Is it time for Japan to join AUKUS?

Rishi Sunak regards the AUKUS technology accelerator agreement with the United States (US) and Australia as ‘the most significant multilateral defence partnership in generations.’ 

The Prime Minister fully ascribes to Joe Biden’s policy of confronting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) more assertive behaviour and continued military modernisation and expansion by strengthening partnerships with strategic allies and partners, such as Japan. Indeed, the United Kingdom’s (UK) Integrated Review asserts that the Indo-Pacific region is ‘critical to our economy, our security and our global ambition to support open societies’ and in future will be ‘the crucible for many of the most pressing global challenges.’

Biden has said the AUKUS agreement will ‘enhance the stability of the Indo-Pacific amid rapidly shifting global dynamics’ and improve ‘the prospect of peace for decades to come.’ In Australia, the government of Anthony Albanese is committed to deepening and expanding its alliance with the US, as well as working more closely with the UK and its industry. The Australian National Defence Strategy also pledges to adopt a ‘focused approach to international engagement’, elevating existing commitments such as AUKUS in national importance. 

Japan under scrutiny

So where does that leave the relationship between AUKUS and Japan?

At present, full membership of the group by Japan remains distant, if not inconceivable. A number of politicians in Tokyo are reluctant to support a defence project which has a nuclear element. There is particular disquiet about the implications for nuclear non-proliferation agreements. Furthermore, representatives of a small political party called Komeito – which governs in partnership with the larger Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) – warn that membership of AUKUS could undermine Japan’s efforts to foster cordial relations with the PRC.

Although the Australian government regards Japan as a ‘natural candidate’ for collaboration, Pat Conroy, the Minister for Defence Industry, has set limits on the partnership. He told ABC Radio that any joint projects would be ‘about technological collaboration’ and are therefore ‘not about Japan joining AUKUS.’ 

Andrew Hastie, the Australian Shadow Minister for Defence,  presents himself as a staunch supporter of AUKUS. However, he believes its focus should remain with the three countries already involved. 

Naval exercises

None of this prevents the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force  from partnering with AUKUS countries. This year, warships and submarines from Japan have been deployed to take part in joint exercises with navies from the Indo-Pacific which aim to strengthen cooperation and enhance mutual understanding. A Japanese flotilla will visit the US, Australia and the Philippines. It will also take part in Operation Kakadu, a set of international drills, hosted by the Royal Australian Navy.

Japan is currently upgrading its fleet of diesel-electric powered attack submarines. These include the Jingei – or ‘speedy whale’ in Japanese – launched in March, which is based at Yokosuka naval facility in Kanagawa Prefecture.

For Japan to commit further to AUKUS, the dilemma over the nuclear issue will need to be resolved. Under the existing treaty, the UK and Australia will collaborate in the design and construction of a new type of nuclear-powered submarine which will go into operation in the early 2040s. Japan joining the agreement in full would see it associated with and implicitly supporting the objectives of this part of the agreement.

Biden has stressed the submarines would be ‘nuclear-powered, not nuclear-armed’. Nuclear subs are seen as superior to those propelled by other methods because they do not require refuelling, and can therefore remain at sea for longer, as well as being harder to detect. 

Nevertheless, the PRC has accused AUKUS partners of setting back nuclear non-proliferation efforts. This is a sensitive issue in Japan, particularly as Fumio Kishida, the Japanese Prime Minister, has spoken passionately at the United Nations about the risks posed by a nuclear arms race. The argument goes that if Japan enters into a nuclear arrangement with Washington, London and Canberra, it will undermine its moral authority to express disapproval of, for example, a nuclear deal between Russia and North Korea.

Furthermore, critics maintain that Japan’s full involvement with AUKUS could be regarded as a provocative act towards the PRC.

Japan’s mixed messages to China

The Diplomatic Bluebook, an annual report published by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, provides insights into official strategy. The April 2024 edition notes serious concerns over the PRC’s attempts to ‘unilaterally alter the status quo’ through ‘a series of dangerous acts’ in the South China Sea. It also emphasises the importance of deeping Japan’s collaboration with the US and other partners.

However, the Bluebook also urges Japan to promote a ‘mutually beneficial relationship with China based on common strategic interests.’

