Thursday, May 09, 2024

SPACE

The New Space Race Is On and Congress Is Panicked

The prospect of a “doomsday weapon” has some lawmakers worried that the U.S. isn’t ready to win the star wars.



Administration officials said earlier this year that Russia’s work on a space weapon with nuclear capabilities was a concerning development but not an immediate threat. 
Noah Berger/AP

CONGRESS

Haley Byrd Wilt
May 07, 2024 

There’s a new space race underway, and Congress is worried the United States is losing it.

Officials say Russia is still developing what Sen. Marco Rubio, the top Republican on the Senate intelligence panel, described in an interview with NOTUS as a “doomsday weapon”: an anti-satellite device with nuclear capabilities. Any kind of nuclear detonation in orbit would threaten satellites the United States depends on for GPS, banking, military operations, intelligence gathering and communications.

Lawmakers have been fretting about the potential weapon since Rep. Mike Turner warned of a serious national security threat in February, referring to information lawmakers had been given about it. Administration officials also had the weapon in mind as they requested tens of billions of dollars for more U.S. space security funding this year. News of its development has even prompted some American satellite companies to change how they build spacecraft.

While members of Congress from both parties agree on throwing money at the problem, some worry the U.S. government isn’t moving quickly enough.

“Both China and Russia have weaponized space, and we must catch up to contend with this new reality,” Rep. Doug Lamborn, a Colorado Republican, said during a hearing last week.

Turner, who chairs the House intelligence panel, sparked a panic on Capitol Hill when he urged the administration to make public details of the weapon, declining to say what it was. (Some lawmakers are still furious: Last week, Rep. Seth Moulton, a Massachusetts Democrat, slammed Turner’s statement as an “intelligence leak from Congress.”)

Administration officials said at the time that Russia’s work on the weapon was a concerning development but not an immediate threat. Since then, details have been scarce. Asked by lawmakers last week if Russia is already prepared to launch such a weapon, a space policy official said he would rather answer in a classified session.

But that official, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Space Policy John Plumb, confirmed in his testimony that Russia is working on the weapon and said radiation from a nuclear blast would harm satellites the U.S. depends on, perhaps making some orbits inaccessible for up to a year.

When the American military conducted a test in 1962, detonating a nuclear device in space, the radiation damaged several satellites, rendering them unusable in the following days and weeks. That was before the space age had begun in earnest. With thousands of satellites in low Earth orbit now, such an explosion would have far-reaching effects, especially for commercial space equipment.

Getting GPS directions, sending messages and collecting satellite imagery would all be uncertain, if not impossible.

The administration says it is taking any threats seriously. President Joe Biden has requested more than $30 billion for space activities and capabilities in the coming fiscal year. Some of that money would enable launches of new national security satellites, among other priorities.

Nuclear-armed powers could launch a nuclear weapon into space from the ground already, but sending one into space may provide more flexibility and set an alarming precedent.

“Nuclear detonation in space is a very blunt weapon,” said Rubio.

“It’s not targeted. It would knock out everybody’s satellites,” he told NOTUS in an interview. “There’s not much you can do to defend against something like that, which is why it would be concerning to a lot of people, and why I think you’re going to see international efforts to ban or at least get countries to commit to not doing it.”

He declined to say whether he thinks the United States has done enough to respond, telling NOTUS those discussions are classified.

The U.S. military has tried to prepare for conflict by practicing faster launches. But the most successful tests have come with months of preparation and multiple simulations beforehand. In a real conflict, officials wouldn’t have that luxury.


Assistant Secretary of Defense for Space Policy John Plumb confirmed Russia is working on a weapon that could harm satellites the U.S. depends on. Jose Luis Magana/AP

The military is also trying to diversify its assets in space and recently launched 27 new satellites, including eight for missile warning and tracking, Frank Calvelli, assistant secretary of the Air Force for space acquisition and integration, told lawmakers. Officials argue that numerous systems create redundancy that could help in any kind of space-based conflict.

That strategy comes with its own risks. More satellites in orbit increase the odds of spacecraft crashing into each other with disastrous domino effects. Debris from a collision between two vehicles (or an anti-satellite missile strike) might destroy other spacecraft and could grow into a cloud of shrapnel that destroys even more satellites.

Chinese spacecraft have shown an ability to clean up some of the space junk already in orbit. A Chinese satellite in 2022 was reported to have grabbed a defunct satellite and thrown it far away from most orbital traffic, no longer posing a collision risk.

