Tuesday, June 11, 2024

 A man in a red t-shirt and cowboy hat holds a placard saying "Writers Guid on Strike! AI's not taking your dumb notes!"

Is Artificial Intelligence the Future?

Rather than develop AI to make profits, reduce jobs and the livelihoods of humans, AI under common ownership and planning could reduce the hours of human labour for all and free humans from toil to concentrate on creative work that only human intelligence can deliver.

Michael Roberts

As the debate on Artificial Intelligence rages, Michael Roberts suggests the economic impacts may not live up to expectations – at least under capitalism.

About this time last year, I tackled the subject of artificial intelligence (AI) and the impact of the new generalised intelligence language learning models (LLMs) like ChatGPT etc.

In that post I mainly dealt with the impact on jobs for workers being replaced by AI LLMs and the corresponding effect on boosting the productivity of labour.  The standard forecast on AI came from the economists at Goldman Sachs, the major investment bank.  They reckoned if the technology lived up to its promise, it would bring “significant disruption” to the labour market, exposing the equivalent of 300m full-time workers across the major economies to automation of their jobs. Lawyers and administrative staff would be among those at greatest risk of becoming redundant (and probably economists!). They calculated that roughly two-thirds of jobs in the US and Europe are exposed to some degree of AI automation, based on data on the tasks typically performed in thousands of occupations. 

Most people would see less than half of their workload automated and would probably continue in their jobs, with some of their time freed up for more productive activities. In the US, this would apply to 63% of the workforce, they calculated. A further 30% working in physical or outdoor jobs would be unaffected, although their work might be susceptible to other forms of automation.

But Goldman Sachs economists were very optimistic and euphoric for the productivity gains that AI could achieve, possibly taking capitalist economies out of the relative stagnation of the last 15-20 years – the Long Depression.  GS claimed that ‘generative’ AI systems such as ChatGPT could spark a productivity boom that would eventually raise annual global GDP by 7% over a decade.  If corporate investment in AI continued to grow at a similar pace to software investment in the 1990s, US AI investment alone could approach 1% of US GDP by 2030.

But US technology economist Daren Acemoglu was sceptical then.  He argued that not all automation technologies actually raise the productivity of labour. That’s because companies mainly introduce automation in areas that may boost profitability, like marketing, accounting or fossil fuel technology, but not raise productivity for the economy as a whole or meet social needs. 

Now in a new paper, Acemoglu pours a good dose of cold water on the optimism engendered by the likes of GS. In contrast to GS, Acemoglu reckons that the productivity effects from AI advances within the next 10 years “will be modest”.  The highest gain he forecasts would be just a total 0.66% rise in total factor productivity (TFP), which is the mainstream measure for the impact of innovation, or about a tiny 0.064% increase in annual TFP growth. It could even be lower as AI cannot handle some harder tasks that humans do.  Then the rise could be just 0.53%.  Even if the introduction of AI raised overall investment, the boost to GDP in the US would be only 0.93-1.56% in total, depending on the size of the investment boom.

Moreover, Acemoglu reckons that AI will widen the gap between capital and labor income; as he says: “low-education women may experience small wage declines, overall between-group inequality may increase slightly, and the gap between capital and labour income is likely to widen further”. Indeed, AI may actually harm human welfare by expanding misleading social media, digital ads and the IT defense-attack spending.  So AI investment may add to GDP but lower human welfare by as much as 0.72% of GDP. 

And there are other dangers to labour.  Owen David argues that AI is already being used to monitor workers on the job, recruit and screen job candidates, set pay levels, direct what tasks workers do, evaluate their outputs, schedule shifts, etc. “As AI takes on the functions of management and augments managerial abilities, it may shift power to employers.”  There are shades of the observations of Harry Braverman in his famous book of 1974 on the degradation of work and destruction of skills by automation.

Acemoglu recognises that there are gains to be had from generative AI, “but these gains will remain elusive unless there is a fundamental reorientation of the industry, including perhaps a major change in the architecture of the most common generative AI models.”  In particular, Acemoglu says that “it remains an open question whether we need models that engage inhuman-like conversations and write Shakespearean sonnets if what we really want is reliable information useful for educators, healthcare professionals, electricians, plumbers and other craft workers.”

