile regions, alongside disregard for the peace agreement – fuelling the proliferation of armed groups – and oversaw a surge in inequality through neoliberal consolidation and a response to the pandemic widely condemned by the trade union movement. Police and army killings of civilians rose, protected by impunity.

Barbosa’s presence in one of the country’s most important institutions ensured the continued influence of uribismo in domestic politics, despite the right’s favoured candidate finishing a distant third in the 2022 election. In Petro’s first year, Barbosa refused to accede to the president’s calls to free young protesters imprisoned over the 2021 protests despite criticism from the United Nations and elsewhere. He delayed in lifting arrest warrants on senior commanders of armed groups, thereby compromising their legal security and throwing the government’s Total Peace initiative of negotiations into jeopardy.

While conducting a public feud with Petro, Barbosa attempted to shelve any investigation into Uribe over alleged witness manipulation: the witnesses in question were jailed paramilitaries who Uribe had reportedly bribed to deny any relationship between them.

As Barbosa’s term neared its end, he adopted a maximalist confrontational approach to government allies. In January this year, his office ordered a raid on the Federation of Colombian Educators (FECODE), one of the country’s largest trade unions, on spurious accusations over its support for the Petro campaign. Another Duque ally, Inspector General Margarita Cabello, instigated the removal of Foreign Minister Álvaro Leyva. Barbosa’s string of nefarious actions, aligned with the Supreme Court’s delay in appointing a successor drawn from Petro’s three-woman shortlist, provoked protests from government supporters, with conservative media absurdly stigmatising these as counter-democratic.

Finally, on 12 March, Luz Adriana Camargo was named Colombia’s new Attorney General, wasting little time in setting an opposite course to Barbosa. On 9 April, her office announced that it intended to put Uribe on trial over the witness manipulation allegations: the date, Colombia’s National Day of Conflict Victims, was significant, stirring hopes that justice could finally catch up with the man believed responsible for some of modern Colombia’s bloodiest episodes. If it wasn’t already, the motive behind the right’s desperation to maintain control of the Attorney General’s Office – now relinquished – was clear.

Meanwhile, the government presses ahead with its Total Peace strategy to pursue negotiated settlements with armed groups, vital to ending the violence that has killed over 1,500 social activists and more than 420 former FARC members since 2016 and which continues to forcibly displace tens of thousands of people – predominantly African-Colombian and Indigenous – from their land each year. Social reform bills on healthcare, labour rights, pensions and education remain under debate in Congress as Historic Pact lawmakers attempt to upend the historic inequalities that have fuelled instability. With the 2026 presidential election, in which Petro is ineligible to stand, looming on the horizon, the success of Total Peace and the social reforms will be pivotal to hopes for a continuation of progressive governance in Colombia.


  • Nick MacWilliam is Trade Union & Programmes Officer at Justice for Colombia, the official campaign of the British and Irish trade union movements to support trade unionism, human rights and peace in Colombia.
  • You can find out more about the work of Justice for Colombia here; and follow them on FacebookTwitter/X and Instagram.

Remembering Portugal’s ‘Carnation’ Revolution

“I remember many comrades from the radical left going over to Portugal to observe first-hand the collapse of the old fascist regime and the inspiring examples of self-organisation in all sectors of society.”

Dave Kellaway introduces a foreword written by Brais Fernández that he has translated from a new book on the Portuguese Revolution

This week marks the 50th anniversary of the Portuguese ‘Carnation’ Revolution, which erupted in 1974 and was finally tamed in 1976 with the election of a government led by Soares from the Socialist Party (SP).

