Sunday, June 16, 2024

 

Source: Common Dreams

Jane O'Meara Sanders (right) speaks with attendees of The Sanders Institute Gathering on May 31, 2024 in Burlington, Vermont. (Photo: Will Allen / via The Sanders Institute)


In preparing for The Sanders Institute Gathering this year, Jane O’Meara Sanders and Dave Driscoll knew they would have to pry some of the nation’s leading advocates for climate action, labor rights, and economic justice away from their crucial work for a few days.

But doing so meant that progressive leaders including Third Act founder Bill McKibben, One Fair Wage president Saru Jayaraman, economist Stephanie Kelton, and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) would be able to spend three days collaborating on solutions to some of the most pressing issues facing communities across the United States and the globe.

“We are all working so hard in our own areas,” O’Meara Sanders told Common Dreams after the event wrapped up on June 2. “It allowed people to get out of the silos that too often separate the policymakers. So to have elected officials and advocates in so many different areas, having them be able to come together and discuss different things… it bodes well for the future.”

Over three days filled with more than 15 livestreamed panel discussions, film screenings, and other events, participants in the Gathering learned about how advocates in California are working to implement social housing, taking inspiration from countries like Austria and Spain; the labor rights movement’s “25×2” strategy of pushing living wage legislation and ballot measures in dozens of states; and a number of reasons to be optimistic about fighting the climate crisis—even as scientists warn the continued burning of fossil fuels will push global temperatures past 1.5°C of heating in at least one of the next five years.

Climate

Despite experts’ bleak projections, McKibben and Sierra Club executive director Ben Jealous welcomed guests on the first night of the conference by offering evidence that electric vehicles and solar panels are rapidly becoming more powerful and more accessible to more U.S. households, providing hope that the world’s largest historic emitter of carbon dioxide is making strides to cut down on planet-heating pollution from transportation and electricity.

“Right now, the sea surface temperature in the Atlantic is two to three degrees higher than we’ve ever seen it before,” said McKibben. “And at the exact same moment that the planet is physically starting to disintegrate precisely the way the scientists 30 years ago told us it would—as if scripted by Hollywood—you’ll also see finally the sudden spike in… the only antidote we have at scale to deal with this: the application of renewable energy around the world.”

“Last summer, just as scientists were telling us that it was the hottest week in the last 125,000 years, that same week was the week that the engineers told us that for the first time, human beings were now installing more than a gigawatt’s worth of solar panels every single day on this planet,” he added. “That’s a nuclear power plant’s worth of solar panels. So we are right at the moment when one or the other of these trends is going to cancel out… the other one. Our job, I think, is to make sure that we figure out how to dramatically accelerate that second trend so that we have some hope of catching up with the physics of climate change before it does in everything that we care about on this planet. So for me, that’s the context of the moment that we’re in.”

That theme—giving guests at the Gathering an unvarnished accounting of the very real crises that face communities while providing a glimpse into campaigners’ ongoing efforts and positive results of their tireless advocacy work, with the crucial help of progressive lawmakers like Sen. Sanders—continued throughout the weekend.

Joseph Geevarghese of Our Revolution, The Hip Hop Caucus’ Rev. Lennox Yearwood, Jamie Minden of Zero Hour, and Friends of the Earth U.S. president Erich Pica. (Photo: Will Allen / via The Sanders Institute)

On the climate front, advocates shared their hopes to seize on the opportunity of Republican plans to extend Trump-era tax cuts if they regain power in the November elections.

Participants on a Saturday panel at the Gathering—including Joseph Geevarghese of Our Revolution, the Hip Hop Caucus’ Rev. Lennox Yearwood, Jamie Minden of Zero Hour, and Friends of the Earth U.S. president Erich Pica—argued that ending federal handouts to Big Oil is part of the broader effort to ultimately “kill the fossil fuel industry” that’s cooking the planet while blocking the worker-led demand for a green energy transition.

Too often when covering advocacy work, the corporate media focuses on “the controversy,” O’Meara Sanders told Common Dreams. “What’s the controversy as opposed to what’s the plan?”

