Wednesday, May 08, 2024

Pro-Palestinian campus protests spread to UK universities

AFP
May 8, 2024


Pro-Palestinian encampments have sprung up at UK universities following similar action in the United States - Copyright AFP BENJAMIN CREMEL
Akshata KAPOOR

The grass outside SOAS University of London has been dotted with a handful of tents since the start of this week, with Palestinian flags and slogans calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.

There are similar sites at universities across Britain, and so far the protests have been peaceful and left alone by the police, unlike in the United States, France and other countries.

Students, many of whom were masked, sat in a circle on a blue tarpaulin to take part in what they called a “teach-in” while others took stock of groceries and supplies piled up inside the shelters.

At SOAS, former student Yara, 23, estimated that more than 20 students were taking part — with about a dozen other encampments at universities elsewhere in the UK, following protests on US campuses in April.

The aim, she told AFP, was to “apply pressure on the SOAS administration to adhere to the demands of the students”.

That includes disclosing links to and divesting from all companies complicit in what she said was “Israel’s illegal settlement economy and arms trade”.

– Solidarity –


Warwick University in Coventry, central England, kicked off first with a “Gaza solidarity encampment” on April 26.

Tents then sprang up outside universities in Newcastle, Edinburgh, Manchester, Leeds, Cambridge and Oxford.

At Edinburgh, a group of students began a hunger strike to call for a ceasefire in Gaza. In Cambridge, orange tents were lined up neatly outside King’s College, which dates back to 1441.

Cambridge said in a statement that it respected the freedom of speech and right to protest, adding that it would “not tolerate anti-Semitism, Islamophobia and any other form of racial or religious hatred”.

Jewish students have voiced concerns for their safety and Prime Minister Rishi Sunak is mindful of similar problems in the UK as protests in other countries turn violent.

He has called university vice-chancellors for a meeting to discuss the safety of Jewish students in universities, and denounced an “unacceptable rise in anti-Semitism” on campus.

British charity the Community Security Trust, which tracks anti-Jewish hate crime, says there have been “unprecedented levels of anti-Semitism” since Hamas’s unprecedented October 7 attack on Israel and Israel’s military response.

The attack resulted in the deaths of more than 1,170 people, most of them civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.

Militants also took about 250 hostages. Israel estimates 128 of them remain in Gaza including 36 who officials say are dead.

Israel’s military campaign has killed at least 34,844 people in Gaza, mostly women and children, according to the Hamas-run territory’s health ministry.

The SOAS students were given support on Wednesday by Jeremy Corbyn, the veteran left-winger who led the main opposition Labour party from 2015 to 2020.

Corbyn said the university should “recognise that students have strong, legitimate, valid opinions”.

“They shouldn’t be closing down protests. They should be recognising the very strong humanitarian views of young people all across this country,” he said while attending a rally at the camp.

Corbyn, now suspended from the Labour party, was accused of allowing anti-Semitism to flourish during his tenure, and once called Hamas and their Iran-backed allies Hezbollah “friends” — comments he later said he regretted.

– ‘As long as it takes’ –

Yara, who has been at the camp since it sprung up three days ago, said the student protesters were planning to “stay for as long as it takes” for SOAS, which specialises in Africa, Asia and Middle East studies, to accept their demands.

“The first night was really rainy and wet and muddy,” she said.

“But honestly, no matter how much discomfort students may feel camping out, it’s actually just a fraction of the conditions in which the Palestinians in Gaza have been experiencing.”

Having previously only attended the protests, where dozens more students gathered, one 19-year-old SOAS student who studies global development and law said they planned to join the camp this weekend.

“I don’t think I can wait until my degree’s over because people are dying. So being in encampments is as useful as I can be,” said the student, who did not wish to be named.

“I just said I’d be here because they need people. And I am people.”

Trinity students end encampment after divestment pledge



Students taking part in an encampment protest over the Gaza conflict on the grounds of Trinity College in Dublin (Niall Carson/PA)

By Cillian Sherlock and Cate McCurry, PA
Today 

A student encampment protest at Trinity College Dublin is to end following an agreement between senior management and protesters.


Visitors have been unable to access the historic Book of Kells since action began on Friday evening when the activists set up tents inside the campus of the prestigious Dublin university.

The students taking part in the protest had vowed to maintain the blockade until the university cuts all ties with Israel.

University management met with student representatives on Wednesday to discuss the situation.

In a statement, Trinity said it will complete a divestment from investments in Israeli companies that have activities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and appear on the UN Blacklist in this regard.

This process is expected to be completed by June.

It said it would “endeavour” to divest in other Israeli companies, noting that its supplier list contains just one Israeli company which will remain until March 2025 for contractual reasons.

Senior Dean Professor Eoin O’Sullivan, who led the talks for Trinity, said: “We are glad that this agreement has been reached and are committed to further constructive engagement on the issues raised.

“We thank the students for their engagement.”

Trinity said plans are being put in place to return to normal university business for staff, students, and members of the public.



A Palestine sticker on a sign at the entrance to Trinity College in Dublin (Brian Lawless/PA)

Outgoing students’ union president Laszlo Molnarfi said the resolution of talks with the university was an “unprecedented” result.


Speaking to the PA news agency, Mr Molnarfi said: “Students, staff and the public united have pushed Trinity towards boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS).”

He said he hopes the protest at the university will inspire other students.

“It shows the power of grassroots student and staff fighting for a just cause of Palestinian liberation and to end complicity with Israeli genocide, apartheid and settler colonialism.

“Students over the world are standing up for what is right.”