Indeed, because it is managers and not workers as a whole who are introducing AI to replace human labour, they are already removing skilled workers from jobs they do well without necessarily improving efficiency and well-being for all.  As one commentator put it: “I want AI to do my laundry and dishes so that I can do art and writing, not for AI to do my art and writing so that I can do my laundry and dishes.”  Managers are introducing AI to “make management problems easier at the cost of the stuff that many people don’t think AI should be used for, like creative work….. If AI is going to work, it needs to come from the bottom-up, or AI is going to be useless for the vast majority of people in the workplace”.

Is AI going to save the major economies by delivering a big leap forward in productivity? It all depends on where and how AI is applied. A PwC study found productivity growth was almost five times as rapid in parts of the economy where AI penetration was highest than in less exposed sectors.  Barret Kupelian, the chief economist at PwC UK, said: “Our findings show that AI has the power to create new industries, transform the jobs market and potentially push up productivity growth rates. In terms of the economic impact, we are only seeing the tip of the iceberg – currently, our findings suggest that the adoption of AI is concentrated in a few sectors of the economy, but once the technology improves and diffuses across other sectors of the economy, the future potential could be transformative.”

OECD economists are not so sure that is right.  In a paper they pose the problem“how long will the application of AI into sectors of the economy take?  The adoption of AI is still very low, with less than 5% of firms reporting the use of this technology in the US (Census Bureau 2024). When put in perspective with the adoption path of previous general-purpose technologies (e.g. computers and electricity) that have taken up to 20 years to be fully diffused, AI has a long way to go before reaching the high adoption rates that are necessary to detect macroeconomic gains.”

Findings at the micro or industry level mainly capture the impacts on early adopters and very specific tasks, and likely indicate short-term effects. The long-run impact of AI on macro-level productivity growth will depend on the extent of its use and successful integration into business processes.” The OECD economists point out that it took 20 years for previous ground-breaking technologies like electric power or PCs to ‘diffuse’ sufficiently to make a difference.  That would make the 2040s for AI.

Moreover, AI by replacing labour in more productive, knowledge-intensive sectors, could cause “an eventual fall in the employment shares of these sectors (that) would act as a drag on aggregate productivity growth,” 

And echoing some the arguments of Acemoglu, the OECD economists suggest that “AI poses significant threats to market competition and inequality that may weigh on its potential benefits, either directly or indirectly, by prompting preventive policy measures to limit its development and adoption.”

And then there is the cost of investment.  Just gaining access to the physical infrastructure needed for large scale AI can be a challenge. The sort of computer systems needed to run an AI for cancer drug research typically require between two and three thousand of the latest computer chips. The cost of such computer hardware alone could easily come in at upwards of $60m (£48m), even before costs for other essentials such as data storage and networking. A big bank, pharmaceutical firm or manufacturer might have the resources to buy in the tech it needs to take advantage of the latest AI, but what about a smaller firm?

So contrary to the conventional view and much more in line with Marxist theory, the introduction of AI investment will not lead to a cheapening of fixed assets (constant capital in Marxist terms) and therefore a fall in ratio of fixed asset costs to labour, but the opposite (ie a rising organic composition of capital).  And that means further downward pressure on average profitability in the major economies. 

And there is the impact on global warming and energy use.  Large language models such as ChatGPT are some of the most energy-guzzling technologies of all.  Research suggests, for instance, that about 700,000 litres of water could have been used to cool the machines that trained ChatGPT-3 at Microsoft’s data facilities. Training AI models consumes 6,000 times more energy than a European city.  Furthermore, while minerals such as lithium and cobalt are most commonly associated with batteries in the motor sector, they are also crucial for the batteries used in datacentres. The extraction process often involves significant water usage and can lead to pollution, undermining water security. 