This could be seen as sending a set of mixed messages. If so, there are two potential explanations. Firstly, the Japanese government has no wish to undermine the diplomatic objectives of the US towards the PRC. The promise of engagement and dialogue was spelled out by Antony Blinken, the American Secretary of State, during his visits to Shanghai and Beijing in April 2024.

Furthermore, diplomats working within Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs understand that there are a range of views on the PRC in their country. For example, the Komeito party, which has its roots in a Buddhist sect, and regards itself as peace-oriented, is seeking to defuse tension with Beijing.

Natsuo Yamaguchi, Komeito’s leader, travelled to the Chinese capital in November 2023 for talks with senior members of the Chinese Communist Party, including Cai Qi, the Chinese Secretary of the Secretariat, who said both countries should ‘accurately grasp each other’s development and strategic intentions.’ 

In normal circumstances, a confident Prime Minister of Japan would not need to heed the concerns of a small coalition partner when it comes to foreign policy. However, Kishida is not in a strong position. He has been tainted by Japan’s biggest political funding scandal in more than three decades. The majority of media reports suggest his days as leader are numbered.

The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office has charged ten people from Kishida’s party, the LDP, with falsely reporting a total of about $US 7 million worth of funds. In response, Kishida has sacked four members of his cabinet. Nevertheless, the case rumbles on and the prime minister constantly faces questions about the issue from opposition politicians and the media. Given his precarious political situation, he may wish to keep on good terms with Komeito, even if its members are not always on his wavelength when it comes to policies on defence and other issues.

The British position

Back in London, the government has been reviewing its Indo-Pacific strategy since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It welcomes the strong support for the Ukrainian cause from Kishida and sees much value in deepening the partnership with Japan. 

In early 2023, Tobias Ellwood, then chair of the House Commons Defence Select Committee, suggested that India and Japan should be brought into AUKUS, given their significance to the Indo-Pacific region. The proposal was raised with the then young Australian government of Albanese. Penny Wong, the Australian Foreign Minister, seemed amenable to the idea.

Since then, there has been no more talk of bringing India into AUKUS. India has not condemned Russia’s actions in Ukraine, nor has it joined efforts to punish Vladimir Putin with an energy embargo. Meanwhile, the Russian Navy has conducted patrols near Japan’s home islands in a joint exercise with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy.

For defence planners, the message seems clear. Japan’s government is acutely aware of the security challenges in its region and believes strongly in the value of deterrence. It may not quite be ready to sign up to every aspect of the AUKUS pact at this stage. Its leaders are anxious not to weaken nuclear non-proliferation efforts. Nevertheless, there is still plenty of scope for Japanese admirals to back the objectives of AUKUS members at sea – including underwater.

Duncan Bartlett is the Diplomatic Correspondent for Japan Forward.

Monitoring and surveillance activities by Canada against illicit maritime activities including ship-to-ship transfers

May 8, 2024
Japanese

Royal Canadian Air Force CP-140 long-range patrol aircraft

(Source: Ministry of National Defence of Canada)

From early May to early June, Canada will engage in monitoring and surveillance activities by aircraft against illicit maritime activities, including ship-to-ship transfers with North Korean-flagged vessels prohibited by United Nations Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs), using Kadena Air Base under the Agreement Regarding the Status of the United Nations Forces in Japan. It will be the eleventh time for such activities to take place since 2018.

Japan welcomes these activities from the viewpoint of ensuring effective implementation of the relevant UNSCRs in solidarity with the international community toward the realization of North Korea’s dismantlement of all weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles of all ranges in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible manner.

Japan is also conducting information gathering activities for vessels suspected to be in violation of the UNSCRs and works closely with related countries including Canada and related international organizations.

Related LinksSuspicion of illegal ship-to-ship transfers of goods by North Korea-related vessels

Japan-Russia tensions flare over Ukraine war amid decades-long land disputes

May 08, 2024 
By Chermaine Lee

In this undated photo, a turret from an old tank set in the ground as a part of war fortifications in front of a lighthouse near Yuzhno-Kurilsk on Kunashiri Island, one of the Kuril Chain, known as the Northern Territories in Japan.

SAPPORO, JAPAN —

Friction between Japan and Russia will likely escalate amidst the burgeoning Ukraine war, with the decades-long land conflicts showing no sign of thawing.