The Gathering set out to offer an antidote to that dynamic and many participants—including Dr. Deborah Richter, board president of Vermont Health Care for All—said the effort was a success.

“Sometimes when you’re trying to get some sort of major social change, it can get really, really strenuous and make you sad,” Richter told Common Dreams. “I felt incredibly rejuvenated after this weekend.”

“You tend to get single-focused when you’re working on one issue,” she added. “And I actually really appreciated the updates, the good and the bad on climate change… I came away thinking, I have to learn more about climate change. I’m going to learn more about this. I’m going to learn more about that.”

Healthcare

Richter spoke to attendees about her group’s efforts to bring government-funded healthcare to Vermont, noting that she has spent years advocating to expand Medicare to the entire population while also witnessing her own patients’ struggles with the for-profit system as a primary care doctor and addiction medicine specialist.

Joining Richter for the panel discussion was Dr. Jehan “Gigi” El-Bayoumi, a Georgetown University School of Medicine professor who founded the Rodham Institute, which works to achieve health equity in communities across Washington, D.C.

“Many people think that what determines how long you live and how healthy you are is access to healthcare,” El-Bayoumi told Common Dreams. While crucial, “that only accounts for 20%.” The remaining 80% is other “social determinants of health,” such as whether people live in a neighborhood with access to affordable, nutritious food and clean air or a fenceline community next to a chemical plant or oil refinery, raising their chance of developing respiratory problems or other health issues.

“Health is the air that we breathe. Health is what we eat and where we live,” El-Bayoumi said, noting that the same factors are also “the social determinants of education and the social determinants of employment.”

“If you don’t have those things in place,” the physician continued, “then how are you going to have better health?”

In Burlington, El-Bayoumi spoke about efforts to ensure people of color in Washington, D.C. had access to Covid-19 vaccines when they were first introduced. Working with the Black Coalition Against Covid, she partnered with medical schools at historically Black universities, Black fraternities and sororities, the hip-hop community, and others to hold a mass vaccination event in Ward 8.

“Community needs to be at the table,” she told the audience. “The people that are closest to the problem know the solutions.”

El-Bayoumi stressed to Common Dreams the importance of not only engaging with impacted community members but also following the lead of success stories around the world. While progressives often cite European examples, she pointed to models such as the International Union Against Tuberculosis and Lung Disease’s Project Axshya, which set up nearly 100 tuberculosis treatment and information kiosks in 40 cities across India.

She also cited models from Egypt, Namibia, and Zimbabwe, where the Friendship Bench project trained elder volunteers without any formal medical credentials to discreetly counsel patients on wooden benches on the grounds of clinics, aiming to address “kufungisisa,” the local word closest to depression.

When it comes to providing healthcare, “we’re all spokes on a wheel,” El-Bayoumi said. “The nurses and the physicians and the custodians… we’re all spokes. We could not function without each other.”

“But then similarly, health, environment, food, political, education—all spokes on a wheel,” she added. “There is not one thing that’s more important.”

Housing

The latest Gathering built on the institute’s April conference on housing justice—an event that brought together leaders in Los Angeles, including the city’s Mayor Karen Bass, California Assemblyman Alex Lee (D-25), and U.S. Reps. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.).

Lee also attended the Burlington conference, where he spoke on a panel with Michael Monte of Vermont’s Champlain Housing Trust and AIDS Healthcare Foundation president Michael Weinstein, who argued that “housing is not high enough on the progressive agenda.”

“Our job as progressives is to do everything we can every day to make people’s lives materially better, and this is an area that we have to focus on,” Weinstein said, echoing his remarks during the 2018 Gathering, the very first such event hosted by the institute.

In terms of actually getting people into affordable homes, “we could do a lot to make it less bureaucratic,” he said—touching on a topic that dominated a second housing crisis panel.

For that discussion, O’Meara Sanders was joined by Brian McCabe, deputy assistant secretary for policy development at the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and Nika Soon-Shiong of the Fund for Guaranteed Income (F4GI), which provides “cash transfers that support those who have been locked out of welfare programs and economic systems.”

F4GI is also working on a pilot program to provide a “cash on-ramp” to help people who are participating in the federal Housing Choice Voucher Program, commonly called Section 8, while they search for rental units, Soon-Shiong explained.