In its statement on Wednesday, Trinity said: “We fully understand the driving force behind the encampment on our campus and we are in solidarity with the students in our horror at what is happening in Gaza.


“We abhor and condemn all violence and war, including the atrocities of October 7th, the taking of hostages and the continuing ferocious and disproportionate onslaught in Gaza. The humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the dehumanisation of its people is obscene.

“We support the International Court of Justice’s position that ‘Israel must take all measures within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement to commit genocide in relation to members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip.’

“A real and lasting solution that respects the human rights of everyone needs to be found.”

The scenes at Trinity follow a wave of similar student protests at university campuses across the US.

The encampment was initiated days after it emerged that the university authorities had fined the students’ union more than 200,000 euro over previous protests on campus.


It invoiced the union for 214,285 euro after a series of demonstrations about fees and rent, as well as pro-Palestinian solidarity protests.

The university cited a loss of revenue due to blockades of the Book of Kells and famous Long Room library among the reasons for the fine.

The protesting students called for a “retroactive amnesty” for students involved in protests on campus and the rescinding of the bill imposed on the student’s union.

Asked about the status of the fines, Mr Molnarfi said this was a matter for further engagement with the university.

Trinity is also establishing a taskforce on related matters with student and staff representatives, led be an external chair.



Tanaiste Micheal Martin (Brian Lawless/PA)

Elsewhere, the Irish deputy premier said he is “horrified” by events unfolding in Rafah, describing the levels of violence as “unconscionable”.

Israel has threatened to launch a full-scale assault on the southern Gaza city.

More than one million civilians are sheltering in Rafah after evacuating other parts of Gaza amid Israel’s war in the region.

The Israeli military seized control of Gaza’s vital Rafah border crossing on Tuesday.

On Wednesday, Israeli troops said they had reopened the Kerem Shalom crossing into Gaza, a key terminal for the entry of humanitarian aid that was closed nearly three days earlier after a Hamas rocket attack.



Protesters demonstrated outside Leinster House in Dublin calling on Israel not to invade Rafah (Niall Carson/PA)

Tanaiste Micheal Martin said he was “really horrified” with the events.

Speaking at the Arbour Hill commemoration event, Mr Martin said: “It’s quite shocking, the level of human suffering.

There is an urgent need for medicines, for food and for the basics of life to get in for the people of Gaza. It's only unconscionable that this level of violence continuesTanaiste Micheal Martin

“The civilian causalities, death and very serious injuries on a daily basis being (endured) by the people of Gaza.

“The taking of the Rafah crossing, for example, creates huge challenges for humanitarian aid getting into Gaza.

“I have seen myself the amount of aid has been stopped already.


“There is an urgent need for medicines, for food and for the basics of life to get in for the people of Gaza.

“It’s only unconscionable that this level of violence continues.




Protesters called for sanctions against Israel (Niall Carson/PA)

“We need an immediate ceasefire and the release of all hostages and then we need discussion on the political track on how Gaza is reconstructed because what the people have gone through there is quite horrific and it is shocking and unacceptable, it has to stop.”

On Wednesday, protesters from the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign gathered outside Leinster House in support of the hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in Rafah.

Demonstrators waved Palestine flags and called for Israel not to invade Rafah and to impose sanctions against Israel.

Students’ hunger strike is ‘last resort’ to get university to listen on Gaza

Students said they have turned to hunger strikes as a ‘last resort’ after other methods of protest failed (Andrew Milligan/PA)

By Nick Forbes, PA Scotland

An Edinburgh University student taking part in a hunger strike in protest against the war in Gaza said it is a “last resort” after other methods of protest failed.

The student, who referred to herself only as Nevis, is one of five people currently on hunger strike in the city, with more members of the university’s Justice for Palestine Society due to join the hunger strike in the coming days.

The protesters’ demands include the university ending its investments in companies and funds they see as linked to the Israeli military.

Edinburgh University principal and vice-chancellor, Professor Sir Peter Mathieson, urged the students on hunger strike not to risk their health.

Deciding to go on hunger strike is a last resort situation, to force upper management to face the situation they are putting their students in

Nevis

It is part of a wider protest against the war in Gaza that saw activists set up a campsite next to the Scottish Parliament on Friday April 26, and around 40 students occupy the lawn in the university’s Old College on Sunday May 5.

Nevis said the hunger strike was intended to force the university to pay attention to them after protesters had “taken every means of action we could” to get them to engage with their demands.

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“We’ve done protests every week, we’ve been occupying buildings, we’ve written a petition that gathered almost 2,000 signatures, we’ve tried negotiations, we’ve tried open letters, we’ve tried about everything,” she said.

“We did meet with upper management but we were just stalled and passed from one bureaucratic process to the other without getting any actual engagement with our demands.”

She added: “Deciding to go on hunger strike is a last resort situation, to force upper management to face the situation they are putting their students in, and force them to face their failure at upholding a democratic process in the university and at listening to the staff and students.

“They do have a duty of care towards us so they kind of have to engage with us now. We have actually already gotten some engagement.”

She said members of university management would have “blood on their hands” if they did not take action to support the Palestinian cause.

Students occupied part of the Old College lawn on Sunday (Niall Carson/PA)

“To me it’s completely insane that people are continuing with business as usual,” she said.

“People are just desensitised to the point of ignoring a genocide taking place, and I think every singly person in parliament, in upper management, any single person who has any strategic power who is not doing something for Palestine has blood on their hands and needs to be aware of that and needs to get their heads out of the sand.”