The Kremlin recently banned non-Russian vessels from waters near the Kuril Islands – known in Japan as the Northern Territories – currently occupied by Russia but claimed by Japan.

Tokyo saw the move as part of a series of Moscow threats after the recent security alliance between the United States and Japan.

There will be further retaliation from Moscow against Japan, according to James DJ Brown, professor of political science at Japan’s Temple University.

“The Putin regime feels an obligation to retaliate against what it regards as unfriendly actions by Japan,” Brown told VOA News. “Every time Tokyo does something more to assist Ukraine or to strengthen military ties with the United States, Moscow takes some measures to punish Japan.”

He said that as Japan is likely to introduce further sanctions to support Kyiv, Moscow’s retaliation is “all but guaranteed.”

The retaliatory measures aren’t just targeting Tokyo. A Russian man residing in the Kuril Islands was warned in March by a Russian court over his remarks to Japanese media that the territory had belonged to Japan in the past.

Earlier this year, Russian President Vladimir Putin said he would visit the Kuril Islands, putting a damper on hopes for negotiations over sovereignty that both countries have attempted for decades.

Kuril Islands

Land disputes run deep

Russia and Japan’s competing claims over the four islands off the northeast coast of Hokkaido – Japan's second-largest island – date back to at least the 19th century. Near the end of WWII, the then Soviet Union started fully occupying the Kuril Islands.

Japan claimed that the Soviet Union incorporated them “without any legal grounds” and refused to sign a peace treaty. Tokyo said about 17,000 Japanese residents were deported from the islands. The Russian public, Brown said, view the Kuril Islands as reward for the sacrifices of the Soviet people during the war.

The two countries have held talks off and on for decades to reach an agreement but to no avail.

The conflict eased in 2016, when the two countries agreed on joint economic activities including tourism projects on the islands, as well as visa-free visits for Japanese citizens.

Two years later, former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe proposed a split of the four islands, returning two islands to Japan, but Putin rejected it. Akihiro Iwashita, professor of the Slavic-Eurasian Research Center at Japan’s Hokkaido University, called this Putin’s “failed diplomacy” toward Japan that eventually led to Tokyo taking a more hardline approach against Moscow.

“If Putin had shown goodwill to Japan, negotiating with Shinzo Abe for the peace treaty, Japan would not have taken a critical position over the Ukraine war,” Iwashita told VOA News. “Remember Japan’s hesitation to sanction Russia after its 2014 aggression against Ukraine? Japan now does not need to restrain its policy towards Russia.”

Tensions over the Ukraine war

Soon after Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Moscow put all peace treaty talks with Japan on hold and suspended the previously agreed economic activities and visa-free visits to the islands for Japanese citizens. This followed Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s siding with Ukraine in the war, with Kishida calling the suspension “extremely unjust.”

Japan has been providing assistance to Ukraine against Russia’s invasion, including supplying Patriot air defense systems last year. Kishida was the first Japanese leader to visit an active war zone, to show solidarity with Ukraine and the U.S.

Moscow warned of “grave consequences” for its ties with Tokyo. That did not stop Japan from pledging $4.5 billion in aid to war-torn Ukraine last December, including $1 billion for humanitarian purposes.

Japan’s aid to Ukraine has affected residents of Hokkaido. A survey conducted by Hokkaido authorities and the Hokkaido Shimbun last year showed that over half of the respondents near the Russia-Japan border in the north felt a negative effect of the Ukraine war on local life, including reduction in fishing activities and trade, and human contacts.

In October last year, Russia banned all seafood imports from Japan, citing Tokyo’s release of wastewater from the Fukushima nuclear plant.

“Moscow used the pretense of the threat of radiation from treatment water from the Fukushima plant. In reality, it was an attempt by Moscow to punish Japan for its support for Ukraine,” Brown said.

In the survey, many also said they cannot foresee a solution for the northern territories, but a majority said they support Tokyo’s policy against Russia.

Both experts said Russia does not currently pose a military threat to Japan. Brown said, “the Russian military is present on the disputed islands, but their role is to defend the Sea of Okhotsk, which is important as a bastion for Russian nuclear submarines. It does not have the capabilities on the islands to launch an amphibious assault on Hokkaido.”