She stressed the importance of including community members in the development and implementation of the programs designed to help them, and pushed back against common messages about financial and logical hurdles.

“Part of addressing the root cause of the housing crisis is actually removing that false frame,” she said, “and demonstrating that it’s possible to collaborate, to move quickly, and to design things that are new and actually relatively inexpensive.”

Workers’ Rights

During one of the labor panels, Jayaraman of One Fair Wage spoke about the nationwide fight for better pay and working conditions—and how the movement’s wins had provoked threats to her and her family.

El-Bayoumi said that before Jayaraman’s remarks, she knew a bit about restaurant workers’ fight for higher pay due to experiences living and working in Washington, D.C.—where residents passed ballot measures to raise the minimum wage for tipped employees in 2018 and 2022.

“What did I not know? Always scale,” the physician continued. She was struck by the specifics that the labor leader shared, as well as her perseverance while being attacked for being successful.

“She was so inspiring and invigorating… She was raw. She was real. I’m just a great admirer now, and I learned a lot from her,” El-Bayoumi said. “Her energy was amazing… It was the information, but also her commitment.”

One Fair Wage co-founder and president Saru Jayaraman during a speech at The Gathering. (Photo: Will Allen / via The Sanders Institute)

During her speech at the Gathering, Jayaraman said the fight being fought by the millions of low-wage workers her group represents, many of whom work two or even three jobs just to stay afloat, are crucial if the progressive movement more broadly wants to win the battles on climate, healthcare justice, and housing.

“It’s not a competition with all of our issues,” Jayaraman said, “because if these folks could work one job instead of two or three, they would have the capacity to work on healthcare and climate change and everything else. I asked them, ‘What would you work on if you could only work one job?’ They’ve said climate. They’ve said public education. They’ve said, ‘I would do so much, but I have time to survive right now. I just have to get from job to job.'”

So if the question is what’s the problem and what’s the opportunity, Jayaraman said, “The opportunity is this November—we have 3.5 million workers get a raise and then turn around and work on all of the issues everybody else cares about in this room.”

Media & Technology

At a panel on progressive news media, The Nation national affairs correspondent John Nichols spotlighted another labor struggle that has national and global implications, as U.S. newsrooms lose thousands of working journalists to layoffs and budget cuts—frequently stemming from private equity firms purchasing newspapers and then looking to raise revenues at the expense of the reporters whose work the outlets rely on to operate.

“Since 2005, we have lost 45,000 working journalists in this country,” said Nichols. “So we have a collapse of journalism. We have no filling of the void, and the institutions themselves are collapsing. Since 2005, roughly 20 years, we have lost a third of all print and online publications that existed at that time.”

Nichols, who edited Sanders’ book, It’s OK to Be Angry About Capitalism, and spoke on the senator’s podcast in April about the current crisis in media, was joined by The Lever founder David Sirota and Common Dreams managing editor Jon Queally.

“We are in a period where our media in this country is in such crisis and such collapse and such dysfunction that it is no longer sufficient to sustain democracy itself,” Nichols told the audience.

As traditional newsrooms across the country struggle to survive in an industry increasingly dominated by private equity firms and hedge funds, Sirota spoke about starting an online investigative news outlet with the aim of breaking news stories that might otherwise go uncovered by large publications—or that might be reported on briefly, with the stories of the people affected forgotten within a few days.

After a Norfolk Southern train carrying toxic chemicals derailed in the town of East Palestine, Ohio, Sirota said, The Lever “broke open a story that looked back at what were the decisions on specific policies that were made to create an environment for a disaster like that to happen, and which politicians took money at the time while they were making those decisions.”

The Leverreported on how Norfolk Southern lobbied lawmakers to repeal a rule requiring widespread use of electronic braking systems, which were meant to help avoid accidents, and how the Trump administration rescinded the rule in 2017 after the rail industry donated more than $6 million to GOP candidates.

“Ultimately, our reporting ended up playing a big role in getting the Senate and the House to introduce major rail safety legislation that had specific provisions in it that dealt with exactly what we were reporting on,” said Sirota. “The New York Times asked us to do a full page op-ed about our reporting… That’s how elevated it became.”