Grid Strategies, a consultancy, forecasts US electricity demand growth of 4.7 percent over the next five years, nearly doubling its projection from a year earlier. A study by the Electric Power Research Institute found that data centres will make up 9 per cent of US power demand by 2030, more than double current levels.

Already that prospect is leading to a slowdown in plans to retire coal plants as power demand from AI surges.

Maybe these investment and energy costs can be reduced with new AI developments.  Swiss technology firm Final Spark has launched Neuroplatform, the world’s first bioprocessing platform where human brain organoids (lab-grown miniaturized versions of organs) perform computational tasks instead of silicon chips. The first such facility hosts the processing prowess of 16 brain organoids, which the company claims uses a million times less power than their silicon counterparts.  This is a frightening development in one sense: human brains!  But luckily it is a long way from implementation.  Unlike silicon chips, which can last for years, if not decades, the ‘organoids’ only last 100 days before ‘dying’.

Contrary to the GS economists, those at the frontier of AI development are much less sanguine about its impact.  Demis Hassabis, head of Google’s AI research division puts it: “AI’s biggest promise is just that — a promise. Two fundamental problems remain unsolved. One involves making AI models that are trained on historic data, understand whatever new situation they are put in and respond appropriately. ” AI needs to be able to “understand and respond to our complex and dynamic world, just as we do”.

But can AI do that?  In my previous post on AI, I argued that AI cannot really replace human intelligence.  And Yann LeCun, chief AI scientist at Meta, the social media giant that owns Facebook and Instagram, agrees.  He said that LLMs had “very limited understanding of logic . . . do not understand the physical world, do not have persistent memory, cannot reason in any reasonable definition of the term and cannot plan . . . hierarchically”.  LLMs were models learning only when human engineers intervene to train it on that information, rather than AI coming to a conclusion organically like people. “It certainly appears to most people as reasoning — but mostly it’s exploiting accumulated knowledge from lots of training data.”  Aron Culotta, associate professor of computer science at Tulane University, put it another way.  “common sense had long been a thorn in the side of AI”, and that it was challenging to teach models causality, leaving them “susceptible to unexpected failures”.

Noam Chomsky summed up the limitations of AI relative to human intelligence.  “The human mind is not like ChatGPT and its ilk, a lumbering statistical engine for pattern matching, gorging on hundreds of terabytes of data and extrapolating the most likely conversational response of most probable answer to a scientific question.  On the contrary, the human mind is a surprisingly efficient and even elegant system that operates with small amounts to information; it seeks not to infer brute correlations among data points but to create explanations.  Let’s stop calling it artificial intelligence and call it for what it is ‘plagiarism software’ because it does not create anything but copies existing works, of artists, modifying them enough to escape copyright laws.”

That brings me to what I might call the Altman syndrome.  AI under capitalism is not innovation aiming to extend human knowledge and relieve humanity of toil.  For capitalist innovators like Sam Altman, it is innovation for making profits.  Sam Altman, the founder of OpenAI, was removed from controlling his company last year because other board members reckoned he wanted to turn OpenAI into a huge money-making operation backed by big business (Microsoft is the current financial backer), while the rest of the board continued to see OpenAI as a non-profit operation aiming to spread the benefits of AI to all with proper safeguards on privacy, supervision and control.  Altman had developed a ‘for-profit’ business arm, enabling the company to attract outside investment and commercialise its services.  Altman was soon back in control when Microsoft and other investors wielded the baton on the rest of the board.  OpenAI is no longer open.

Machines cannot think of potential and qualitative changes.  New knowledge comes from such transformations (human), not from the extension of existing knowledge (machines).  Only human intelligence is social and can see the potential for change, in particular social change, that leads to a better life for humanity and nature. Rather than develop AI to make profits, reduce jobs and the livelihoods of humans, AI under common ownership and planning could reduce the hours of human labour for all and free humans from toil to concentrate on creative work that only human intelligence can deliver.


  • This article originally appeared on Michael Roberts blog, The Next Recession, on 6 June 2024.

 

PSC launches Vote Palestine 2024 campaign for UK General Election

“Candidates who normalise massacres, who greenlight genocide, or who endorse a system of apartheid, should not expect support from voters who believe that human rights and international law should be upheld.”

