Tuesday, June 11, 2024

 

61% in US are Against Sending Aid to Israel


Natalia Marques 




The movement for Palestine in the US has mobilized hundreds of thousands of people to oppose the US policy of unshakable support for Israel. Last Saturday, 100,000 surrounded the White House as part of the “people’s red line” against genocide.


Mohammad, an organizer with PYM, addresses the crowd on June 8. Photo: PYM

Broad consent for the Biden administration’s support for Israel is in severe jeopardy. A CBS News poll from June 5 to 7 reveals that 61% of people in the US believe their government should not send both weapons and supplies to Israel. For people under 30, that number jumps to an overwhelming majority of 77%. 49% of people under 30 believe that Biden should encourage Israel to stop military action in Gaza entirely (37% of the total polled also agree with this sentiment).

Poll numbers from just after October 7 reveal the extent to which public opinion has shifted, with 52% of people against sending weapons and supplies to Israel, and only 59% of people under 30. Poll numbers from August of 2021, shortly after the Israeli attacks on Gaza in May of that same year, show similar division in the US public’s support for aid to Israel, with 50% saying that the US should restrict military aid to the Zionist state.

For the past eight months, the Palestine solidarity movement and the diverse range of organizations involved in the movement, have been waging a mass consciousness raising campaign, mobilizing in the streets, shutting down major arteries of transport and the flow of capital, fighting for divestment within universities, alongside many more actions.

A national mobilization on November 4 became the largest pro-Palestine demonstration in the country’s history, with half a million people mobilizing in the nation’s capital. On June 8, 100,000 people gathered outside of the White House, many of them traveling overnight from as far as Florida, Michigan, and Iowa, in an action called by a diverse coalition of organizations in order to draw a “red line” at the White House gates. 

“The ruling class, they’ve shown us that they have no red line,” said Lamees M, an organizer with the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM), opening the rally. “They have funded the massacre of Rafah over the past few weeks, the genocide in Gaza over the past eight months, and so many other instances of death and plunder, all in the name of empire and bloody profit.”

“More and more people, maybe it’s not the majority yet, maybe it’s just a very large minority, but a very huge part of the population, numbering in the tens of millions… now think that the Israeli narrative is false,” Brian Becker, executive director of the ANSWER Coalition, a national anti-imperialist organization that helped organize the rally, told Peoples Dispatch.

Gallup poll from March reveals that compared to November of 2023, in which 50% of people in the US approved of Israeli military action in Gaza, only 36% expressed approval in March. Polling from April also indicates that slightly more people in the US believe that Israel has gone too far in Gaza (32%) than believe Israeli actions are justified (27%). 

According to Becker, there are a few things contributing to that shift. “People can watch the genocide in real time for themselves on social media. The capitalist corporate owned media is not presenting it, but they can watch it on social media,” he said. 

“Secondly, we have created this consciousness. By we, I mean all of the groups in the movement who have been in the streets, using all kinds of tactics to show protest, to show opposition, to show struggle. People’s consciousness changes when they are in struggle. When they are in struggle, they open their minds to new ideas. And that’s what we’re witnessing in the United States. This is a new era, a sea change of political consciousness. But it doesn’t happen only spontaneously. It happens because of organization and movement building.”

Peoples Dispatch spoke to some of the demonstrators holding the miles-long “red line” surrounding the White House. One of the demonstrators, a member of Georgetown University Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine, issued a message to Joe Biden: “We will not be voting for you,” she said. “Be assured, the universities will not become peaceful. We will not be silent. We will not shut up. It is time for Palestine to be free.”

A young member of Black Alliance for Peace, present at the rally in Lafayette Square in front of the White House, told Peoples Dispatch, “My message to Joe Biden is, we are not voting for you. We do not support you. We do not support the genocide that you have allowed, that you are complicit in.”