“The reason to do that is not for our own glory,” he added. “It’s ultimately to shape what actually happens moving forward. So our goal is to hold accountable those who are making these decisions with the hope that if they are held accountable, they will be deterred from making such bad decisions in the future.”

In addition to the media, the Gathering featured panels on civil discourse and technology. During the latter discussion, which addressed topics including artificial intelligence and data collection, journalist Sue Halpern pointed out that in Congress, “there’s a tension between… wanting to protect us—theoretically—and commerce.”

She suggested that corporate pressure is blocking bipartisan efforts to pass federal privacy legislation, explaining that “the lobbyists for the Big Tech companies are constantly saying to lawmakers… if you regulate this, if you pull back on this, you will harm the American economy and you will limit innovation. And I have to say that most congresspeople are terrified of being accused of limiting innovation.”

“Congress can’t get it together to make national legislation. And so we see kind of a piecemeal thing going on, at least with privacy,” Halpern said, highlighting laws passed by CaliforniaIllinois, and recently, Vermont, that serve as models for other states, in the absence of federal action.

Screenings

Along with panel discussions, the Sanders Institute incorporated film screenings and music into the Gathering to offer attendees another avenue into some of the issues discussed.

Kelton, an economist at Stony Brook University, presented a film spotlighting efforts by her and several colleagues to prompt a “paradigm shift” in Americans’ understanding of the national deficit by introducing the public to Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).

Directed by Maren Poitras, Finding the Moneyfollows Kelton and economists including Randall Wray as they explain their vision for how the national debt could be viewed not as a burden that American taxpayers must pay back through cuts to government programs, but “as simply a historical record of the number of dollars created by the U.S. federal government currently being held in pockets, as assets, by the rest of us.”

Kelton questioned how the Republican Party can, year after year, name reducing the federal deficit as one of their top priorities when the tax cuts introduced by the GOP under the George W. Bush and Trump administrations have been the primary drivers of the increasing debt ratio in recent years.

“They don’t care about the fiscal or budgetary impacts. They want to pass their agenda. So we get sweeping tax cuts,” Kelton said. “[The Congressional Budget Office] says the tax cuts will add $1.9 trillion to the deficit. Republicans shrug and say, who cares? On the other side of the government deficit lies a financial windfall for somebody else. Every deficit is good for someone. The question is for whom and for what.”

In the film, Kelton argues that as the issuer of U.S. currency, the federal government does not need to “find the money” to spend on public programs, but instead needs only to ensure that real resources like workers and construction supplies are available when it comes to spending. The government can avoid a surge in inflation through policy decisions, the economists in the film argue, but greater deficits in a large country like the U.S. are far more sustainable than Americans have been led to believe.

Along with the Bush and Trump tax cuts, Kelton used the relief packages passed by Congress when the coronavirus pandemic began in 2020. A total of $5 trillion in relief was passed through several laws, raising people’s unemployment benefits and helping small businesses to stay afloat.

“We cut child poverty by roughly 40%, and you can talk on and on about the benefits, because every deficit is good for someone,” Kelton said. “The question is for whom and where does the windfall on the other side of the government deficit go? In March of 2021, it went to the bottom… That’s who it helped. The Republicans did $1.9 trillion with their tax cuts. Where did it go? Eighty-three percent of the benefits went to people in top 1% of the income distribution.”

Now, said Kelton, the deficit should be seen as a way for the government to pass more far-reaching legislation to fight the climate emergency.

The weekend also featured screenings of trailers for filmmaker Josh Fox’s The Welcome Table—which is about the climate emergency causing displacement and is set to be released on HBO—and The Edge of Nature, an evolving documentary project that connects the crises of Covid, climate, and healthcare.

Fox, known for the award-winning anti-fracking film Gasland, brought his banjo—signed by Sen. Sanders—to Burlington to preview a musical performance that accompanies The Edge of Nature, which he is bringing to New York City with a 12-person ensemble from June 14-30.

“I thought that his telling of his own experience with Covid and the healing power of nature is just so true,” El-Bayoumi said of the performance. “I have patients who are just struggling with life, with mental health issues. I will tell them, go outside, take off your shoes, feel the ground under your feet, because nature is healing.”