Ben Jamal, Director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign


By the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC)

On Tuesday June 11th Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) launches its Vote Palestine campaign for the UK General Election. 

This General Election has been called at a moment when Palestinians are confronting the darkest moment in their struggle for liberation. Over 37,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israel, including approximately 16,000 children, in what the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has accepted as a plausible case of genocide.

In the last week alone there have been several massacres in the Gaza Strip, culminating in the slaughter of at least 284 people in Nuseirat on Saturday. The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is seeking arrest warrants for Israel’s Prime Minister and Defence Minister alongside Hamas leaders, for crimes against humanity, with the charges against Israeli leaders including using starvation as a weapon of war.

This current genocide is built on the foundations of decades of violations of Palestinian rights by Israel in which successive British governments have been complicit. These realities have made the issue of justice for Palestinians a core electoral issue for constituents across Britain. Palestinians have the inalienable right to self-determination, and to be free from discriminatory laws and racial domination.

PSC has drafted 6 questions for all Parliamentary candidates that constituents can send electronically to their local prospective candidates, as a set of concrete actions to commit to if elected. They cover an immediate ceasefire, restoration of funding to UNRWA, an arms embargo, support for the ICJ and ICC to uphold international humanitarian law, suspending trade agreements with Israel and protecting the right to protest, boycott and divest from companies that are complicit in violations of international law.

Ben Jamal, PSC Director, said :

“At this General Election, Palestine is a core electoral issue like never before. The last eight months in Gaza have led to a generational shift in attitudes to Israel – a state that not only occupies Palestine and practices a system of apartheid against Palestinian people but is now committing a genocide with appalling new chapters being seen every day. And this continues with the complicity of UK political leaders who have failed to advocate for an immediate and permanent ceasefire, failed to halt arms exports, and continue to provide political support to Israel.

Hundreds of thousands of people in the UK actively support the cause of justice for Palestine. We urge them to judge how political parties and candidates respond to our specific demands when deciding how to cast their vote. Candidates who normalise massacres, who greenlight genocide, or who endorse a system of apartheid, should not expect support from voters who believe that human rights and international law should be upheld.”


UK
Everything you need know about where the political parties stand on the NHS

Today
LEFT FOOT FORWARD


Dr Sally Ruane looks in depth at what's being offered for the NHS at the general election



Although the NHS remains a key issue for voters, a clear picture of what parties will offer to resolve the current crisis have not yet been published.

Patients are experiencing difficulty in access to both hospital care and GPs. Before the pandemic, austerity had already almost doubled the waiting list for elective (planned) care and once the pandemic hit, the need to focus on Covid-19 patients combined with advice to patients not to consult GPs led to a rapidly growing backlog of patient care, with around 6.3 million currently on waiting lists.

Unsurprisingly, public satisfaction with the NHS is at an all-time low. Staff shortages are evident everywhere with the NHS struggling to recruit and to retain those staff it has. High workload and poor work-life balance, lack of support and loss of real terms value in pay have all contributed to this, as has the failure to undertake long-term workforce planning. Resources that are inadequate to provide good quality care commensurate with one of the world’s richest nations contribute to stress, poor morale and moral injury to staff.

So what are the parties offering to expand the capacity of the NHS, speed up access to good quality treatment and care for the staff without whom there is no service?

Both Labour and Conservatives promise a recruitment drive through expanded training places (Conservatives plan roughly a third increase to10,000 medical and 40,000 nurse training places by 2028) and the use of alternative routes into the professions, including apprenticeships. More radical are changes in the workforce mix to include new roles with typically, less trained, lower paid staff (such as Medical Associate Professionals) to supplement – or even replace – more highly trained professionals.

The Conservatives promise an extra 12,500 doctors and nurses by 2028. Labour promise 8,500 new mental health staff, double the number of district nurses and training 5,000 more health visitors. The Lib Dems are promising to recruit 8,000 more GPs, although recruiting extra GPs is much easier than securing an increase of full-time equivalent GPs especially given retention problems. Reform UK believe a zero basic rate income tax for frontline health and social care staff will improve retention and attract others back into the service.