The moderate SP consolidated many reforms won in the previous two years but also restored the capitalist order. For those of us of a certain age, the Portuguese events represented a hope that the revolutionary mobilisations we had witnessed in France, Italy, and Prague in 1968/9 would be sustained and continued in a successful break with capitalism. I remember many comrades from the radical left going over to Portugal to observe first-hand the collapse of the old fascist regime and the inspiring examples of self-organisation in all sectors of society, from the peasants of the Alentejo to the industrial areas of Lisbon and Porto, and even the rank-and-file soldiers. In Britain and elsewhere in Europe, the level of self-organisation through shop stewards and workplace committees was still very high compared to today. We had seen the miners defeat Heath’s Tory government, and the neo-liberal counter-offensive led by Margaret Thatcher and Reagan was still to come.

Fifty years have already passed, but the story is still worth re-telling and learning from. Revolutions are possible in Europe; they can emerge in ways we cannot always predict. The military officers played a key role in Portugal. The State is not all powerful. International processes always play a role — here it was the rise of the anti-colonial revolution against the Portuguese regime. Self-organisation always develops in these situations; deepening and politicising them is key to a left victory. The capitalists will contest hegemony with the insurgent masses not only through violence but also by making concessions. They will build and use political parties like the Social Democrats to win support for the continuity of their system in different ways. 

The left can also fail in its strategy to unite the insurgency and provide an alternative political outcome. Correct slogans and programmes on their own are insufficient. The complex task of building a mass base and forming alliances requires a level of political leadership that has to be constructed patiently in the period before a pre-revolutionary crisis breaks out.

The following is a slightly edited, translated version of Brais Fernandez’s prologue to the Louca/Rosas book on the Portuguese Revolution (The last (penultimate?) revolution in Europe: From the Carnation Revolution to the Neo-liberal Counter Revolution), published in Spanish by Critica & Alternativa (2024).


The concept of “revolution” is undoubtedly one of the most controversial.

Often, it is trivialised by an ideology that associates it with superficial changes. The media proclaims ‘revolutions’ in many aspects of our lives. A new commodity is advertised as revolutionary, for example. Beyond these conceptions, the term revolution is also associated with structural, long-lasting changes that irreversibly modify history. This is the most common meaning in sociology.

However, from a political point of view, it is more useful to associate revolution with a juncture in which social contradictions are concentrated and hitherto absent actors burst into history.

We can think of revolution as an opera or play staged in a theatre.

At any given moment, the actors perform the piece calmly and in a routine manner, while the audience passively enjoys it. In that scene, only the audience and the actors exist. But suddenly, and unexpectedly, the theatre workers (backstage, front of house) get up on stage and begin to demand attention. They call for their share of the credit for the play: “Without us, this play can’t happen!” Nobody pays them any attention; the actors and actresses look at them with disdain, and part of the audience boos. The workers open the theatre doors. Many more people come in than ever before to see a play. At a certain point, the audience and the actors have to (temporarily) leave the stage, and the workers begin to perform their own version of the play.

However, in a revolution, as in the premiere of a play, no one knows the ending.

Thus, revolution is the entry into politics of those who make history on a daily basis with their effort and their work but who do not enjoy the wealth (economic, cultural, and social) that they themselves generate. This is the idea of revolution as a fork in the road, a crucial choice, as “concentrated politics,” in which history can go one way or the other.

Many historians of the ruling classes see history from a positivist prism, that is, as an inevitable, linear development towards progress. However, when 1989 marked the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution, bourgeois historiography was forced to respond to the phenomenon: what had happened, why was Louis XVI overthrown, how do we explain the guillotines, the Sans-Culottes, the subsequent wars, the masses taking centre stage, the Jacobin leadership?

The dominant ideology, which, as soon as it has become dominant, ceases to be revolutionary, is thus forced to deny its own origins. In order to remain in power, it forgets its revolutionary origins, the barricades, and mass uprisings. Revolutions are uncomfortable times for the ruling classes. Even when they use or ride them to conserve or reformulate their own power, they are felt as anomalies, full of barbarism that interrupts the ‘normal’ course of history. A history characterised by a ‘natural’ economic inequality but compensated by a corresponding tendency towards a political-representative equality embodied by liberal democracy.