The Edge of Nature “actually gave me hope… which I think is one of the things that was brought up over and over again at the Sanders Institute Gathering,” she added. “How do you present that, the issues and solutions, if you will. And I thought that he did that very well.”

There was also a screening of a video produced by the Power to the Patients campaign, which has worked to educate the public about healthcare transparency requirements through murals painted in cities across the United States. While the auditorium was waiting for that video to start amid technical difficulties, the audience broke out in song, singing “Solidarity Forever.”

“It was so beautiful. And that was an amazing moment to me,” Fox told Common Dreams. “And it said to me, go ahead and sing your song in your presentation, because this is a room where you can sing.”

“My takeaway was, we have our differences, and we definitely have our identities, and we have our priorities, and we have… teachable moments where we have to instruct each other as to how we’re messing up,” he said. “But also, we really need to focus on solidarity.”

Sierra Club executive director Ben Jealous, filmmaker Josh Fox, and The Sanders Institute’s Dave Driscoll listen to a presentation during the Gathering in Burlington, Vermont on Saturday, June 1, 2024. (Photo: Will Allen / via The Sanders Institute)

Fox noted that when he used to introduce Sen. Sanders during his 2016 presidential campaign, the filmmaker would say, “All the movements are in this room.”

As he prepared for the NYC performances, Fox said that in the current “moment of division… the more we can come together in physical space—and that’s what we’re offering here with this show, a chance to be in an audience, a chance to be together, a chance to be in reality with each other—the better we can break those boundaries down.”

“My takeaway from the Gathering is, I wish this was happening all the time and at the White House,” he added, “but if it’s not, we can recreate this in our small ways throughout this [election] cycle.”

What’s Next

O’Meara Sanders said the Sanders Institute intends to have one large Gathering each year and will continue to hold smaller events focused on specific issues, as it did in April with housing.

International Gatherings are one possibility, said O’Meara Sanders, expressing hope that some of the policymakers and advocates who shared their aspirations and plans for the United States in Burlington could convene with lawmakers in other countries who have been successful at implementing social housing, far-reaching climate action, and government-funded healthcare.

The institute aims to bring “members of Parliament together with members of Congress, to bring together diplomats from different countries,” said O’Meara Sanders, “to talk about specific issues. Who’s doing it best? How can we learn from them?”

“We’re going to be bringing people together from all the different countries to explore what they’re doing best and how we can do it better together,” she added. “And then what’s the political will necessary to accomplish these things?”

Unions Must Seize the Moment to Organize the South

Source: Jacobin

Staff photo by Olivia Ross / Supporters cheer as they win the vote. Union supporters gathered at IBEW on Friday to hear Volkswagen Chattanooga election results for whether to join the United Auto Workers.


In late April, Volkswagen workers in Chattanooga, Tennessee, delivered a staggering defeat to their employer. At the same time, they struck a blow to the racist political establishment that has long sought, with much success, to make the US South an impenetrable fortress girded by anti-labor laws. The third vote in ten years at the facility was won in a landslide, with 73 percent of the workers voting to join the United Auto Workers (UAW) with 84 percent turnout.

This opening salvo of the UAW’s march southward — specifically its campaign to organize the thirteen nonunion automakers — has rightly electrified workers in the region and the broader labor movement. Even as poll after poll shows that many millions of workers want to build a union at their job, the labor movement struggles to advance, plagued by a bunker mentality. The UAW has broken the mold in favor of a new industrial organizing drive, replacing a long-standing trend of concessions and collaboration with a renewed spirit of struggle. It’s a long overdue and welcome change from the status quo, which has resulted in fewer workers today belonging to unions than at any point in many decades.

Several weeks after the Chattanooga victory, workers at the Mercedes-Benz plant in Vance, Alabama, came up short in their election. Workers lost in a close contest, with 44 percent in favor of the union and 56 percent opposing. The Mercedes vote was a loss on paper, but the final tally is still a remarkable outcome. It comes after a blistering monthlong, multimillion-dollar union-busting campaign by Mercedes, and countless interventions against workers by Alabama politicians.