Another protester at the Old College site, who referred to himself as Zaater, said the university had “a very particular special role” in events in the Middle East as former university chancellor Arthur Balfour signed the Balfour Declaration, which was key to the formation of the state of Israel, “in the very walls of this building”.

He said one of the motivations for the protest was to “bring history full circle… confronting Balfour’s legacy directly, continuing with (current chancellor) Peter Mathieson”.

Prof Sir Mathieson said in a statement: “We have very recently been notified of the intention of an unknown number of students to commence a hunger strike as an indication of their strength of feeling and determination around issues related to Palestine and Israel.

“Whilst we recognise their bodily autonomy, we appeal to them and others not to take risks with their own health, safety and wellbeing.

“Please make yourself known to us at any point at which we may be able to direct you to support.

We are deeply concerned for the wellbeing of the students taking part in this latest action and we urge them to prioritise their health

University of Edinburgh spokesperson

“We are in daily contact with the protesters to ensure they are aware of the health and wellbeing support available to them.”

A University of Edinburgh spokesperson said: “The continuing violence and loss of life in Palestine is deeply distressing and we understand that members of our community are rightly concerned about the devastating toll of this ongoing conflict.

“We have been engaging with student and staff groups on this issue for several months and we are committed to listening to their concerns. We are deeply concerned for the wellbeing of the students taking part in this latest action and we urge them to prioritise their health.

“We steadfastly support the right to take part in lawful, peaceful and respectful protest and we are monitoring the situation to ensure the safety of the protesters, while also working to minimise disruption to staff, students and visitors to our campus.”

The students’ action comes as students from more than a dozen UK universities, including Oxford and Cambridge, take similar action over the Israel-Hamas conflict.

University vice-chancellors have been invited to a meeting at No 10 Downing Street on Thursday, where Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Education Secretary Gillian Keegan will discuss antisemitism on campuses and ensuring the safety of Jewish students.

The Prime Minister’s official spokesperson said on Tuesday: “The right to free speech does not include the right to harass people or incite violence.

“We expect university leaders to take robust action in dealing with that kind of behaviour and that will be the subject of the conversation in No 10 later this week to ensure a zero-tolerance approach to this sort of behaviour is adopted on all campuses.”



From civil war to active support for Gaza in Yemen

WEDNESDAY 8 MAY 2024, 
BY ÉDOUARD SOULIER


Since 7 October, Yemen’s Houthi rebels have stepped up attacks in the Red Sea against ships believed to be linked to Israel. Thus, on 19 November, they seized a merchant ship belonging to an Israeli businessman, the “Galaxy Leader”, with its 25 crew members.


The Houthis have repeatedly stated that they will only stop these attacks with the end of Israel’s war against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. Between 18 November and 13 January, more than 27 commercial vessels sailing in the southern Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden were attacked. Faced with this situation, Washington set up a multinational naval force in early December to protect merchant ships in the Red Sea, through which 12% of world trade passes. The main objective is to ensure one of the most essential maritime corridors for international trade. A few days later, the U.S. and the U.K. carried out another round of airstrikes against the Houthis. In addition, Washington has imposed sanctions targeting the Houthis’ financing channels, targeting several individuals and entities in Yemen and Turkey. Throughout January and early February, U.S. and British military forces launched new attacks.

Despite the strikes, the Houthis continued their attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden on Israel-linked ships in solidarity with Gaza and said they would not stop until the war ended. The impact on global trade is hugely significant, diverting traffic via southern Africa, increasing delays and costs, creating a significant shortfall for Egypt and the Suez Canal.

The United States and Britain are therefore once again bombing this country of thirty million inhabitants in the south of the Arabian Peninsula, after having militarily supported a coalition including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates against the Houthi rebellion. Over the past ten years, this “civil war” has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and reintroduced episodes of acute famine in some parts of the country. However, the situation and the front line had stabilised with a Houthi victory over half of the country since the beginning of 2023.

YEMEN, A COLONIAL HISTORY


The situation in Yemen is quite complicated to follow because it has its roots in the colonial division of that country, religious, ethnic and political heterogeneities, and the interference of neighbours such as Saudi Arabia. Colonial history has been instrumental in determining the political, economic and religious configuration of the region. Yemen is historically a grouping of two Yemens: North and South. In southern Yemen, a British colony since 1864, the port of Aden was considered a vital strategic asset for the British Empire. While the north of present-day Yemen, which was once part of the Ottoman Empire, was ruled by a local royal family after 1918. Reunification took place in 1990, but the country remains deeply divided.

Given the history with the United Kingdom, there is something nostalgic about resuming the bombing of Yemen. Indeed, the people of Yemen have been bombed by the British for almost a century. By the 1920s, military doctrine was evolving, and aviation was beginning to replace the use of troops throughout the British Empire in the Middle East. Thus, villages and tribes that refused to obey their colonial masters were bombed to gain their submission. This method, which was much less expensive than the use of troops, resulted in virtually no military casualties for the British.

Moreover, the British didn’t just bomb targets in southern Yemen, they regularly bombed the north, wherever their interests were at stake. In 1928, for example, the British air force attacked targets on both sides of the border of the two Yemens: it dropped nearly 70 tons of bombs, 1,200 incendiary devices and fired 33,000 machine gun shells, most of which targeted towns and villages, killing dozens of people. In March 1934, for a week, the Queteibis tribe was punished by attacks by the British air force, which this time dropped more than 28 tons of bombs on inhabited villages, with an average of 166 bombs per hour aimed at totally defenceless people. This method of colonial repression continued in the 1950s and 1960s to almost universal indifference.