The Carnation Revolution that broke out on April 25, 1974, is not free from paradoxical judgments. It was experienced by the Portuguese bourgeoisie with fear, but at the same time it needed to intervene in it to derail it. All the parties or fractions made reference to “socialism.” Social democracy and the parties linked to the elites saw in the revolution a way to get rid of the old dictatorship. It was anachronistic and dysfunctional for the new forms of domination that capital needed. On the other hand, a very important sector of the population, among whom a significant percentage of the working class and the army adopted forms of democracy and popular power, put at risk not only the political apparatus of the Salazarist dictatorship (“the regime”) but also the relations of exploitation and oppression on which the power of the oligarchy was based.

The Portuguese Revolution had no pre-ordained endgame; both the seizure of power by the working class and the neoliberal counterrevolution with democratic forms were both potential options. The revolution opened a confrontation that was not only present in “the political,” understood as the sphere of representation, but also in the form of struggle between parties and personalities. It was also a conflict in the whole of society, in the form of struggle in the spaces of civil society that govern daily life. It took place in the living communities crossed by class contradictions in which social relations are generated: in the factories, the neighbourhoods, and in sectors of the State apparatus such as the military.

This force of the revolution—the irruption of the people onto the political scene—has had consequences for the configuration of Portuguese politics after April 25. Not only in the Constitution of the regime, which in its origin, in its formal aspect, partially reflected the condensation of forces produced by the mobilisation from below, although without touching the fundamental nodes of capitalist power.

Also, for example, it has affected the makeup of the political parties, with a strong pro-Soviet Portuguese Communist Party. It draws its strength and its capacity to resist the decline of “Marxist-Leninist” parties as a result of the fall of the Berlin Wall through its generationally transmitted identification with the Carnations Revolution. The same applies to the Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc), one of the most important radical formations in Europe, which comes from Maoist and Trotskyist groups that began their journey in the heat of the revolutionary wave. Finally, Portuguese politics is defined by this revolution. Nobody denies it, because it is the founding event of modern Portugal, but each one gives it a different meaning: some, the radical or revolutionary left, see it as an unfinished work, which we have to take up again and conclude. Others, those at the top, see it as an uncomfortable moment in which they finally won and which they can now assimilate.

This book is about the tension between revolution and counterrevolution. Before commenting on it, let us recall a few facts.

1.1. Europe’s (Penultimate?) Last Revolution

On April 25, 1974, a military uprising put an end to the right-wing dictatorship that had ruled Portugal for 48 years under the name of “Estado novo.” The government of Marcello Caetano (who would go into exile in Brazil, where he would die in 1980 without being tried), successor to the veteran Salazar, was ousted from power to the rhythm of the now famous “Grandola Vila Morena.” [a pop song used on the radio as a signal for the military uprising]. Thus began the period known as the “Carnation Revolution.”.

It may be useful to place the Portuguese Revolution in the international political context in which it took place. All over the world, there was “a great disorder under heaven.” The crisis of 1973 hit the process of capitalist accumulation. Colonial revolutions culminated in processes of independence. In Europe, the long wave of anti-systemic agitation that began in 1968 called into question the prevailing model of development, seeking new ways of understanding and building socialism. While the most conscious supporters of capitalism presented themselves with more homogeneous features (the famous triad of religion, family, and property), socialism was divided among families, very poorly aligned with each other, with a common “ideological” objective but with many strategic differences: Maoists, pro-Soviets, Guevarists, Trotskyists, left-wing socialists, anarchists…

All these issues had a decisive influence in Portugal, although the centre-periphery inequalities were not only expressed in economic development but also politically. In the countries of northern Europe, a democratic model based on the integration of broad sectors of the subaltern classes but incapable of satisfying many of the needs of workers, women, and youth was questioned. Whereas in the countries of the south (Greece, Spain, and Portugal), the thread of resistance was strongly conditioned by the struggle against dictatorships that represented the interests of a minority military, religious, and business caste but dominated the entire structure of the State.