Mohammad, an organizer with PYM, spoke in front of the crowd of tens of thousands gathered at Lafayette Square, describing how hundreds of his family members have been displaced across Rafah as a result of the ongoing genocide. “My homeland, decimated. Our homeland, soaked in the blood of our martyrs everyday. And everyday it becomes increasingly difficult to find the energy to move forward,” Mohammad articulated. “I don’t say this to dishearten us, but to validate our feelings currently. We are tired, we are exhausted of this genocide.”

But Mohammad urged the crowd to instead find the impetus to move forward through the people of Gaza, as well as the actions of the movement thus far. “We have to remember who, through the tears and the pains, who we do this all for… It is for the people in Gaza, who exist as our compass,” Mohammad declared.

“We have shut down streets. We have shut down bridges, airports, train stations. Think about it, this has never happened in the history of empire for a very long time. Day in and out, we organize to clog arteries of imperialism here within the belly of the beast.” 

Protesters have vowed to mobilize in Washington, DC once again on July 24, when Benjamin Netanyahu himself is slated to address Congress, despite the International Criminal Court issuing a warrant for his arrest. 

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

 

A Red Line Against Genocide, a Red Line Against Racism



Manu Karuka 




Israel channels the racist history of the United States in ducking and dodging charges of genocide under international law.

Photo: Wyatt Souers

On April 12, 1950, when the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations met to discuss the Genocide Convention (which had passed in the UN General Assembly a year earlier), the senators were most anxious to inoculate the US from charges of genocide, particularly for its traditions of racist violence. 

Philip Perlman, the Solicitor General, maintained that “genocide, as defined in this convention, has never been committed in this country, and there are no indications that it ever will be.” Raphael Lemkin, who had framed the concept of genocide, sent a letter to the committee definitively stating that in his view, the genocide convention did not apply to lynchings or race riots. A “casual lynching,” Lemkin explained, was “local terrorism,” not genocidal. He assured the senators that “genocide is a crime which does not happen in the US. It is like African leprosy. This country is called upon to cooperate in fighting this disease for humanitarian and defensive reasons only.”

On May 23, the committee again discussed the genocide convention. Senator McMahon of Connecticut, asserted without evidence that “the Russians” were at that moment engaged in genocide against Estonians, Latvians, Polish people, and Ukrainians. Adrian Fisher, who had provided legal assistance for Japanese American internment, assured the senators that “a race riot is not an act of mass murder or genocide.” 

Mr. Perlman tried to address “the practical objection, the thing that is behind a lot of people’s minds on this convention… is it aimed at lynching in the South.” He reassured the senators that the genocide convention “has nothing to do with lynching.” Senators McMahon and Smith of New Jersey wondered, if the Soviet Union brought the US before the International Court of Justice after a race riot, would the US be bound to its rulings? Perlman affirmed that if US courts had considered the ICJ ruling and found it “no good,” then “there is nothing that anyone could do about it.” The US was not bound to respect any higher legal authority.

Despite these assurances, Congress declined to ratify the genocide convention over the following decades. In September 1984, the Committee on Foreign Relations again discussed the ratification of the convention, this time at the urging of President Reagan. Senator Joseph Biden, voicing his skepticism about the sincerity of Reagan’s support in the closing weeks of an election year, insisted nonetheless that as “the father of the right wing… the father of the radical right in America,” Reagan’s ability to outflank recalcitrant senators in key positions, like Jesse Helms and Strom Thurmond, made this “a great opportunity” to pass the genocide convention. 

This instinct to outflank the right shaped Biden’s May 31 speech, revealing the details of a “comprehensive new proposal” that he described as being offered by Israel.

On May 22, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention issued its eighth SOS alert on Gaza, expressing profound dismay “at the lackluster effort to end Israel’s devastating war and genocide.” As famine has set in, over 80% of civilian infrastructure has been destroyed, and virtually every Palestinian living in Gaza has been displaced, while “any hope of the international community stepping up and putting even the slightest modicum of pressure on the Israeli state has yet to materialize.” Hamas, they noted, had accepted the terms of a ceasefire agreement on May 6, which Israeli forces refused, instead seizing the Rafah crossing, the entry point for almost all humanitarian aid into Gaza, the following day. 