American lawmakers see demonstrations like those through the lens of great power conflict, raising alarms about China’s ability to grapple other satellites. Moulton, for one, said during last week’s hearing that many of China’s new satellites have inherently offensive capabilities.

Commercial space providers have geopolitics in mind too. Joe Latrell, founder of the start-up satellite company Quub Inc., told NOTUS that most commercial satellites in low Earth orbit don’t have to take radiation in mind as much as other spacecraft because they are still shielded from much of the sun’s radiation by the Earth’s atmosphere. They’re now working on shielding most or all of their new satellites because of reports about Russia’s plans — and dramatically increasing the timeline to do so.

“It is going to change the way we build things,” Latrell said, estimating that the company will have implemented radiation proofing in six months. The materials will be more expensive, and launches will weigh 15% more, he said, but “to do otherwise is not a smart move.”

Even so, it’s unclear if the extra shielding would be enough to withstand a nuclear detonation. Military satellites are almost certainly battle-hardened already, but many weather satellites and commercial spacecraft aren’t, he said. And adjusting in the middle of production is much more difficult for larger satellites that take several years to build.

Ideally, lawmakers told NOTUS, the weapon would never be launched. But Sen. Mike Rounds, a South Dakota Republican who sits on the intelligence committee, said he believes launching the weapon and using it to any effect “may be more difficult” than Russia “might think.”

If Russia does pursue a nuclear anti-satellite weapon, Rounds added, “there will be retribution for it.”


Haley Byrd Wilt is a reporter at NOTUS.



TikTok Asks Court To Declare Ban Unconstitutional

Congress is "silencing the 170 million Americans who use the platform to communicate," the company argues.


ELIZABETH NOLAN BROWN
5.8.2024 
REASON

(Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Newscom)


A new law banning TikTok if it doesn't divorce its parent company is "obviously unconstitutional," TikTok Inc. and ByteDance argue in a new federal court filing.

The Protecting Americans From Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, passed and signed into law late last month, singles out ByteDance and its subsidiary TikTok Inc., requiring the former to divest itself of the latter within 270 days. If ByteDance doesn't, the TikTok app will be banned in the U.S.

Congress is "silencing the 170 million Americans who use [TikTok] to communicate," and "crafted a two-tiered speech regime" that is unconstitutional, TikTok argues.

The new law allows a similar ultimatum to be applied to other social media platforms with ties to "foreign adversaries" if the president deems them a threat. But this process requires at least some nominal checks and balances that don't apply in TikTok's case. And no other app or company is explicitly named in the new legislation.

"For the first time in history, Congress has enacted a law that subjects a single, named speech platform to a permanent, nationwide ban, and bars every American from participating in a unique online community with more than 1 billion people worldwide," states TikTok's petition to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.

The company is asking the court to review the constitutionality of the law, which it argues is both a violation of the First Amendment and an unconstitutional bill of attainder. Bills of attainder, which regulate or punish a particular entity (without the benefit of due process), are barred by the Constitution.

TikTok also argues that the law violates its "rights under the equal protection component of the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause because it singles Petitioners out for adverse treatment without any reason for doing so."
An American Company With American Rights

Opponents of TikTok often argue that as a Chinese company, TikTok is afforded no free speech protections and the First Amendment doesn't apply here.

This is wrong in two ways. First, because American TikTok users have First Amendment rights which are not in question here.

Second, because TikTok Inc. is a U.S. company. It's incorporated in California and has its main office there, with additional offices in New York, San Jose, Chicago, and Miami.

TikTok Inc. is a subsidiary of ByteDance, which is incorporated in the Cayman Islands (not China) and its leadership is based in Singapore and the U.S. (not China).

ByteDance was founded in China back in 2012. But today, ByteDance's founder—a Chinese national based in Singapore—only has a 21 percent ownership stake in the company. Another 21 percent is owned by employees of the company (including around 7,000 Americans, per the petition) and 58 percent is owned by institutional investors, including BlackRock (an American company), General Atlantic (an American company), and Susquehanna International Group (headquartered in Pennsylvania).

It's hard to pin down TikTok (the platform, not the American company) as belonging to any particular nation. But the idea that it's purely a "Chinese app" is demonstrably false.
A Ban By Any Other Name

TikTok rejects the idea—often cited by politicians in support of the law—that this isn't a ban and therefore isn't actually censorship.

"Banning TikTok is so obviously unconstitutional, in fact, that even the Act's sponsors recognized that reality, and therefore have tried mightily to depict the law not as a ban at all, but merely a regulation of TikTok's ownership," notes the petition. "They claim that the Act is not a ban because it offers ByteDance a choice: divest TikTok's U.S. business or be shut down."