Peace treaty negotiations are expected to continue to be frozen for the foreseeable future, despite Kishida’s calls for their resumption in February this year.

“Kishida is displaying diplomatic goodwill towards Russia, but with no expectations of it being reciprocated…There is little room to fill the interest gap between the two,” said Iwashita.

He added that Russia’s pressure on Japan “will not lead to any results.”

PAKISTAN

Govt mulling taking big step to reduce pension burden

• Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb says issue of pension a huge burden

Zaheer Abbasi Published May 8, 2024  

ISLAMABAD: Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb has said that pension has become a big liability and burden, and service structure would be required to be changed over a period of time so as to gradually reduce the pension expenditure.

While addressing a press conference along with Minister for Information Atta Tarar and Minister for Law Azam Nazeer Tarar, the finance minister said that the visiting Saudi delegation has expressed great confidence and the business-to-business meetings have been very positive as positive economic indicators have improved confidence of the investors.

The minister said that the trade deficit is under control and agriculture GDP is growing at five percent on the back of bumper crops.

Offering document: Employers, pension fund managers to disclose retirement age of employees

The finance minister added that the foreign exchange reserves have exceeded US$9 billion, and this is enough to cover two months of imports.

Similarly, he said that the currency is now stable and inflation has also reduced to 17 percent from 38 percent. All these things are leading to stability and the investors’ confidence is improving, he said.

The finance minister said that the first month for registration of the retail sector was voluntary and this would be taken ahead in the months of May and June 2024 through enforcement of existing laws and the second one is the point of sales machines and track and trace system. He said that the country has no option as the 9.5 percent tax-to-GDP tax is not sustainable and has to increase to 13 to 14 percent in the medium term.

He said that he has been holding meetings with investors for the last two months and some of the investors have come from the US and Europe, as well. He added that the country is moving in the right direction and added that the taxes have to be increased and reforms would be brought in the energy sector besides reducing losses of the state-owned entities (SOEs)

The minister said that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) team would arrive in the next 07-10 days and would remain for two weeks to discuss the contours of structural reforms under the new programme. He said that there is no Plan-B when the country is in the IMF programme as the IMF is the lender of last resort.

The minister said that the government has to increase taxes, reform the energy sector, reduce deficits of state-owned enterprises, and privatise them.

He said that in the first place, the priority is that Extended Fund Facility (EFF) gets in place as for climate resilient financing, the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change would be required to do some groundwork, adding that government would explore all the resources for funding.

The federal finance minister said that there is only one way to reduce the expenses by moving towards public-private partnership, adding pension is a very big liability and it is necessary to think how it has to be taken forward.

He said that he always praises the Sindh government because they have used a very good model which should be replicated at the federal level and at the other provinces, as well.

The finance minister said that the issue of pension is a huge burden and added that he sees it in two perspectives, as first step was taken by the private sector to increase the retirement age from 60 years to 65 years and the other option is to change the service structure over a period of time so as to reduce the expenditure of pension and gradually brought under control.

While speaking on the occasion, Minister for Law Azam Nazeer Tarar said that the country that survives in today’s modern times will move forward. If our economy is good, then God willing, everything will be fine. Now we have to take practical steps.

The minister for law said that the premier has formed a committee headed by the finance minister on the pension issue and so far nothing to this effect has been finalised and only suggestions are being sought for the matter.

The minister clarified that pension reforms when finalised would be implemented across the board, adding that the need for an explanation was felt following speculations. The law minister said that for reforms in pension, changes in the acts of various departments whether it is armed forces, judiciary or civil services and some constitutional changes would be required to be made. Atta Tarar said that the matter is under consideration regarding reducing the burden of pension and increasing the service period.

In response to a question regarding the reduction in interest rates, the finance minister said that the policy rate and market-based exchange rate are the domains of the State Bank of Pakistan. However, he expressed the hope that the way inflation is declining the policy rate will also come down.

He said that the monetary policy committee has stated that the interest rate will come down to 5 to 7 percent by September 2025.