Yet, in the 1950s, the British were confronted with a powerful trade union movement led by the Aden Trade Union Congress and the Socialist People’s Party. Despite general strikes, a forty-eight-day strike in the docks in Aden, a series of demonstrations and protests, the British were determined to hold out. The rebels turned to armed insurrection and guerrilla warfare in the mountains. During the 1960s, a nationalist guerrilla movement developed, which confronted the British with an insurgency in the Radfan Mountains (in the southeast). Once again, the Empire bombed to defeat the newly created National Liberation Front (FLN). In May and June 1964, bombing raids on rebel positions crushed the Radfan insurgency. But the FLN extended its influence: in 1964, a guerrilla war broke out in the port of Aden and the resistance movement spread to much of the rest of South Yemen.

At that time, North Yemen was controlled by a secular nationalist movement that had seized power and created the Yemen Arab Republic. This Arab republic supported the rebels in the south against the colonial entity. The British responded by unleashing a brutal crackdown on the streets of Aden, including the establishment of an interrogation centre charmingly known as the “nail factory”. Torture, beatings and summary executions had become so commonplace that a wave of international outrage erupted. Meanwhile, across the border in the Yemeni Arab Republic, the British, Saudis and Israelis were supporting an Islamist revolt against the secular nationalist government. British mercenaries – the former SAS special forces – help train Islamist groups and sometimes fought alongside them. The Israelis supplied weapons to these rebels and the Saudis paid for everything. This period marks the beginning of a long period of interference by these countries in Yemen’s political and military affairs. In the end, the level of resistance made it clear that the British position in South Yemen was no longer tenable, as the cost of remaining in Aden was simply too high. The British were therefore forced to evacuate the city at the end of November 1967. South Yemen later became the People’s Republic of Yemen, close to the USSR.

FROM REUNIFICATION TO THE 2011 REVOLUTION

The reunification of the two Yemens in 1991, however, did not really bring the country together. And finally, power passed entirely into the hands of North Yemen and its dictator Saleh. Originally from the north, he was known for playing on the many divisions within Yemeni society in order to stay in power. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the realignment vis-à-vis the imperialist powers have had a major impact on Yemeni politics.

The Houthis – named after their former leader Hussein al-Houthi, who was killed in 2004 –emerged in the early 2000s as a military and political organization representing Yemen’s Zaydi minority. Its development has been fostered by the rise of new religious currents within Sunni Islam, and in particular by the emergence of Salafism, a conservative current aggressively promoted by the Saudi authorities. It was initially in order to compete with the popularity of Salafist preachers that members of the Houthi family organized a religious youth movement in the 1990s, marked by the denigration of Zaydist customs and beliefs as “un-Islamic.” But the politics of the Houthi movement are complex: their religious ideas stem from the Zaydi branch of Shiite Islam, which has been present in Yemen since the end of the 9th century. In many ways, the religious practices and beliefs of Yemen’s Zaydists are very similar to those of Sunni Muslims, who make up a slight majority of Yemen’s population. The two religious groups have coexisted in Yemen for centuries, using the same mosques for prayer.

The youth movement organized summer camps combining religious lectures and sports activities, attracting thousands of teenagers and young men. The revival of Zaydist religious beliefs took place against a backdrop of growing social contradictions in a region of Yemen that was relatively isolated until the early 1980s. For example, until the construction of the first paved road in 1979, the city of Saada (a historic Houthi site in northern Yemen) was a ten-hour drive from the capital Sana’a.

Initiated by the Houthi family, the movement morphed into a group of armed insurgents, engaged in a confrontation with the state. In the early 2000s, the U.S. government’s “war on terror” provided dictators like Saleh with ample opportunity to acquire new weapons and dress up their dirty wars and internal repression as a global crusade against “Islamist terrorists.” Meanwhile, many Yemenis were horrified to see US bombs raining down on Afghanistan and Iraq and outraged by US support for Israeli attacks on Palestinians. In 2004, when Hussein al-Houthi began channelling some of this anger into sermons and speeches, Saleh responded by sending troops to Saada, sparking an armed rebellion that continued for the next seven years. The Houthi movement has also relied on economic grievances to build a base, rallying support behind well-founded accusations of corruption against Saleh and his regime. Saleh’s alliance with the United States played a crucial role in transforming this apolitical religious revival movement.

In 2011, Saleh’s regime faltered. The Houthi insurgency played a role in this, but it was only one element of a much larger picture of growing discontent. Across Yemen, in both the north and south, the majority of the population has faced worsening poverty. Rural communities are being hit by the collapse of agriculture, while urban workers are struggling to make ends meet in the face of rising prices. The 2011 revolution was a struggle for dignity against an autocratic elite: it brought together rural and urban populations in a mass movement for change. But hopes for dignity and justice have not materialized. Yemenis had a new government that, backed by the West and Saudi Arabia, quickly became very unpopular, even though it had gotten rid of Saleh. Following the failure of the 2011 revolution, the country remained divided, and the Houthi rebellion contradicted the plans initiated by the West and Saudi Arabia. The Yemeni civil war had begun.

THE CIVIL WAR

The Houthi movement’s leaders allied themselves with their former enemy, Saleh, who still enjoyed a great deal of support within the army. Despite their radical demands to fight injustice, they were happy to make a deal with the former dictator. Their goal: to launch a military attack on the Saudi-backed government at the end of 2014.

The Saudi-led coalition initially turned to its air power – supplied and supported by the US, Britain and France – to pound civilian infrastructure, massacre mourners at funerals and guests at weddings. The price paid by Yemeni civilians was extremely high: the United Nations estimates that between 2015 and 2021, the war killed 377,000 people, at least 150,000 of whom died as a direct result of the armed conflict. Weapons manufactured and supplied by the United States, the United Kingdom and France are responsible for much of this destruction.