"But in reality, there is no choice," the company argues. "The 'qualified divestiture' demanded by the Act to allow TikTok to continue operating in the United States is simply not possible: not commercially, not technologically, not legally. And certainly not on the 270-day timeline required by the Act."

The petition lays out multiple reasons why divestiture isn't feasible, including the fact that the source code is massive and complicated, making "moving all TikTok source code development from ByteDance to a new TikTok owner…impossible as a technological matter."

"It would take years for an entirely new set of engineers to gain sufficient familiarity with the source code to perform the ongoing, necessary maintenance and development activities for the platform," states TikTok's petition. "Moreover, to keep the platform functioning, these engineers would need access to ByteDance software tools, which the Act prohibits." The petition also notes that "the Chinese government has made clear that it would not permit a divestment of the recommendation engine that is a key to the success of TikTok in the United States."

"Like the United States, China regulates the export of certain technologies originating there," notes the petition. "China's official news agency has reported that under these rules, any sale of recommendation algorithms developed by engineers employed by ByteDance subsidiaries in China, including for TikTok, would require a government license." The petition notes that "China adopted these enhanced export control restrictions between August and October 2020, shortly after President [Donald] Trump's August 6, 2020 and August 14, 2020 executive orders targeting TikTok."

No Due Process

Even if divesture could happen, the act "would still be an extraordinary and unconstitutional assertion of power," TikTok argues. It opens the door to the government simply declaring that companies they don't like must divest of particular products—including platforms for speech—or else those products will be banned. "If Congress can do this, it can circumvent the First Amendment by invoking national security and ordering the publisher of any individual newspaper or website to sell to avoid being shut down."

"By banning all online platforms and software applications offered by 'TikTok' and all ByteDance subsidiaries, Congress has made a law curtailing massive amounts of protected speech," it concludes. But "the government cannot, consistent with the First Amendment, dictate the ownership of newspapers, websites, online platforms, and other privately created speech forums."

In this case, the lawmakers' ploy to ban TikTok has been undertaken without a single non-hypothetical finding of danger by Congress, nor any consideration of less restrictive means of allaying any concerns, the company argues.

TikTok Inc. "worked with the government for four years on a voluntary basis to develop a framework to address the government's concerns," it points out. As part of this engagement, the company "voluntarily invested more than $2 billion to build a system of technological and governance protections—sometimes referred to as 'Project Texas'—to help safeguard U.S. user data and the integrity of the U.S. TikTok platform against foreign government influence."

The company also committed to a draft National Security Agreement developed with the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. "Congress tossed this tailored agreement aside, in favor of the politically expedient and punitive approach of targeting for disfavor one publisher and speaker (TikTok Inc.), one speech forum (TikTok), and that forum's ultimate owner (ByteDance Ltd.)," the petition states.

TikTok Inc. and ByteDance are now asking the court to "issue a declaratory judgment that the Act violates the U.S. Constitution" and an order stopping the U.S. Attorney General from enforcing the act.



More Sex & Tech News

• Check out Reason's new Artificial Intelligence issue.

• The fight over an Idaho "abortion trafficking" law continues in a federal appeals court.

• Alabama's Attorney General "cannot constitutionally prosecute people for acts taken within the State meant to facilitate lawful out-of-state conduct, including obtaining an abortion," writes U.S. District Court Judge Myron Thompson, declining to dismiss a case against Attorney General Steve Marshall's pledge to prosecute people who help Alabama residents obtain out-of-state abortions. Reason's Emma Camp has more.

• Microsoft is building an AI tool to compete with OpenAI's ChatGPT and Google's Gemini.

• Minnesota "spends $100 million a year to detain about 750 individuals who are deemed 'likely' to commit sex offenses," notes Jacob Sullum.

Today's Image

Chinatown, NYC | 2013 (ENB/Reason)

Wednesday, May 08, 2024


PFAS Explained: These Forever Chemicals Are Being Banned from a Variety of Outdoor Products. Now Gear Makers Are Scrambling

PFAS are poisoning America’s watersheds and will eventually be banned in several states. That will require the outdoor gear industry to make some major changes

Outdoor gear is in the midst of a sea change. A common family of chemicals used for waterproofing, stain resistance, and durability — PFAS — is being banned in textiles in California and in apparel in New York starting in 2025. As a result, outdoor gear companies are working hard to remove these chemicals from their products. With PFAS being utilized in DWR treatments on wind jackets, waterproof treatment on down, tent fabrics, rain jackets, and much more, this will require a major shift for the industry. But what is PFAS, and why is it being banned? 