He said that the government is not only seeking IMF loans but also inflows from other multilaterals and financial institutions.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2024

 

Pakistan giant Engro looks to go global, its main investor says

• Expansion plans include looking at telecoms infrastructure in countries in Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia

Reuters Published May 7, 2024

KARACHI: Pakistan’s largest conglomerate, Engro Corp, is looking to expand into new markets, including the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa, the chemicals-to-energy company’s largest investor said on Tuesday.

Speaking to Reuters in an interview, Samad Dawood, Vice Chairman of Dawood Hercules Corporation which owns 40% of Engro Corp, said the company was also looking into global liquefied natural gas (LNG) opportunities as well as hydrogen energy.

The expansion plans include looking at telecoms infrastructure in countries in the Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia, while it is looking at Africa to expand its fertiliser businesses, he said.

Engro Corp has a market capitalisation of 193 billion rupees ($694 million) on the Pakistan Stock Exchange and assets of 802 billion rupees ($2.9 billion), according to public data.

Engro welcomes verdict in LNG contract case

The group has businesses across multiple sectors in Pakistan, including energy, fertiliser, telecommunications, and consumer goods.

It owns 56% of Pakistan’s first LNG terminal, Engro Elengy Terminal Pakistan, set up in the southern city of Karachi in 2015, along with Dutch energy logistics giant Royal Vopak which owns 44%.

The terminal fulfils 15% of Pakistan’s natural gas demand.

Sale of thermal assets: Engro Energy Limited enters into definitive agreements

Dawood said Engro will continue to invest in energy despite having sold its coal-based assets, and was exploring new avenues for sustainable energy production.

He said the company was talking to technology providers in the hydrogen energy sector to figure out how to use ammonia as an energy transition solution.

He said Pakistan was far from being energy secure and there were plenty of opportunities to invest further in the power sector, but the company would want to move away from fixed contract businesses.

PSO says LNG business ‘bleeding’ its resources

Energy starved Pakistan has moved toward reliance on LNG after its own domestic gas supplies dwindled fast as consumption in the industrial and residential sectors has increased.

However, expensive LNG has driven up gas prices and stoked inflation.

What will it take for Bangladesh and India to sign transboundary river agreements?

Bangladesh and India need to talk about sharing water on two major rivers, the Teesta and Ganges. But experts on both sides say much depends on political consensus and the right atmosphere for negotiations


Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has said her government will continue to cooperate with neighbouring countries, including on issues of cross-border communication, transit, energy partnerships and equitable water sharing. 

(Image: SK Hasan Ali / Alamy)

Z Rahman
May 8, 2024

Bangladesh’s ruling party, the Awami League, started its fourth consecutive term in government this year with a promise to cooperate with India, Nepal and Bhutan and ensure equitable water sharing. In an election manifesto released at the end of 2023, party president and current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said her government will continue to cooperate with neighbouring countries, including on issues of cross-border communication, transit, energy partnerships and equitable water sharing.

But experts fear that many issues around transboundary rivers will remain unresolved between both Bangladesh and India. Among those, the much-talked about agreement on water sharing for the Teesta river will be at the forefront. Another major challenge for both governments is going to be the renewal of the Ganges water-sharing treaty which expires in 2026.

The Awami League-led government has been in power since 2009, but has not made any significant progress on transboundary water cooperation with India.

Sheikh Rokon, a river activist and general secretary of the Dhaka-based think tank Riverine People said, “In the past decade, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi have met at least six times and issued joint statements. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has visited Delhi three times and Narendra Modi has visited Dhaka twice. During the Covid-19 pandemic, a virtual meeting was held between the two premiers. But the issue of the Ganges water-sharing agreement was never on the main agenda.”

The birth of the JRC and its 50-year ‘successes’

The formal mechanism for managing the joint rivers was established by the two countries in 1972 through the formation of the Joint River Commission (JRC). The JRC was formed as part of the Indo-Bangladesh Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Peace in March 1972 to work for common interests such as irrigation, floods and cyclone control as well as sharing of water resources.

According to the rules of procedure of the JRC, at least four meetings should be held in a year, which would have meant that 208 should have been held over 52 years, but in reality, only 38 meetings have taken place. The 38th JRC ministerial-level meeting in August 2022 was the most recent, and was held after a gap of 12 years.