This meant that, from the outset, the struggle for the overthrow of the regime gave rise to frontal confrontations with and within the state apparatus, with elements of dual. The State appeared “naked” in the eyes of the population, not as the representative of the nation as a whole but of a rich, parasitic, corrupt, and incapable minority. Portugal experienced during the 1960s and 1970s a relatively powerful process of economic development, similar to that of Spain, although less explosive. For a sector of the bourgeoisie, it was necessary to accelerate the economic and political connection with Europe, a process that would link Portugal to the European market and at the same time update the forms of political power. This sector sought ways of integrating the working classes that would not alter the property structure but would allow certain freedoms and spaces to organise dissent. However, another sector clung to the mechanisms of domination of the corporate state, with a posture very marked by its dependence on colonial markets and its fear of being absorbed by foreign capital.

From below, an incipient mobilisation of the labour and student sectors appeared in the life of the country in parallel with economic development. Since the end of the 1960s, a new workers’ movement has been formed through mobilisation, with the founding of Intersindical, the embryo of what would become the future CGTP, Portugal’s main trade union. In 1973, more than one hundred thousand workers took part in strikes. The occupation of universities and the struggles of high school students followed one after the other. The Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), during the years of resistance to the dictatorship, was the hegemonic organisation at the level of popular implantation, although progressively a radical left emerged that introduced new themes and perspectives. While not reaching the levels of the PCP, this new left was capable of dialoguing with and implanting itself in workers’ and students’ milieus.

However, we cannot forget that all social life in Portugal was marked by a harsh armed conflict aimed at maintaining the African colonies (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe), directly involving 10% of the active population. A conflict suffered by the popular classes and by the colonised countries, but which also eroded the dominant role of the ruling caste. The latter was bent on resolving the colonial conflict from a military point of view, an option that was beyond the reach of a country of Portugal’s size and resources and, undoubtedly, out of time in a context in which decolonization was an irreversible process at the global level.

This precarious balance between antagonistic social forces established in the years prior to the revolution would generate a sense of “end of cycle” in Portuguese society. Since the early seventies, the ruling class could no longer govern as it had done until then, and, at the same time, the dominated classes did not accept continuing to be governed in the same way. The accumulation of internal contradictions opened the way to a regime crisis, which only needed a trigger to explode and open the way for the popular masses to actively intervene in national politics.

On April 25, 1974, a significant sector of the Portuguese army carried out the removal of the dictatorial government of Marcello Caetano. These officers, organised in the MFA (Movement of the Armed Forces), thus opened a crisis in the state apparatus, but their action unleashed all the energy and the yearning for freedom present in the Portuguese people. The situation became complex. The so-called “ongoing revolutionary process” began, in which classes, political tendencies, and different conceptions of society struggled to convert their particular project into a national project for society as a whole. This confusion and these conflicting interests also cut across the MFA, divided between moderate sectors linked to Spinola (the first head of government after the fall of the regime) and others more linked to the popular movements and the left that sought to organise a transition to socialism, such as the mythical Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho.

Despite the importance of the MFA, its role was conditioned not only by its nexus with the revolutionary masses but also by the pressures it suffered from the bourgeoisie: only 400 of the 4000 officers that the Portuguese army had at that time belonged organically to the MFA. The military was the vanguard that initiated the Portuguese revolution, but they were undoubtedly responding to a much deeper movement of change in society. Undoubtedly the most fascinating thing that April 25th opens up is the process of popular self-organisation that followed. The movement of “moradores” (neighbours who occupy dwellings and manage life in the neighbourhoods) appears. The workers’ commissions (CT) arose, which were organised autonomously, involving different productive sectors, and which were configured as a unitary space for the workers beyond the different political tendencies. They carried out experiments in self-management against private property. The banks were nationalised by the workers themselves, and the government has no choice but to sanction such action. Soldiers were not immune to this process of collective empowerment and formed their own bodies, Soldados Unidos Vencerán (Soldiers United will Win), which led to multiple popular demonstrations in uniform.