The reality is that the PFAS found in rain jackets is just the tip of the iceberg. PFAS have been in use for decades across a range of products and industries, including the outdoor industry. And the full impact of that toxic legacy is now turning up in our environment and in our bodies at an alarming rate. 

What Is PFAS?

PFAS, short for perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances, was originally developed by Dupont in 1938, and a version of it quickly found its way into any number of household goods under a familiar name: Teflon. Its waterproof and stain-resistant properties made it extremely popular. Today there are nearly 15,000 chemicals in the PFAS family, including PFOS (Perfluorooctane sulfonic acid) and PFOA (Perfluorooctanoic Acid), which are found in everything from rain jackets to food packaging to shampoo.

What makes these chemicals unique is the carbon and fluorine bonds in their atomic structure. Because carbon and fluorine bonds are very strong, they do not break down easily. For that reason, they are known as “forever chemicals.” They build up in the environment, and they build in the human body. Based on an analysis of survey data from the National Center for Health Statistics for the years 2011 to 2012, it is estimated that 97 percent of Americans have PFAS in their bloodstream. 

Buildup of PFAS in the body can lead to cancer, developmental delays in children, and fertility issues. While it was once thought there might be some safe levels of some types of PFAS, the more research is done, the less this appears to be the case. It also seems that companies that made PFAS knew about its risks.

PFAS in Everyday Products

A lot of the coverage in outdoor media is currently focused on how legislation (particularly in California) is going to affect rain jacket quality, which makes sense given that many modern rain jackets (although not all) rely on PFAS for waterproofing. PFAS is found in the DWR; and it’s found in the waterproof membrane. Gear companies that have not already transitioned toward a PFAS-free chemistry for their outdoor apparel are scrambling to get there before California’s deadline. 

But if you already own gear that contains PFAS, feel free to hang on to it. First off, it’s not the only thing you’ve got that contains PFAS. If your shirt (or your kid’s shirt) is advertising itself as “stain resistant,” then it probably utilizes PFAS. It’s in shampoo, nail polish, and toilet paper. Up until very recently, it was in carpets. It’s practically omnipresent inside your home. But more importantly, there is currently no indication that PFAS passes the skin barrier readily enough to pose a risk.

How PFAS Gets into the Bloodstream

PFAS health advisory sign
A sign warns hunters not to eat deer because of elevated levels of PFAS chemicals in game animals.

Photo by Drew YoungeDyke, National Wildlife Federation via AP

PFAS gets into your body when you ingest it, which means breathing, eating, or drinking. Here’s how that is currently happening.

For most Americans, the risk of breathing in PFAS is relatively minor. This is mainly an issue for individuals who work in chemical plants where PFAS is being manufactured. However, there may be risks to individuals who live near these factories. One exception to this is skiers and snowboarders, as there is risk of exposure when applying ski wax containing PFASVermont has banned PFAS in ski wax and popular ski destinations, including Park City, Utah, have followed suit. 

Accidentally munching on some PFAS is more of an issue. While the potential risk from teflon pans is reasonably well known at this point in time, we know less about how common PFAS is in food packaging. Studies have shown that eating out more often, as well as consuming certain high-risk products like tea and microwave popcorn, is associated with higher levels of PFAS in the bloodstream. As a result, much more legislation — including from California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Washington — is focused on removing PFAS from food packaging. 

Unfortunately for hunters and anglers, eliminating processed foods from your diet will not necessarily protect you from PFAS exposure. In some states, deer have been found with high levels of PFAS in their system. So have freshwater fish

PFAS Is in the Water

The biggest problem with PFAS is that it’s increasingly turning up in the water supply. There are a few reasons this is happening. PFAS leaching out of landfills, due to the sheer number of products in said landfills that contain PFAS. Another source of contamination is a type of firefighting foam called AFFF, which contains PFAS. This foam was very effective at fighting fires, but in places where it was used, including training grounds, it leached into the groundwater. This was a particular problem for the military, which contaminated the water with PFAS as a result of AFFF at more than 300 of their fire training sites. While some states have banned AFFF, it is still used by the military and municipal firefighters in some instances. A third issue is that the manufacturing plants that produce PFAS have been polluting rivers and watersheds. Dupont and the state of Ohio have already reached a settlement for $110 million dollars to clean up the PFOA that Dupont dumped into the Ohio River. Dupont’s subsidiary, Chemors, is currently embroiled in litigation over contamination in Cape Fear River in North Carolina. And the outdoor industry proper is a part of this problem, too. Gore (of Gore-tex notoriety) is currently dealing with its own lawsuit as a result of air and groundwater PFAS contamination to the community near their Cherry Hill, Maryland, plant. 