Despite being more than half a century old, the success of the commission has been limited. In the decades of negotiations, the two countries have been able to ink one successful treaty, the one on sharing Ganges river water in December 1996, a milestone that eased tensions between the neighbours and paved the way for greater collaboration on transboundary issues. That treaty is set to expire in two years.

The negotiation on the sharing of the Teesta river water started in 1983 with a short-term agreement. In 2011, an interim agreement for 15 years was ready to be signed by both the countries on the Teesta. But the deal was shelved as the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee opposed it.

JRC member Mohammad Abul Hossen said that though the committee fulfilled its role as a technical committee and drafted working agreements for water secretaries of both countries to review, a lack of consensus between both sides on the Teesta meant that attempts at formalising a treaty failed in 1997, 1999 and 2003.

Eminent water expert Ainun Nishat, who was a JRC member during signing the Ganges water-sharing agreement, explained that the JRC’s initiatives and decisions cannot be implemented unless there is political consensus. Nishat cited the series of meetings and attempts that led to the failed Teesta agreement when Banerjee opposed signing in 2011, adding “Since then, the JRC Bangladesh chapter has been following up with Indian counterparts for the signing of the agreement. But nothing has happened so far.”
Building political consensus on water-sharing

The Bangladesh government appears serious about resolving outstanding river issues with India. Post-elections, Indian High Commissioner Prannoy Verma was the first foreign envoy to meet the new foreign minister Hasan Mahmud. After the meeting, the foreign minister said the meeting touched on the Ganga water-sharing agreement as well as the Teesta, but suggested that any progress on the latter had to await the outcome of India’s ongoing general elections.

Speaking to The Third Pole, Himanshu Thakkar from the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People explained that there are several factors that make this negotiation complex. “In any water agreement, there’s an upstream and downstream dynamic. The upstream country often sees no direct reason to enter into an agreement, as it doesn’t immediately face consequences unless compelled by other factors. For example, if two countries are closely tied economically through trade and other ventures, it’s easier to negotiate agreements,” he said.

He gave the example of Bhutan, which is upstream of India, and yet – because of their close relations – managing water has been easier.

“Considering the cultural proximity and historical context [between India and Bangladesh as well], an agreement should have been established by now,” Thakkar added, while noting that this had not speeded up negotiations. “Even the Ganga treaty took 25 years to materialise after the birth of Bangladesh in 1971.”

Ultimately, Thakkar said India’s position as an upstream country concerning most of the 54 rivers it shares with Bangladesh means it lacks domestic pressure to enter such agreements.

One way that cooperation could be increased, Thakkar felt, was through a wider river basin perspective. “For example,” he said, “When China’s infrastructure projects like dams on the Brahmaputra, affect the region… India protests such developments, Bangladesh – though also a downstream country [on the Brahmaputra in relation to China] often doesn’t voice concerns, perhaps due to geopolitical factors.”

In the case of Banerjee, he added, “If West Bengal were to engage in such a treaty, it would be at some cost, which can lead to political backlash. Therefore, Bangladesh must work to foster the right atmosphere for West Bengal to agree to the Teesta agreement.”

“Despite the strong ties between West Bengal and Bangladesh, navigating the political landscape remains challenging for both parties. Timing and circumstances are crucial for progress in such agreements.”

Nishat draws attention to the success of drafting agreements for the Ganga and the Indus (The Indus Waters Treaty). “We have two successful water-sharing agreements, but in both cases, the scenario is different. For the Indus treaty, the World Bank played a vital role and there was an arbitration process which led the two countries to sign the treaty. But in the case of the JRC, there is nothing in the middle like the World Bank. It is completely dependent on political consensus. Therefore, the JRC will not be able to meet its mandate unless our political consensus is there.”


Z Rahman is Dialogue Earth’s Bangladesh editor and joined in 2015. Based in Dhaka, he has written and edited articles on environment and climate issues for The Third Pole, our project reporting on the Himalayan watershed and the rivers that originate there, and a number of Bangladeshi media outlets. Rahman has an MA in literature from the University of Chittagong. He is also a media trainer and has facilitated several workshops for journalists working in Bangladesh, India and Nepal. He is a co-author of the book Rivers Beyond Borders – India-Bangladesh Transboundary River Atlas. He takes inspiration from the local music and instruments which often reflect in his works.