However, this did not dislodge the Houthis from the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, which they had taken control of in 2015. The Houthis’ alliance with Saleh was not an accident, but it did highlight the fact that the movement’s vision for change was limited to a top-down process of replacing one elite with another.

For their part, the Saudi and Emirati generals then turned to their Sudanese allies to provide the missing troops. In 2016, up to 40,000 Sudanese troops were fighting in Yemen, recruited as mercenaries in areas such as Darfur in western Sudan through a mix of intimidation and economic coercion. Yemen’s “official” president spent most of the war in exile in Saudi Arabia, while his Saudi patrons competed with their Emirati allies for influence over the fractured array of pro-government militias that dominated areas outside the Houthis’ control. For example, the United Arab Emirates has supported Aidarous al-Zubaidi, a powerful leader of the Southern Movement who has been campaigning for the secession of southern Yemen from the north since 2007. Al-Zubaidi took control of Aden in 2017, further deepening divisions within Yemeni society.

The division among their opponents has certainly helped the Houthis survive, but that’s not all. Perhaps the biggest mistake made by Saudi and Emirati officials was to believe their propaganda that the Houthis were puppets of Iran. In fact, the movement’s leaders have mobilized deep religious and social grievances behind their military campaigns, drawing on a decade of experience challenging the Yemeni state before they seized power in 2015.

That said, the Houthi movement is not really in a position to help the people. The actions against Israel demonstrate Yemeni society’s support for the Palestinian people, but it is clear that the Houthi regime is using them to mask the loss of legitimacy and anger of the populations in the areas under its control. Regularly accused of being a puppet of Iran, it nevertheless has its own dynamic: the destabilization of the maritime zone in support of Gaza is on its own initiative and, even if they receive equipment from the Iranian regime, the Houthis have shown that they are capable of deploying their own military means.

Without having any illusions about this regime, which combines anti-American anti-imperialism with a very anti-Semitic hatred of Israel, the fact remains that the action of the UN-sanctioned coalition under the aegis of the United States to bomb this country – again – is inadmissible. The alternatives proposed by the Western powers are unacceptable to Yemenis, who must be able to live in peace without foreign interference, bombing and civil war.

The revolution of 2011 showed another possible path – democratic, inclusive and liberating. It also showed that local powers (Saudi Arabia, Emirates) and Western powers (United States, United Kingdom and France in the lead) have no interest in the emancipation of peoples, even at the cost of one of the most horrible civil wars of this beginning of the century.

Translated by International Viewpoint from l’Anticapitaliste.

P.S.


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 A picture of a crowd carrying 'ceasefire now'[ placards on Whitehall, opposite Downing Street.

Palestine is a trade union issue


We cannot say that arms sales to Israel are okay as long as they create jobs in Britain. No more!
Gawain Little

The General Secretary of the General Federation of Trade Unions, Gawain Little, argues that Palestine is a trade union issue. Here, we reproduce his speech from last Wednesday’s Arise and Labour and Palestine May Day rally.

I’m really pleased to join this platform on behalf of the General Federation of Trade Unions and to support the work of Labour and Palestine backed by a number of our trade union affiliates.

I just want to say a few brief words on why I believe that this issue – the assault on Palestine, the ongoing occupation of Palestine, and the oppression of the Palestinian people – is absolutely a trade union issue and what we can and should be doing about it.

Our movement, the trade union movement, was founded and built on solidarity. The solidarity between worker and worker, in a single workplace, across an industry, across a nation – but that solidarity must know no bounds.

International solidarity is fundamental to the trade union movement and that means we cannot stand by as Palestinian workers and their families are murdered and driven from their homes in what has been widely recognised as a genocide.

We cannot say that arms sales to Israel are okay as long as they create jobs in Britain. No more!

We must stand shoulder to shoulder with Palestinian workers in calling for an immediate and permanent ceasefire and an end to arms sales to Israel; we must stand shoulder to shoulder with members of the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions whose headquarters have been destroyed by Israeli forces; and we must act.

Please raise this in your trade union branch. Take your banners on the solidarity demonstrations to show the strength of support right across our movement for the Palestinian people, and please support the workers taking action to block arms sales to Israel.

But most importantly, make this an ongoing commitment; build lasting solidarity. The current violence takes place in the context of the illegal occupation of Palestine by Israel and the systematic oppression of the Palestinian people by a system of apartheid.

Ultimately, there will be no solution until there is an end to the military occupation of Palestine, and the right to self-determination for the Palestinian people, including the right to return. So, when this appalling assault ends – and it will end – develop links with sister unions through twinning and solidarity delegations. Continue to oppose the Israeli occupation of Palestine.

One day, that occupation, too, will end, and the Palestinians will win their liberation and a Palestinian state. Our role in the British trade union movement is to stand in active solidarity with the Palestinian people until Palestine is free.


Speaker Johnson Credits Comer for George Washington University Cleanup

TAKING CREDIT FOR WHAT'S NOT DUE

By Charlie McCarthy | Wednesday, 08 May 2024 

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., credited House Oversight Committee Chair James Comer, R-Ky., for forcing Washington, D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser to allow police to evict on-campus anti-Israel protesters and restore order at George Washington University.

Police began to clear a pro-Palestinian tent encampment at the university early Wednesday, hours after dozens of protesters left the site and marched to President Ellen Granberg's home.