This report in Lessons of April by Daniel Bensaïd, F. Rossi (pseudonym of Michael Löwy), and Charles André Udry highlights the dynamics that marked the daily life of popular power when the mass meeting was the basic form of social relations. It is worth quoting despite its length:

“In a popular neighbourhood of Lisbon, a mansion was occupied by the population. Immediately, the furniture and objects were grouped together to be returned respectfully to the owner; they only needed the walls and the garden. In the cellar, they even found and burned some Nazi magazines from the 1930s […] On Saturday, the population of the neighbourhood was summoned to a general assembly in order to organise the occupation and elect the occupation commission. There were many women, serious, with children asleep in their arms. There was a veteran of the Communist Party, imprisoned during the dictatorship, and also a PCP militant with a very comical look who wanted to bring order to the debates. The chairing group on the platform was submerged by the assembly that gathered, questioned, and discussed in groups […]

First interruption: the arrival of the military police from the nearest barracks was announced. The soldiers in their leopard uniforms were on their way to clear the garden, where the children would play. Second interruption: The arrival of the owner was announced! What a nerve! People crowded at the door and jostled to get him out. An argument ensued between two groups of women, the first pacifist and the other who wanted to lynch him. The owner was thrown out. Third interruption: a while ago, a fat man arrived, dressed in a yellow polo shirt, covered with PCP badges. And he started attacking everyone. Then they asked him, Are you from the neighbourhood? No. In that case, go away or shut up.

In the meantime, there were two disputes. First of all, there is the question of whether the occupation should be aimed at creating a daycare centre or whether it should play the role of a political hub by publishing a newsletter and making contact with businesses in the neighbourhood. Those who defended the first position were in the minority. Next, on the status of the elected committee, the representative of the tenants’ commission wanted the occupation to be placed under municipal authority. Another member of the PCP, supported by militants from the Internationalist Communist League, defended self-organisation.

A motion was voted that ratified the expropriation of the building. Then the election of the commission took place. And it began by taking a census of the professions of the persons present in order to assign them tasks in fitting out the nursery. “

I wanted to quote this long paragraph in order, through a concrete example, to describe the underlying logic characteristic of every revolutionary process: the recovery of social relations by those at the bottom. The proposal of an alternative model of society to the capitalist one, liberating the collective and cooperation as opposed to competition, Of course, this process is neither irreversible nor free of contradictions, debates, and disputes. Ideological differences, tactics, and different factions of the same class are all present but are unified in common experiences and spaces. The Carnation Revolution leaves us many examples of how popular power is constructed, which can be the basis of a socialist democracy. In this type of experience, we also find an outline of administration, management, and control arising from the base, which tries to embrace the whole of the social life of the country.

It is an outline of an alternative state project, built by the workers, incompatible with capitalist institutions—what in Leninist language has been called “dual power.” The struggle between two legitimacies and two ways of managing collective life was, let us say it clearly, a struggle between two incompatible models. The revolution could only triumph if it staked everything on these embryos of a new state, on a new constitution, in its deepest sense, for the country. The counterrevolution could only triumph if it could win hegemony for its representative institutional model. It had to eliminate the active exercise of power by the citizenry and restore order in the workplace and economy, through which the power of capital is materially based. Here is another fundamental question: the hegemony of the capitalist class must have a strong consensual foundation. It has to be accepted to a large extent by all parties since its particular form of hegemonic articulation needs to present the interests of a social minority as well as the interests of the population as a whole.

Proletarian hegemony, on the contrary, needs to “decode” that fiction, building a broad political and historical bloc in alliance with other layers that breaks the fiction of the “general interest,” generates a new consensus that excludes the elites, and composes through conflict what Gramsci would call a new moral direction for the country. The great battle of the Portuguese Revolution was to define who was “the motor” of the nation, its moral leadership, and the “indispensable” class. While the ruling class accused the popular movement of sowing economic chaos (the Times went so far as to say that capitalism was dead forever in Portugal), there was an immediate and accurate response from the streets that “the greatest wealth of a people is its population.”