What isn’t clear is whether the resources needed to implement much needed expansion will be in place. The government is spending £5bn less on health in England than promised in 2019 and now offering only very small increases in day-to-day funding. £730m per year has been promised to fund additional mental health services, paid for out of cuts to other services, in order to keep more people in work.

Faced with the fact the NHS cannot be restored without significant additional funding, Starmer insists that the NHS “is always better funded under Labour”. However, Labour has not so far added substance by telling people what the improved level of funding will be. Having supported cuts in National Insurance Contributions, Labour are trying to find revenues for health through taxing the non-domiciled and tackling tax avoidance. Welcome though these may be, they will not raise the funds needed to restore the NHS. With the Conservatives and Labour not differing enormously on their tax policies and fiscal rules, voters will be sceptical that the necessary expansion in NHS capacity will be delivered.

The Green Party is the first to make a bold spending pledge. Through requiring “the very richest” to pay more tax, it promises over £50bn of extra spending a year by 2030 on health and social care with a further £20bn for capital investment. Labour has yet to commit itself on the Conservative’s hospital building plan to build “40 new hospitals by 2030” which has not gone ahead and lacks sufficient funding.

Labour propose to clear waiting times of more than 18 weeks – currently over 3 million – within five years, partly by paying staff to work overtime. The shadow health secretary also plans to use the private sector to help achieve this goal, ignoring the lack of evidence for such a policy and the many valid objections. The Conservatives and UK Reform also promise an increasing role for the private sector, in the latter case supported through tax relief on private health care insurance. By contrast, the Green Party offer a ‘cast iron guarantee’ that they will fight privatisation at every stage.

The worrying state of maternity services has barely featured in general election campaigning and is not mentioned in Labour’s NHS Fit for the Future policy outline. Prevention, too, has received scant attention although Labour’s promise to embed prevention in government departments goes further than the Conservatives.

The LibDems have been emphasising social care much more than the other parties, promising free personal care at a cost of £2.7bn funded through reversing tax cuts given to the banking sector, hoping to free up NHS beds and saving the NHS £3bn. How this would increase capacity in a social care sector ravaged by staff shortages is unclear. Labour propose a National Care Service but are not prioritising it and what it will look like remains unclear.

Dr Sally Ruane is Reader in Social Policy, Director of Health Policy Research Unit at De Montford University and a member of Keep Our NHS Public

 UK

Labour’s historic opportunity to reverse NHS outsourcing in first term

“Politicians have historically presented outsourcing as a neutral choice, but it clearly isn’t. It’s resulting in billions leaving public services in the form of profits, which could instead be used to provide a better service to everyone.”

British Actor and Comedian Stephen Fry

By We Own It

Using NHS contracts data provided by public sector procurement specialists Tussell, We Own It’s analysis shows that Labour will inherit 7452 contracts for services, worth a total of £29.1 billion,[3] between for-profit private companies and local, regional and national NHS entities in England.

93.7% of these contracts – 6983 contracts – worth £19.7 billion, are scheduled to expire between 5th July 2024 and 5th July 2029. This means Labour will have to decide whether to bring those services back into the NHS.

Tussell estimates that for-profit private companies stand to make just over £1 billion in profits from all NHS outsourcing contracts Labour is set to inherit when they take office on the 5th of July [4]. 

We Own It estimates that the £1 billion that is set to leave the NHS in private profits could have helped the NHS hire over 27,000 NHS nurses [5] or cover the cost of knee replacement surgeries for over 71,000 NHS patients.

Among the contracts Labour can bring in-house in their first-term is failed track and trace provider, Serco’s £128 million contract to provide catering and cleaning services to University Hospital Southampton NHS Foundation Trust, expiring on 31st May 2027. 

£27.5 million in profits is estimated to leave the Barking Havering & Redbridge University Hospitals NHS Trust, the North East London NHS Foundation Trust and the North East London Integrated Care System, which cover constituencies in North East London including Shadow Health Secretary Wes Streeting’s Ilford North constituency. 