Bowser and Metropolitan Police Department Chief Pamela Smith were set to testify about the district's handling of the protest at a House Committee on Oversight and Accountability hearing Wednesday afternoon, but Comer canceled the hearing after the police cleared the protest.

"Last week, we announced a House-wide crackdown on antisemitism on college campuses," Johnson said in a statement. "This week, Chairman Comer and the Oversight Committee delivered results by compelling Mayor Bowser to order police to clear the weeks-long, pro-Hamas and illegal encampments around George Washington University's campus.

"While it should not require threatening to haul D.C.'s mayor before Congress to keep Jewish students at George Washington University safe, I applaud Chairman Comer's steadfast leadership.

"Through the House-wide effort to crack down on antisemitism, we are going to learn why security forces and campus administrators have refused to do their first job: keeping students safe."

The Associated Press contributed to this story.



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

College anti-Israel agitators could be sent to Gaza under new House GOP bill


'I am going to bet that these pro-Hamas supporters wouldn’t last a day, but let’s give them the opportunity,' says Rep Randy Weber

By Elizabeth Elkind Fox News
Published May 8, 2024

FIRST ON FOX: A new House Republican bill would send any person charged and convicted for illegal activity on a college campus to Gaza for at least six months.

Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., introduced the bill on Wednesday alongside Reps. Randy Weber, R-Texas, and Jeff Duncan, R-S.C., in response to the ongoing anti-Israel demonstrations on college campuses across the country.

Several of those protests have turned violent, with clashes between police and activists, as well as hundreds of activists being arrested across multiple campuses.


While Ogles' bill text does not mention Israel or the anti-Israel groups, it specifically targets unlawful activity on college campuses after Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas militants invaded Israel in a surprise attack that killed over 1,000 people.

UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA POLICE ARREST 25 ANTI-ISRAEL PROTESTERS WHILE TRYING TO CLEAR ENCAMPMENT


Pro-Palestinian Jewish demonstrators are arrested and placed on NYPD buses during a Seder protest one block from Senator Chuck Schumer’s Brooklyn home in New York on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. (Julia Bonavita/Fox News Digital)

Those convicted would be forced to serve a minimum six-month community service sentence in Gaza, where Israel is currently waging a brutal campaign to eradicate Hamas and rescue the remaining Israelis that terrorists took hostage in October.

"Students have abandoned their classes to harass other students and disrupt campus-wide activities, including university commencement ceremonies nationwide. Enough is enough," Ogles told Fox News Digital.

"That’s why I introduced legislation to send any person convicted of unlawful activity on the campus of an American university since October 7th, 2023, to Gaza to complete a minimum of six months of community service."

ANTI-ISRAEL ORGANIZERS AT GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY ISSUE NEW DEMAND AS CAMPUS TAKEOVER REACHES 13TH DAY



Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., is leading the new bill. (Getty Images)

Weber added, "If you support a terrorist organization, and you participate in unlawful activity on campuses, you should get a taste of your own medicine. I am going to bet that these pro-Hamas supporters wouldn’t last a day, but let’s give them the opportunity."




A new House Republican bill led by Rep. Andy Ogles would send any person charged and convicted for illegal activity on a college campus to Gaza for at least six months. (Getty Images)

The bill is likely to face uncertain odds in the House, where Republicans hold a razor-thin majority of just one seat. Even if it passed, the Democrat-controlled Senate will almost certainly ignore it.

It is an example, however, of the heightened tensions wracking the U.S. over Israel's war with Hamas.




Smoke billows after the Israeli army launched an airstrike on Al Mughraqa area in the Gaza Strip on April 14, 2024. (Photo by Ashraf Amra/Anadolu via Getty Images)

The college protests here have garnered bipartisan criticism from virtually all Republicans and a significant number of Democrats, but progressives have continued to show strong support for the students and other activists on campus.

Comments by Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., for example, referring to some Jewish students as "pro-genocide" have earned her a GOP-led censure resolution, filed by Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., on Tuesday.

Her fellow "Squad" member, Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich., has also been censured for her comments about Israel in the wake of Oct. 7

Elizabeth Elkind is a politics reporter for Fox News Digital leading coverage of the House of Representatives. Previous digital bylines seen at Daily Mail and CBS News.


Some student protesters aren't deterred by the prospect of punishment

By Sergio Martínez-Beltrán
Published May 7, 2024

Michael Minasi/KUTAmmer Qaddumi was arrested at a Pro-Palestinian protest at UT-Austin on April 24, 2024.

AUSTIN– Ammer Qaddumi is jumping up and down at the beat of a drum.

He has a rolled-up piece of paper in one of his hands that he moves to the rhythm of the crowd's chant.

"Disclose, divest, we will not stop, we will not rest," he chants along with hundreds of students at the University of Texas at Austin's south lawn.

Qaddumi is a Palestinian-American studying economics and government, and for the last couple of weeks, he's been participating in the protests against Israel's military actions in Gaza.

Israel has been responding to the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas, which killed over 1,200 and took over 200 people as hostages.

Over 34,000 Palestinians have been killed during the war in Gaza.

"We have a duty to advocate for Palestine, to ensure that people understand the narrative, the Palestinian narrative, the history of the Palestinian struggle," Qaddumi told NPR Sunday.

The demonstrations at UT-Austin have been mostly peaceful, although at times, tensions have increased and students have been arrested, including Qaddumi, who was the first person arrested nearly two weeks ago.

"We will continue to come out and advocate for Palestine no matter what obstacles UT administration, our state government tries to put in our way," Qaddumi said.

Michael Minasi/KUTAmmer Qaddumi

Qaddumi's charges were later dropped. Most students arrested were charged with criminal trespass.