“Israel’s chief patron, the United States” they pointed out, “has done little to prevent the invasion of Rafah.” The Biden administration had instead prepared a $1 billion arms shipment, including tank shells, tactical vehicles, and mortars, which would help Israeli forces “to push further into Rafah while also re-invading northern Gaza.” 

Two days later, on May 24, the International Court of Justice ruled that “Israel must immediately halt its military offensive, and any other action in the Rafah Governorate,” open the Rafah crossing to humanitarian aid, and allow unimpeded access to UN investigators researching allegations of genocide. Israel and its international backers, including the US, are currently in breach of this ruling from the International Court of Justice.

On June 8, thousands will gather to form a red line around the White House, insisting on the universal application of human rights for all people, including Palestinians. It is clear that in the Biden White House, there are no red lines against genocide in Gaza, just as there are no red lines against child poverty, hunger, unsafe water, or police brutality within US borders. In the midst of a genocide, during a presidential election, the people’s red line against genocide in Palestine will also be a red line for genuine democracy in North America. Join a bus to Washington, DC, this Saturday, to help build the line for peace, against racism and genocide.

Manu Karuka is the author of Empire’s Tracks: Indigenous Nations, Chinese Workers, and the Transcontinental Railroad (University of California Press). He is a member of the editorial board of 1804 Books.

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch
INDIA

Lok Sabha Results: Farmers Still a Political Force

Interview with P. Sainath | 11 Jun 2024
Interviewed by Prabir Purkayastha
Produced by Newsclick Team,

Lok Sabha Results 2024: Apathy Towards People's Issues Cost BJP Clear Majority?

The outcome of 2024 Lok Sabha elections may not have given clear majority to any political party. But it did give clear indications that Indian politics and democracy shall be centred around people's issues. During the campaign attempts were made by the ruling party to steer the narrative towards non-issues like mangalsutra, religion-based reservation etc. However, the people, who have been bearing the brunt of uncontrolled price rise and unemployment, economic and agricultural distress, seemed to have voted on issues that affect their lives.

What do these results tell about the character of Indian politics? Have the Indian working class and peasantry, while struggling to find its unity amid the many religious and caste-based internal conflicts, still sided with the democratic values envisioned in the constitution and tried to reign in the autocratic rule?

Watch this exclusive conversation between NewsClick's editor-in-chief Prabir Purkayastha and senior journalist P. Sainath as they discuss the post results scenario of Indian politics.


INDIA

Bihar: Red Flag Flies High, CPI(ML) Wins 2 Seats After 35 Years


Mohd. Imran Khan 





It was not an easy battle as the ruling NDA used everything, including heavy resources, a high-flying election campaign and Modi himself addressing election rallies in both Arrah and Karakat.


Patna: The “red flags” of the Left parties, key allies of Bihar's Mahagathbandhan, a part of the Opposition’s Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), defeated saffron flags of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance in two of 40 Lok Sabha seats. This is a big win for the Left in the state after the 2020 Bihar Assembly polls.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation or CPI(ML), locally known as Bhakpa-Maley, a part of the Left parties, broke nearly a 35-year-old jinx by winning Arrah and Karakat Lok Sabha seats. This time, the red flags along with the green flags of Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and tricolour flags of Congress worked hard together and wrested these two crucial seats.

It was not an easy battle as ruling NDA had used everything, including heavy resources, a high-flying election campaign and Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself addressing election rallies in both these parliamentary constituency

The CPI(ML) candidates Sudama Prasad and Raja Ram Singh won Arrah and Karakat seats.

Prasad, a party MLA from Tarari Assembly seat in Bhojpur district, defeated BJP’s incumbent MP and Union minister R K Singh, and Raja Ram Singh, former party MLA, defeated popular Bhojpuri film star Pawan Singh and a former Union minister Upendra Kushwaha, chief of Rashtriya Loktantrik Morcha, a BJP’s ally.

Prasad has emerged as a big fighter as he stopped R K Singh from making a hattrick this time. In Arrah, considered a CPI(ML) stronghold since the 1980s, the fight was bipolar and has minimised the chances of a split in either pro-NDA or anti-NDA votes.