Labour can do in the NHS what they have already pledged to do in rail

Labour’s public transportation (rail and buses) plans demonstrate a pragmatic approach to rebuilding public services, which includes pursuing public ownership in areas where they can take services back when contracts end without compensating shareholders.

This means, like in rail, Labour can commit to take almost all outsourced NHS services in-house in their first term, when their contracts end.

A March 2024 review by the University of Oxford shows that outsourcing in healthcare leads to worse care for patients.

Additionally, in their April 2024 report, the BMJ’s Commission on the Future of the NHS (under the subheading of “food”), identifies outsourcing in areas like NHS catering as leading to poorer health outcomes.

Peer-reviewed academic research also shows that hospitals cleaned by private companies are dirtier and spread more hospital-acquired infections than those cleaned by in-house NHS staff.

Latest We Own It/Survation polling shows 78% of the public want the NHS fully in public ownership.

Reacting to our research, actor, comedian and former QI host Stephen Fry said: “After 14 years of the worst outsourcing in the entire history of the NHS, Labour has a historic opportunity to reverse NHS privatisation. As We Own It’s analysis shows, they can make a serious difference in reinstating the NHS as the fully public service their party founded the NHS to be, if they choose to.

“Politicians have historically presented outsourcing as a neutral choice, but it clearly isn’t. It’s resulting in billions leaving public services in the form of profits, which could instead be used to provide a better service to everyone. And as we see with water, the railway and the NHS, it has not worked.

“It’s important to remember that our NHS was ranked as the best healthcare system in the world by a panel of experts at the Commonwealth Fund in 2014. Comparisons of global healthcare systems still show the NHS is among the most efficient systems in the world. This demonstrates there is nothing wrong with the basic model of our NHS. 

“Like everyone in Britain, I owe so much to our NHS. Our NHS speaks to the best of our nature. It is an emblem of the compassion we have for each other. Nothing brings Britain together better than our love for the NHS. Labour has a big opportunity to bring the country together with a commitment to protect our NHS from private influence so that it continues to be here for future generations.”

Johnbosco Nwogbo, lead campaigner at We Own It said, “Only the NHS has A&Es, trains doctors, and treats everyone however complex their case may be. Building up the NHS to treat everyone who needs care is the most efficient and effective reform a Labour government could introduce. 

“The first step is to take back NHS outsourcing contracts when they expire. Labour will get a chance to do right by the NHS, and the public is looking to them to protect the NHS. We know this is what the public wants, with our latest polling showing almost 8 in 10 people saying they want a fully public NHS.”

Dr Ben Goodair, an Oxford University public policy researcher, said: 

“This newly presented analysis by We Own It highlights the huge scale of NHS outsourcing, which has been rising consistently over the last two decades. The latest academic evidence, in part produced by me and my colleagues at the University of Oxford, suggests this is a concerning trend for quality of care – as for-profit provision of NHS services is linked with worse patient outcomes, including higher mortality rates. 

“Were a new government to prioritise the best quality healthcare, then they may want to reconsider the NHS’ ongoing privatisation.”

Prof Christine Cooper, professor of Accounting at the University of Edinburgh, said:

“The We Own It empirical analysis and plan for a Labour government not to renew private NHS contracts are entirely sensible and workable. The rationale presented in support of privatisation was that the provision of public services by the private sector would mean better, more efficient services at lower cost and investment to modernise old-fashioned systems.

“The evidence suggests that measures to bring back outsourced contracts would enable better public services at lower cost. Whether to outsource to the private sector is no longer a question of ideology, it is a question of economic interest and empirical evidence.”