Protecting Yourself and Your Family

If you’re concerned about PFAS exposure, your first step should be to check out what PFAS testing has been done on your local water supply. As of 2022, the EPA’s recommendation for PFOS and PFOA (two of the most common PFAS chemicals) in drinking water is 0.04 ppt (parts per trillion). If your well or municipality’s water source turns out to be affected, you can reduce your exposure by changing the water you use for cooking and drinking. Be judicious about switching to bottled water, however, as the water sources used by some bottled water companies are also contaminated by PFAS. A better choice is to get a filter that is regulated to NSF/ANSI 53-2022 standards, like Epic Water Filters.

Read Next: The Best Filtered Water Bottles

But What About My Rain Gear?

First off, it’s worth noting that it’s not just rain gear that is being affected by this upcoming legislation. California’s Assembly Bill No. 1817 covers all apparel as well as textiles, such as backpacks. But the biggest change will be to rain gear, particularly rain gear that utilizes a Gore-tex membrane. While Gore-tex came out with a PFAS-free membrane in 2021, it is expected that the rest of their line will not be permissible under the upcoming law. (We reached out to Gore for this story, but did not hear back in time for publication.)

Outdoor enthusiasts are likely to be split on the issue of their rain gear. Some may be wondering if they need to wait until the ban goes into effect in 2025 to start purchasing PFAS-free gear. The answer is, no. If you’re looking to purchase a rain jacket that is free from PFAS today, you have a few options, including Patagonia’s Boulder ForkCotopaxi’s Ceilo series, or Fjallraven’s Keb Eco Shell. If you have an existing jacket that you are interested in re-upping the waterproofing on, you can also purchase PFAS-free technical washes, like those from Nikwax.

Other companies are working on getting their apparel lines up to date with these new regulations in time for the deadline at the end of this year. Companies like Forloh fall into this category. This is especially tricky when PFAS is being used for component parts — in my test of the best down jackets earlier this year, several companies told me that their jackets were PFAS free with the exception of the paint on the zipper. 

Listen to Learn More: Forever Chemicals 

But others may be concerned that great rain jackets are simply being regulated out of existence. First, there is a temporary exemption in both New York and California’s laws, for “severe wet conditions.” The law is specific that “hiking, camping, skiing, climbing, bicycling, and fishing” are not considered “severe wet conditions.” As examples of activities where severe wet conditions might be encountered, it gives “offshore fishing, offshore sailing, whitewater kayaking, and mountaineering.” When queried, both Stone Glacier and Kuiu stated that certain products in their lineup would fall under this latter category. But even this reprieve for “severe wet conditions” is limited to three years, with complete bans coming into effect in 2028. 

I think there is no question that consumers are going to see a difference in how gear that is PFAS-free performs, especially as it pertains to how long waterproofing lasts without retreatment. But how big of a difference it will be and the extent to which typical outdoor users will be impacted remains to be seen. OL plans to run a long-term test of current for-sale jackets containing PFAS in both the waterproof membrane and the DWR finish. We’ll compare this against current best-in-class PFAS free chemistry to see how they compare. However, due to the importance of reducing PFAS in our environment, we will be prioritizing PFAS-free gear in our testing and review stories going forward. 

White Rural Rage Is Shallow Pandering to Elitist Liberals


White Rural Rage, full of tired tropes about the bigotry of rural white Americans, distorts more than it reveals about the growth of the Trumpian right. It’s a shallow exercise in pandering to the prejudices of NPR liberals.


Flags and a sign supporting Donald Trump and Mike Pence are displayed on the side of a highway in rural Pennsylvania. (Paul Weaver / Pacific Press / LightRocket via Getty Images)


JACOBIN
05.08.2024

Review of White Rural Rage: The Threat to American Democracy by Tom Schaller and Paul Waldman (Random House)


These are not good times for #TheResistance.

The election of Donald Trump was a day of infamy that changed everything, and elite liberals can’t seem to escape the specter of November 2016. They’re still playing the old hits — Trump is an Existential Threat! America is becoming like The Handmaid’s Tale! — while the public increasingly yawns and tunes them out.