These conflicts generated great concern throughout society. While for the ruling class, these were times of great disturbance, for the oppressed, they were times of happiness. Gabriel García Márquez wrote in those days that in Lisbon, “all the people talk and nobody sleeps. There are meetings until late at night, the desks have the lights on until the wee hours of the morning. If anything, this revolution is going to increase the electricity bill.” The revolution certainly achieved much more than that: social rights, freedoms, and the and the strengthening of a public sector that guaranteed a minimum wage in kind for workers, but perhaps much less than it might have.

The Socialist Party (SP), led by Soares, headed the reconstruction of capitalist stability, and the Communist Party, without legitimising the subsequent regime, never clearly supported the forms of new power promoted by the people. In 1975, in its newspaper “Avante,” it described “idealistic illusions” as all that “leads some sectors to see in the forms of popular organisation the future organs of State power.” The extreme left and the most radicalised sectors of the popular movement made a final show of force through the candidature of Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho in the 1976 presidential elections, who won 16% of the votes but was unable to institutionalise the embryos of popular power emerging from below. This struggle for the leadership of the popular movement was a constant throughout the revolutionary process.

The SP, a party that barely existed before the fall of the dictatorship, was capable of gathering the democratic yearnings of broad sectors of the popular classes who saw it as a “European” alternative to the model proposed by the PCP, incapable of leaving behind its pro-Soviet schemas. The extreme left was hegemonized by Maoism (UDP, MRPP), grouping thousands of young students and workers with delirious levels of pro-Chinese fanaticism and sectarianism towards the communist world, which they saw as the “main enemy.”  All this was combined with opportunist alliances with the SP. The MRPP, the main Maoist party, in which Durão Barroso was a militant, did not hesitate to support a conservative military man like Eanes and the SP in the 1976 presidential elections.

In spite of the fact that at certain moments the revolutionary left had influence in a decisive sector of the vanguard, relying on the radicalism of certain sectors of the working class and on very advanced experiences of struggle, it was not capable of articulating a strategy for taking power. Meanwhile, the SP built its hegemony on two social realities: a) the desire for social improvements within a democratic system shared by broad sectors of the population; and b) the understanding by a sector of the elites that the counterrevolution would not be carried out “Chilean style.” Given the relationship of forces existing during the “Ongoing Revolutionary Process” (to use the expression of those years), a process of integration of the demands from below was necessary, making concessions that did not fundamentally touch the structure of capitalist reproduction.

And then… the Neo-Liberal Counter-Revolution

This book also deals with what happened after the “ongoing revolutionary process” was unable to consolidate the anti-capitalist dynamic. The neoliberalism implanted in the West through the conservative counterrevolution led by Reagan and Thatcher has had devastating consequences in Portugal. It is not by chance that all the parties in Portugal claim ownership of the Carnation Revolution; for the parties of the elites, it is an uncomfortable moment that must be reclaimed. For the PS, it is a disorderly moment, a price to pay to get rid of the anachronistic dictatorship of Salazarism and to be able to build a model of capitalist dominance integrated into Europe with its liberal democracy and its structure of exploitation intact. For a certain left, the PCP is a memory that helps it survive but which it is incapable of returning to in a self-critical manner. For the radical left, it is an incomplete event, a point from which to resume the struggle.

Thus, much of the dispute over the meaning of Portugal revolves around what the Revolution symbolizes. The writings of Fernando Rosas and Francisco Louçã, both leaders of the Bloco de Esquerda and Marxist intellectuals, analyse the meaning of the Portuguese Revolution, the powers it unleashed, and the moments of rupture it generated. They also outline the political and economic mechanisms on which the neoliberal counterrevolution was founded, such as austerity policies or attacks on wages, as well as the process of underdevelopment in Portugal. A book that composes a complex picture of the dialectic between the attempts of the working classes to change the world at the base and the attempts of the elites to prevent it.

Brais Fernandez