END NOTES

  1. This analysis includes only contracts for services such as clinical services, non-clinical services such as cleaning and catering, and other services that the NHS already does in some parts. It excludes NHS outsourcing contracts for which no start and end date has been indicated in the Tussell dataset. Additionally it excludes contracts for products such as when NHS bodies purchase ventilators or phones. It also excludes contracts for works such as Liverpool University Hospitals NHS Trust’s Lift Replacement Programme. This analysis also excludes contracts marked as “Not applicable” and “Not Specified” such as contracts between NHS bodies and Royal Mail to deliver correspondence to patients. Finally, this analysis excludes NHS outsourcing contracts for the NHS in Wales, Scotland and (Health and Social Care) Northern Ireland.
  2. Our assumption about Labour’s first term is that it begins on the 1st of January 2025 and ends on December 31st 2029.
  3. The difference between the total value of the contracts Labour is set to inherit (£28.3 billion) and the total value of all current outsourcing contracts (£30.9 billion) is the value of the 1716 NHS outsourcing contracts that are expiring between now and when Labour takes office (£2.54 billion)
  4. The profit estimates are derived using Moody’s Bureau van Dijk. 
  5. We are assuming an average salary of £37,000 per annum.

UK

Jamie Oliver: ‘Labour’s child health plan is a good start – but there’s more to do’


Credit: Jamie Oliver

Ever since 1900, every generation has enjoyed the promise of a healthier, longer life – proof of societal progress. But, after decades of neglect, we now face the shameful possibility of being the first generation to leave a negative legacy.

Labour has said it will get serious about reversing this trend and having the healthiest generation of children, ever. It’s an amazing ambition, but to deliver it Labour needs to look seriously at the food that fuels them – and right now, it’s not good.

It’s crystal clear that our current food system is failing us. And it’s getting worse. The average child in the UK consumes a staggering 148% more sugar every day than is recommended, as well as 31% more saturated fats and 40% more salt. And most of their veg intake comes from pizza and baked beans.

The importance of healthy food

Food is vital to our wellbeing, physical, mental and dental health. That’s why it has a ripple effect on our NHS and economy, and is one of the direct causes stopping millions of people from working.

Food is so much bigger than just a health issue and feeds into every government department and moments in our lives. Once we get that, and have shared ambition, we will see meaningful change.

For 25 years I’ve been campaigning on this. And for 25 years I’ve watched policymakers misunderstand the situation, clinging to the myth that obesity is just about individuals making bad choices. It’s not.

Obesity is a natural response to our unhealthy food environment. Think how much the food landscape has changed, even since I was a child.

Labour’s promises to ban energy drinks being sold to under 16s, implement the long-promised watershed on junk-food advertising, and stop fast-food restaurants targeting schools, show that there are flashes of hope.

Shadow Health Secretary Wes Streeting seems to want a comprehensive obesity strategy that doesn’t blame people and actually looks to reform the system that’s making them ill.

Looking to the future

Critics will poke holes in the idea of reshaping the food system when people are still struggling financially every day. But this is exactly the time when bold action is needed. The poorest and most vulnerable people in society are affected the most by our failing food system, battling with disproportionate rates of obesity.

Every time someone doesn’t think we should tackle obesity for financial reasons, they’re confusing being full with being nourished, and sell our most vulnerable short. We must fight for everyone to have the nutrients they need and deserve.

If Labour is committed to achieving the healthiest generation of children, it has to fix the root causes of our food system’s failures.

You can’t just tinker around the edges to drive change – you need to revolutionise the rules and fundamentally improve the quality of food across the board.

I’m looking forward to working with anyone who wants to get serious about tackling obesity and improving child health.

UK

’50 Labour members quit’ in Faiza Shaheen’s CLP after deselection row


Faiza Shaheen and party activists campaigning in Chingford and Woodford Green.:

Around 50 Labour members are reported to have quit the party in protest over Faiza Shaheen’s deselection as their local candidate at the general election, and said they will back her independent run.

An open letter shared online suggests dozens of members in Chingford and Woodford Green, east London, resigned following the removal of Shaheen as a Labour candidate after a last-minute party probe into her social media posts.

Shaheen is now standing in the constituency as an independent. It comes after Brent council cabinet member Shama Tatler was appointed to replace her by the party’s national executive comittee, in a fast-tracked selection in ex-Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith’s seat.