Arrah is a hub of lucrative illegal sand mining in river Sone. RK Singh, a former IAS officer-turned- politician, who belongs to Rajput caste, is known for engineering a calculated caste equation of other upper castes, non-Yadav OBCs and Dalits in the past two elections. He has reportedly also taken the help of criminal-turned-politicians belonging to the powerful Bhumihar upper caste, to back him.

A former Union home secretary, Singh had created a controversy by his statement in which he allegedly linked Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh with terror. Also, it was he who, as district magistrate in 1990, arrested L K Advani, who was leading the Ram Janmabhoomi Rath Yatra into Bihar, ordered by then Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav.

This time, Singh was heavily banking on caste equations and the ‘Modi factor’ to win, but in vain.

However, the CPI(ML) candidate, was supported by a combination of strong social support base and anti- incumbency against Singh also played its part in his victory.

In Karakat, the entry of BJP’s rebel Pawan Singh, a Bhojpuri singer, as an independent candidate damaged Upendra Kushwaha, who was pushed to the third position. After Pawan Singh refused to withdraw from the fray against Kushwaha, BJP last week expelled him for contesting against the NDA candidate.

During the campaign, Pawan Singh attracted youths in the largely rural constituency for his glamour and his popular Bhojpuri songs. Some popular Bhojpuri film
stars, including Khesari Lal Yadav, also campaigned for him. Pawan Singh made it a triangular contest in Karakat, on both sides of the river Sone, known as the rice bowl of Bihar.

Singh, who belongs to the powerful upper caste Rajput, made a dent into the traditional upper caste support base of NDA. In March 2024, Pawan Singh refused to
contest from Asansol Lok Sabha seat in West Bengal after BJP named him as the party nominee against Trinamool Congress incumbent MP Shatrughan Sinha, a Bollywood star, popularly known as ‘Bihari Babu’.

A young CPI(ML) leader and first time MLA Sandeep Saurav contested unsuccessfully from Nalanda parliamentary constituency, which is the home district of Janata Dal-United president and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. JD-U has been winning this seat since the late 1990s.

It was in the 1989 Lok Sabha polls, when the CPI(ML), the political face of the Indian People’s Front (IPF), won from the Arrah Lok Sabha seat. It took over three decades for the party to repeat success in the Lok Sabha elections.

For the Left parties, this latest win was much needed as it broke the nearly 25-year-old jinx that they had been facing in winning Lok Sabha polls in Bihar. Last timein the 1999 Lok Sabha polls, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) candidate Subodh Rai won from the Bhagalpur seat, the last Left party candidate to have been in the Lok Sabha from Bihar. After that, the Left parties contested unsuccessfully in the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 polls.

In April 2024 when workers of Communist Party the CPI(ML) started door-to-door visits, seeking support and a donation of Rs 20 from each household during the election campaign for Lok Sabha polls, it went unnoticed amid the high-flying election campaign of NDA. But this campaign of CPI(ML) proved successful if the poll outcome in Arrah and Karakat is anything to go by.

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Left parties, including CPI(ML), CPI(M) and Communist Party of India (CPI), jointly contested five of 40 seats in Bihar after the Mahagathbandhan finalised its seat sharing formula in March. This was in contrast to the 2019 and 2014 elections.

The CPI(ML) is recognised as a potent political force with 11 MLAs in the Assembly and a significant support base across various districts, especially in rural areas. The party had demanded five seats. CPI(M), with two MLAs, had requested four seats, and CPI, with two MLAs, sought three seats.

The CPI(ML) contested from three seats of Arrah, Karakat and Nalanda, the CPI(M) contested from Khagaria and CPI contested from Begusarai, the party’s traditional stronghold. The Left parties were defeated in Nalanda, Begusarai and Khagaria seats but gave a tough fight to NDA.

The CPI candidate from Begusarai, Awadhesh Rai, a former party MLA, challenged vocal Hindutva champion and Union Minister Giriraj Singh,a senior BJP leader. In the previous polls, CPI had fielded Kanhaiya Kumar, former Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union
president, who is now a vocal Congress leader. Kumar unsuccessfully contested from Begusarai.