Seven years later, #TheResistance resembles Moby Dick’s Captain Ahab: maniacally hunting Trump and his voting base — who seem nigh unkillable at this point — at the expense of their own sanity. In polls, the former president is neck and neck with Joe Biden.

Enter Paul Waldman, the Washington Post columnist whose new polemic, White Rural Rage: The Threat to American Democracy, makes it clear that his white whale is still the white working class. His quest to paint them as undereducated rubes blinded by their own gleeful racism, sexism, and xenophobia has been going strong since at least 2016. “If you have any sense, you’re coming to the realization that it was all a scam. You got played,” he wrote about Trump voters in a postelection 2016 Washington Post column. “While you were chanting ‘Lock her up!’ he was laughing at you for being so gullible.”

Cowritten with political scientist Tom Schaller, White Rural Rage is a book-length version of that argument — but with the MSNBC-friendly amendment that rural whites aren’t just dumb hicks, they’re Public Enemy #1. “More than at any point in modern history, the survival of the United States as a modern, stable, multi-ethnic democracy is threatened by a White rural minority that wields outsize electoral power,” they proclaim.

Forget Davos, capitalism, global war, or climate change — democracy truly dies at the Iowa State Fair with dudes who care a little too much about their Ford F-150s.

Their argument goes something like this: a combination of economic, social, and health care woes, along with a sense of being left out of contemporary culture and discourse, has led whites in small-town America to go beyond their usual bigoted beliefs and increasingly reject the legitimacy of the political system itself — by, well, voting for the Bad Candidate.

For Waldman and Schaller, these democracy-hating conservatives hold disproportionate electoral sway — as demonstrated by Trump’s 2016 victory via the Electoral College despite losing the popular vote, as well as the so-called “mythic power” they hold in the form of flattery and attention bestowed on them by the media and politicians.

In the New Republic, the authors warn that it’s only getting worse, that “as the rest of the country moved away from Trump [in 2020] rural whites lurched toward him by nine points, from 62% to 71%.” If Trump wins in 2024, “it will be — once again — because rural white people put him there,” they conclude.

There is some truth here, but it’s distorted. The book supports its thesis with a blizzard of facts, polls, and anecdotes — which, while mostly accurate, are cherry-picked for maximum effect. Attitudes expressed in opinion polls, rather than violent incidents themselves, are treated as proof of a tendency toward violence. But if white rural Americans really are the tip of the spear of coming fascism, wouldn’t there be more cases of organized political violence coming from that group since January 6?

Waldman and Schaller also ignore the fact that only 20 percent of Trump’s support actually comes from rural America, while some fifty-eight million votes in 2020 were cast for Trump in cities and suburbs. The country’s eleven largest metropolitan areas gave Trump more total votes than all of rural America combined. Los Angeles County handed Trump 1.1 million votes, but no one is writing a book called What’s the Matter With the San Fernando Valley?

Nor is there any mention of the class dealignment that’s more clearly emerged since 2016. Trump’s support is no doubt highest among whites, but over 40 percent of working-class Latinos also voted GOP in the last election, while black votes for Trump jumped from 8 percent in 2016 to 12 percent in 2020. For better or worse, the Democrats have increasingly become the party of highly educated, socially liberal urbanites, and Republicans are more and more making inroads among non-college-educated, working-class voters of all races.

Instead of addressing these inconvenient truths and attempting to provide serious recommendations about how to combat the rising far right, White Rural Rage would rather serve up calculated journalistic White Urban Rage against working-class people who vote for pandering politicians who only pay them lip service — which, of course, is not a feature exclusive to poor GOP voters.

There’s a certain irony in the fact that the book argues that white rural people feel an unearned sense of victimhood that helps fuel a politics of grievance and then demonizes them for these attitudes. The existence of White Rural Rage is itself the sort of evidence that will confirm the beliefs of those who think coastal liberals despise them — thereby fueling the very cultural grievances that drive many voters to the Right.

Not that we should be surprised: elites scapegoating the white working class is as American as apple pie. Critics of rebellious indentured servants in seventeenth-century Virginia called them society’s “offscourings,” a polite term for shit. Early American landowners described the rural poor as foolish “crackers” and idle, vagabond “squatters.” My favorite is an 1877 Chicago Tribune editorial, which called striking Irish and Czech workers “hordes of ragamuffins, vagrants, saloon bummers, and generally speaking the dregs of society.”

I can almost hear Waldman quoting those lines in White Rural Rage, while rasping the old 2016 mantra: “But her emails. . . .”


Ryan Zickgraf is a journalist based in Atlanta.