An open letter with 50 names at the bottom reads: “Our democratically elected candidate for Chingford and Woodford Green, Faiza Shaheen, has been deselected in an appalling and unfair manner.

“Faiza was selected by the constituency members in a fair and open contest, accruing more votes than the other three candidates put together.”

They further described her deselection as a “cynical ploy” and threw their support behind Shaheen’s independent candidacy.

The letter adds: “We can no longer stay in a party that treats people in this way. Not only has Faiza Shaheen been betrayed, but so have all those in the local Labour Party who voted for her candidature and the ordinary members of the Chingford and Woodford Green constituency.”

Several of those named on the letter have shared it on social media.

Labour was not immediately available for comment.


We’ve been here before

JUNE 6, 2024

LABOUR HUB 

By Lizzy Ali

As a Waltham Forest Labour Party member who has campaigned for Faiza Shaheen on many occasions, my heart goes out to her. In 2009-10, I had similar experiences to her in the same borough.

My father was a Muslim who came to Britain as a migrant from what is now northern Bangladesh shortly before the partition of India, and a year or so before the Empire Windrush docked. My mother was a working class Catholic of Scottish and gypsy heritage. My father died when I was 13, leaving my mother with 10 children. My extended family includes 10 nationalities and several religions.

By 2009, I had been a union rep for 20 years and had a co-led a highly successful strike of Unison nursery nurses in Tower Hamlets in 2003 that resulted in re-grading and a significant pay rise. I had worked with early years’ children for the same period. I was comfortably selected as a council candidate ahead of a sitting councillor – a good fit, you might think, in our highly multicultural, multi-faith borough.

For 18 months, my partner and I trudged the streets, canvassing (and arranging child care) almost every weekend. In all, four sitting councillors were de-selected in the selection round, in each case over issues related to their performance.

Then, two senior white male councillors intervened and appointed themselves arbiters of the ethnic minority make-up of the Labour Group. At a meeting of the Labour Group at the Town Hall at which I was an observer, I was astonished to hear one of them bellow at the Pakistani councillors present, in full hearing of Council staff in the building, that they were “a bunch of f***ing racists”. Together these two councillors persuaded Labour’s London Region to investigate “membership irregularities” in the branches in which councillors had been de-selected.

The bogus inquiry ran for five months, during which time I was forbidden to mention the matter. Absurdly, no details of the alleged irregularities were ever divulged to the borough’s CLPs and branches. As in Faiza’s case, they ran down the clock, and shortly before the 2010 elections I was re-interviewed, after which the sitting councillor, who had finished fifth in the original ballot was reinstated as a candidate. One year into her term, she was removed from all committees for poor attendance, including, ironically, her role as Chair of the Children and Young People Overview and Scrutiny Sub-Committee.  

Humiliated but undeterred, I remained active in the Party. In 2015, Leyton and Wanstead was the first constituency in Britain to nominate Jeremy Corbyn, after which our membership soared by 350 per cent, and our majority ballooned to 22,607 in 2017. I served as Constituency Chair for two years, and have served as Vice-Chair since.

Since 2020, 40 per cent of our membership has resigned or lapsed. In 2022, 13 out of 15 Muslim councillor applicants were failed at interview. Since October last year, events in Gaza have caused outrage locally. Terrible as these have been, as someone who marched as a teenager against the invasion of Lebanon and the siege of Beirut in 1982 in which over 20,000 Palestinians and Lebanese died, I am perhaps less surprised than some.

The cat and mouse humiliation and harassment of black and brown women – of Diane Abbott, Apsana Begum and Faiza Shaheen – is a disgrace and a mockery of “our shared Labour values”, which are supposed to include things like decency and fairness.

A shortened version of this article was submitted as a letter to the Guardian prior to Faiza Shaheen’s decision to stand as an independent.

Image: Waltham Forest in Greater London. Source: Own work This W3C-unspecified vector image was created with Adobe Illustrator. This SVG file was uploaded with Commonist.This vector image includes elements that have been taken or adapted from this file:  Greater London UK location map 2.svg (by Nilfanion). Author: TUBS, licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license.