Brian Davis, a spokesperson for UT-Austin, told NPR in an email that students violated several institutional rules, which include attempting to establish an encampment, unauthorized use of amplified sound, and shoving staff. However, no student has been charged with assault.

It's unclear if these students would be put on probation, suspended or expelled.

Davis said no disciplinary action has been distributed, but that it could happen once final exams are done this week.

Sam Law, a Jewish American graduate student, was arrested after participated in a pro-Palestinian protest at UT-Austin. He was charged with criminal trespass and now is concerned about potential punishment.

"As a person of conscience, I cannot let threats like that deter me," Law told NPR from his Austin home. "I really am worried and I've had a lot of conversations with the chair of my department, with lawyers about what might happen if the university pursues disciplinary action."

According to the Associated Press, there have been over2,000 arrests on college campuses in relation to pro-Palestinian protests and encampments.

The disciplinary actions taken by the universities are unknown — some of them have cited federal education privacy laws to not provide numbers on how many students are subject to disciplinary action.

But some students have been sharing their stories.

Jacob Mack / USA Today Network/Reuters
/
USA Today Network/ReutersCornell University divestment protestors set up this encampment on the University's Arts Quad.

Cornell University doctoral student Momodou Taal was suspended for participating in a pro-Palestinian encampment.

"The school has deemed that my activity or my participation on campus is a threat somehow," Taal said.

Taal was never arrested, but his involvement with a pro-Palestinian team negotiating with Cornell University administrators got him suspended, he said.

He is now in a fairly unique position.Taal is a British student, and a suspension could lead to him losing his international student visa.

"Fundamentally, I risked all that I've risked so far for what I believe is a just cause, and that's the Palestinian cause," Taal said.

In a written response to NPR, Cornell University said students have been offered an opportunity to get their suspensions lifted.

"The university determined that if a student could commit to abide by the terms of the temporary suspension and not facilitate, engage in, participate or assist in any other violations of university policy, it would be appropriate to modify the temporary suspension to allow for incompletes to be entered for the spring 2024 term," Joel M. Malina, Cornell's vice president for university relations said.

"This would provide an opportunity to complete course work and earn credit for the term at a later date when the student is able to resume academic activities."

Taal is considering his options. He said he was guided by his conscience, and that participating in the protests was the right thing to do.

Anna Ivey, a former dean of admissions at the University of Chicago Law School, said suspensions and expulsions could pose serious consequences since they remain in the students' academic records.

"You probably will have to disclose it somewhere when you try to find other alternatives and move on with your life," Ivey, who owns a company that advises students on their college application, said.

But the disciplinary actions are not necessarily career-ending for students.

"I think a lot of admissions officers are watching in horror at how students are being treated," Ivey said. "So, I don't think they should assume that they are necessarily going to encounter hostility or that people aren't even going to look at the circumstances."

Someone who is thinking about what to do next is Nick Wilson, a suspended undergraduate student at Cornell University.

He was one of the students arrested in March for occupying an administrative building.

He said it was scary to learn about the disciplinary actions Cornell was taking against him.

"What's happening in Gaza is so striking, such a moral atrocity," Wilson said from his on-campus housing room. "For me and for students like me — students who are facing police violence, students who are facing arrests, students who are facing suspension — this is a cause that just matters more."

Wilson and the other students said they'd do it again, as long as their universities refuse to divest from businesses with ties to Israel.

Copyright 2024 NPR
The Israel Lobby Matters

How should we explain the unflagging and disastrous Western backing of Israel? The Israel lobby plays a huge role, persuading lawmakers that support for Israel is still in the strategic interests of their countries.



American Israel Public Affairs Committee president Michael Tuchin speaking at the AIPAC Policy Summit in Washington, DC, on June 5, 2023. (Mandel Ngan / AFP via Getty Images)

JACOBIN
05.08.2024

Back in 2017, an Israeli diplomat in London was recorded demanding action against Alan Duncan, then a British foreign office minister. Soon after, Duncan went to brief the department’s ranking civil servant on the revelation, recalling the exchange in his diary: “I teasingly remind[ed] him . . . of what I said to him on my first day as a minister. ‘Simon. . . didn’t I tell you? The CFI [Conservative Friends of Israel] and the Israelis think they control the Foreign Office. And they do!’”

For some on the Left, complaints like Duncan’s exemplify wrongheaded conspiratorial theories about the omnipotence of Israel and its lobby. We are told by such opponents of the Israel lobby thesis that the tail cannot wag the dog and that Israel serves American strategic interests — then, now, and forever more.

“The value to US imperial power of Israel — a dependable, militarily powerful ally in a geostrategically crucial region of the world — is perfectly obvious, and requires no lobbying to be understood,” the British commentator David Wearing writes. In a book-length study of the lobby released last year, scholar Hil Aked argues similarly. Suggestions that support for Israel is contrary to American national interests and that the lobby bears responsibility for this distortion, Aked insists, are “problematic”: misguided “progressive nationalism” at best, “potentially xenophobic in tone” at worst. These are predetermined political rehearsals, at some remove from concrete analysis of the concrete situation.

Similarly, Andreas Malm recently dedicated a significant portion of an essay — about the Gaza genocide and its antecedence in combined histories of colonial and ecological catastrophe — to repudiating the lobby thesis. He concurs with the claim of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah that “Israel used to be a tool at the hands of the British, and now it is a tool in the hands of America.” Malm counterposes “the distortionist theory of the lobby” to “the instrumentalist theory of empire and entity,” and finds in favor of the latter, arguing that it is vindicated by “evidence from the deep past, as well as from the recent past and present.”