In the 2020 Assembly polls, the Left parties won 16 seats, including 12 by CPI(ML) and two each by CPI(M) and CPI.

Left party leaders argue that traditionally, the Left had a sizable presence in Bihar, with the CPI as a dominant political force. Even now, the Left has certain pockets of strongholds and social support bases that are quite visible during protests and rallies.

Political watchers here said that Left parties collectively have a strong support base in at least a dozen Lok Sabha seats, where they can influence the poll outcome. They also pointed out the significance of Left parties in shaping the balance in favour of or against any candidate in some seats.

 

INDIA

Bihar: Upper Caste Dominance Continues in Electoral Politics


Mohd. Imran Khan 







In the first elections after the much-hyped Bihar caste survey, 12 MPs belonging to total 10.72% upper castes got elected, which is 30% of total 40 Lok Sabha seats in the state.


Patna: In backward Bihar, which is widely seen as a hub of “Mandal” politics since the 1990s, the dominance of the powerful upper castes continues in electoral politics, the results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in the state indicate.

The elections results expose the hollowness of the slogans raised by top leaders of the ruling Janata Dal-United (JD-U) and the Opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) to ensure proportionate political representation after the Bihar caste survey report was made public last year.

In the first elections held in April-May-June (2024) after the much-hyped Bihar caste survey report was
released last October(2023), as many as 12 MPs belonging to upper castes (Hindu) were elected, which
is 30% of total 40 Lok Sabha seats in the state. This is despite the fact that their population (upper castes - Bhumihar, Rajput, Brahmin and Kayasth) is merely 10.72% of total population of the state.

Ahead of caste survey report, 13 MPs belonging to upper castes were elected in the 2019 Lok Sabha
elections in Bihar.

“Upper castes are dominating in electoral politics in the state due to social-political equations on the
ground in their favour. This plays a major role in winning elections. Upper castes will continue to enjoy a
major chunk of political pie until the ongoing trend of dominant caste politics ends in Bihar”, political analyst Satyanarayan Madan told NewsClick.

Madan noted that the upper castes were not only dominating castes, they were also a political well-organised community unlike the Extreme Backward Classes (EBCs) and Dalits. Besides, in post-Mandal politics, the divide between backward and forward castes has narrowed and backward unity has also broken.

“There is no backward unity and backward consolidation as it was till the early 2000s.” he added.

Among the upper castes, Rajputs and Bhumihars are political communities who lead forward caste politics. Their grip on socio-economic sphere is strong, they have landed property, own different businesses and are known for their muscle power in the rural belt, he said.

Madan seems right. Of the 12 newly elected upper castes MPs, six are Rajputs, three Bhumihars, two Brahmins and one Kayasth.

Similarly, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) castes like Yadav, Kurmi-Kushwaha, who are dominant castes and
are also a political community, assert themselves in electoral politics. This time (2024 Lok Sabha polls) seven MPs are Yadavs and five MPs belong to the Kurmi-Kushwaha communities.

According to political commentator D M Diwakar, the dominant among upper castes as well as among OBCs
control electoral politics in comparison to other castes, which are poor, marginalised and weak.

“The class character of those in electoral politics in Bihar has not changed much since the last caste census in 1931 and the 1935 Act. It is nothing but the continuation of a Brahminical order today. The poor, weak and
deprived sections are not getting proportionate political representation”, said Diwakar, former director
of A N Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna.

He said it was an irony that the non-producer class’s dominance continues in electoral politics. “This
can be changed if other recommendations of the Mandal Commission are implemented in education and land reforms are done in the state”, he added.

Take, for instance, the landless Musahars, the poorest of the poor and most marginalised Dalit caste, whose
population is 3.0872% in the state, which is more or less close to the Rajput population of 3.4505%, as per the recent caste survey report. But only one MP, Jitan Ram Manjhi, belonging to Musahar community, got elected from their traditional reserved parliamentary constituency of Gaya. Manjhi is former chief minister and founder of Hindustani Awam Morcha, an ally of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance in the state.