Yet these repudiations of the Israel lobby thesis fall short both analytically and strategically. In the world conjured by such arguments, there is a preformed and basically unchanging US imperial interest, always served by unconditional support of Israel. This is the putative base, which the ideological attachment of American elites to Israel faithfully mirrors. Often this fixed imperial interest is simply taken for granted, with its articulation by US leaders standing in for anything approaching substantiating evidence or rigorous investigation. Thus can Malm take Joe Biden at his word when he parrots his long-held view that “were there not an Israel . . . the United States would have to go out and invent an Israel,” so unswervingly and effectively does the entity serve the empire.

There are many pitfalls of reading the existing interests of the American empire off cherry-picked pronunciations from certain of its leaders. Most obviously, US leaders are more than capable not only of making disastrous strategic miscalculations, but of clinging onto wrongheaded conceptions about the interests of the empire they superintend. This is not something we typically have trouble accepting. There were all variety of pseudomaterialist theories about the imperial interests that supposedly drove George W. Bush to invade Iraq, for instance, but few would now question that the war — and perhaps post 9/11 adventurism more widely — was a net-negative for American power. Here was a disastrous ideological crusade, based on self-defeating hubris about the world-making potential of shock-and-awe military interventions.

In other words: of course many American leaders, Joe Biden today foremost among them, firmly believe that Israel is an effective imperial outpost, and a worthy investment. But they could well be wrong. Questioning the strategic self-conceptions of imperial rulers is not a case, as one determined opponent of the lobby thesis has it, of “whisper[ing] to the exterminationist class that their calculus is off,” but rather a matter of insisting on a serious, integrated understanding of the enemy — generally worth more, as Perry Anderson once insisted, than “bulletins to boost doubtful morale.”

Another glaring problem with taking Biden at his word is that two can play the game of archival hook-a-duck. Take this 1975 remark from Henry Kissinger, which would seem to directly contradict arguments about Israel as a major strategic asset for America, precisely when the case was strongest, during the Cold War: “Israeli strength does not prevent the spread of communism in the Arab world. . . . So it is difficult to claim that a strong Israel serves American interests because it prevents the spread of communism in the Arab world. It does not. It provides for the survival of Israel.” Today we could point to huge dissent in the US State Department over Biden’s Gaza policy and to a chorus within the world of US “national security” expertise about the strategic perils of unflinching support for Israel.

At a more fundamental level, left opposition to the Israel lobby thesis often rests on an outmoded and mechanical view of imperial power. First: in an overdetermined political field such as that of the American imperial state, ideological forces — Biden’s aspic-preserved Zionism, for one — can have determinant material affects detrimental to the empire’s hegemonic position and its twenty-first century shelf-life. It is this realm in which Israel and the lobby exerts its force.

Second, by definition, the image of an unchanging American imperial interest always well-served by support for Israel is sustainable only in the absence of any conjunctural understanding: there is no attempt to grasp, theoretically or empirically, the contemporary workings of US empire. There are all number of reasons to question Israel’s utility to its American benefactors today. The Eastern Mediterranean, and even the Persian Gulf (though Israel was never of much value in the latter), are of greatly decreased strategic significance. Meanwhile, Washington is facing imperial overstretch by trying to compete on three major fronts at once — Eastern Europe, East Asia, and the Middle East — all against the backdrop of degraded military-industrial capacity.

Israel’s long-rogue, now genocidal, behavior renders unthinkable the kind of wider regional stability, made possible by improved Arabian Gulf relations with Iran, that America needs to comfortably “draw-down” from the Middle East militarily. In this connection, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt’s point in The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy about the circularity of arguments for Israel’s strategic importance seems especially pertinent: “Israel is portrayed as a vital ally for dealing with its dangerous neighbours, but the commitment to Israel is an important reason why the United States sees these states as threats in the first place.”

Lastly, the notion that the “tail can never wag the dog,” while generally a well-intended anti-conspiracist aphorism, elides decades of innovation in the historical study of empires, focused on how imperial peripheries and outposts have acted on metropolitan centers. Margins matter: the supplicants might not be omnipotent, but nor are the masters. “Who’s the fucking superpower here?” Bill Clinton despaired to advisors after meeting Isreali prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

What of the politics? Much of the lobby’s work consists in persuading — carrot and stick — Western leaders and legislators that supporting Israel is in the strategic interests of their countries. When it comes to public opinion, the lobby faces a harder task than ever: as the genocide in Gaza continues, majorities are becoming receptive to the demands of the Palestine solidarity movement. In this context, the Left nodding along as Biden repeats that Israel is a trusty guarantor of American interests seems politically foolish.

Conspiracist views about the totality of Israel’s “control” are disempowering, but so too are these stale notions of US empire as a frozen monolith — the latter often accompanied by grandiose rhetoric implying the Palestinians must await the toppling of Western civilization in its entirety for their deliverance from Zionism.

It so happens that concrete analysis points toward Israel’s increasing strategic superfluity to the American empire, and so suggests a heightened role for the lobby in ensuring continued sponsorship. But the empirical understanding one reaches about the US-Israel relationship and its nature is in a sense secondary: insofar as it is engaged in the strong and slow work of mass politics, the Left should advance ethical and strategic arguments against support for Israel regardless.

If the settler-colonial project in Palestine is to be dismantled, then defeating the Israel lobby in the West must be one of our tasks. “Truth,” Frantz Fanon wrote, “is what hastens the dislocation of the colonial regime . . . and good is quite simply what hurts them most.”

Ed McNally is a doctoral student at the University of Oxford and a trade union political officer.