“Musahars have not yet emerged as a political community and are not politically organised till date due their poor socio-economic condition, said Madan.

The Bihar caste survey report also exposed a close link of the non-political dominant castes with high
migration rate, poverty and low income. The socio-economic data confirmed that poverty is rampant in Bihar, with 34.13% of all families in the state classified poor. The number of poor families is highest among Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), followed by OBCs and EBCs.

As per the data, 42.93% SC families and 42.70% ST families are poor, while 33.16 % OBC families and 33.58% EBC families are also poor. Among the SCs, poverty is highest among the Musahar community,
known as one of India's most marginalised groups in the caste hierarchy. About 54% of Musahar families are poverty-stricken, followed by 53% among Bhuiyan and 42% among Chamar or Mochi.

Among the OBCs, 35.87% families of Yadavs are poor followed by 34.32% Kushwahas and 29.9% Kurmis. The survey found that the monthly income of 34.13% of all families in the state is a meagre Rs 6,000. This means all of them survive on an income of Rs 200 per day.

It is a hard fact that there are several parliamentary seats in the state were won by the upper castes in the last four Lok Sabha elections (since 2009). These seats include Begusarai, Maharajganj, Vaishali, Darbhanga, Munger, Nawada, Patna Sahib and Buxar. Since the early 1990s till date, most of the known  “Bahubali" (strongmen) politicians, some of them criminal-turned-politicians, belong to upper castes, who also play a major role in tilting the balance in favour of their caste persons in elections.

However, in 2024, some change has been reported. For the first time since 1952, the Aurangabad seat was won by a Kushwaha candidate from RJD. Abhay Kushwaha was elected and he became the first non-Rajput to
achieve this.

Going by the latest trends in electoral politics, popular Hindi slogans of social justice "jiski jitni sankhya bhari, uski utni bhagidari” (the greater the number, the greater will be his participation) or “jitni abaadi, utni hissedari” (the greater the population, the greater the share) remains on paper even after caste survey report.

As only 20 MPs belonging to the Other OBCs and EBCs have elected, which is 50% of the total 40 seats. The
OBCs (27.2%) and EBCs (36.01%) have a combined population of 63%, but are still lagging to challenge the
dominance of the upper castes in electoral politics.

Madan pointed out that the Bihar caste survey report had failed to generate any politics contrary to expectations that backward castes would be united, which did not happen.

Ironically, only two MPs belonging to Muslim community were elected this time. Muslims constitutes 17.7%
of Bihar’s population.

“The gap between the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, which is a part of Ppposition INDIA bloc and BJP-led NDA was 27% votes in 2019. This has come down to just 9% this time. This figure confirms the fact that the Mahagathbandhan has made a huge comeback, largely on the basis of backward castes, Dalits and
Musim votes,” said Soroor Ahmad, a political
commentator, adding that there were two takers of backward castes votes – the ruling JD-U of Nitish Kumar as well as RJD of Tejashwi Yadav.

“This was totally different from neighbouring Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav alone took away majority of backward votes. The BJP had Yogi Adityanath and upper castes as its face. It was a strategy not only in Bihar but also in West Bengal, Maharashtra and UP to field less numbers of Muslim to prevent the possibility of polarisation by BJP”, he added.

Six Dalits have elected from six reserved seats. The NDA has a strong support base among Dalits. Two of its allies -- LJP(R) headed by Chirag Paswan and HAM’s Jitan Ram Manjhi -- are Dalit leaders. Of the six reserved seats, BJP’s allies LJP(R) won three seats including Hajipur, one seat each was by other allies JD-U and HAM. Only one reserved seat of Sasaram was won by Congress.

RJD has not won any reserved seat in the state after the 2004 elections.

Bihar has been a hub of mandal politics since the 1990s and chief minister Nitish Kumar's JD-U and former CM Lalu Prasad's RJD have ruled the state in this period, raising the hope to implement their commitment of social
justice into practice. But they are yet to ensure political representation in accordance with the population.