Given the company’s numerous labor law violations, the UAW is currently petitioning the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to toss the results and rerun the election. But vote counts aside, the audacity and ambition of the UAW to undertake this drive in the first place has thrust the question of building working-class organization and power in the South back onto the national stage. The question now is whether the UAW drive can turn the tide and inaugurate a new period of organizing in the South.

As the South Goes

Southern workers have long paid the price for the inability and unwillingness of the US labor movement to build durable organization in the region. Beset by stereotypes of workers’ general backwardness and unable to contend with the solidarity-breaking racism that permeates Southern society, the labor movement has often looked at the South and thrown up its hands. Without a serious challenge from labor, the forced and unpaid work of slavery has been replaced by the cheapest labor in the country. The white power structure that shaped the region has never been fully overthrown, leading to domination by reactionary forces that facilitate the super-exploitation of labor by capital, and whose rule runs counter to the aspirations of the workers who live and make their lives here.

According to a recent report from the Economic Policy Institute, seven out of ten states with the highest levels of poverty are in the South, and the region has the highest level of child poverty in the country. Wages are low, and public services are woefully underfunded. Life expectancy is the lowest in the United States. Many communities are ravaged by extreme pollution, leading to higher levels of illness and disease. These impacts are magnified among black workers and the region’s growing migrant worker population, while women workers often hear the brunt of poverty at home.

The “economic model of the South” — which Alabama governor Kay Ivey recently described as under attack by the UAW organizing drives across the region — is one characterized by low wages. Corporations have long scrambled to take advantage of this model, draining resources from the region to line the pockets of the rich on Wall Street.

Sixty percent of black workers in the United States live in the South. The origins of right-to-work and other anti-labor laws are directly linked to the efforts of the big landowners and industrialists in the region to deprive black workers of power on the job, and thus political power. These laws are additionally meant to instill fear in workers and demoralize efforts to organize. Labor struggles in the South are inherently political struggles against the entire system of exploitation.

But though the cards are stacked against Southern workers, the region is home to some of the most militant worker struggles in the country. The first general strike in this country was led by enslaved Africans, who led a mass revolt against slave owners and joined the war against the Confederacy. From sharecroppers in Alabama to textile and tobacco workers in North Carolina and mine workers in West Virginia, there is a deep history in the region of rebellion and struggle.

Today, organizing drives led by migrant poultry workers in Arkansas, education workers in North Carolina (where public sector collective bargaining is still illegal), service workers across the region, and others are shining examples of the vibrant, combative spirit still alive in the South.

The Right’s ironclad grip on political power in the South is intricately linked to the region’s lack of working-class organization. And the consequences reverberate far beyond the Mason-Dixon line, allowing employers to pit workers elsewhere against workers in the South, driving down conditions across the board. Indeed, many corporations have relocated operations here in the past several decades and capital investments are currently flowing into the region, largely in manufacturing but in other sectors as well.

According to a report by Investment Monitor, six of the eight states that overperform with regards to attracting foreign direct investment — meaning the state brings in more capital investment than would be expected given its GDP — are in the South. Camoin Associates additionally reports that battery production tops the list for foreign capital expenditures across the board, largely concentrated in Kentucky, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia.

2019 study by Site Selection Magazine showed that South Carolina leads the country in the percentage of jobs linked to foreign firms at 8.2 percent, besting the national average by three percentage points. In Greenville County, South Carolina, more than one hundred firms from twenty-two countries have operations, dominated by suppliers to BMW’s massive eleven-thousand-worker plant and Michelin Tires. The BMW plant ships more than 60 percent of the vehicles produced at its South Carolina plant to more than 120 countries around the world.

Additionally, the South is home to six of the ten largest military institutions in the country. Lockheed Martin — which received nearly $45 billion in US military contracts in 2022, a sum nearly twice that of Raytheon, the second largest recipient — produces all of its F-16s in South Carolina. In late 2023, Raytheon announced it was constructing a missile production facility in Arkansas that would produce weapons for Israel’s Iron Dome, as well as the United States’ version of the same system, SkyHunter. These are just two among numerous examples of the concentration of military armaments production in the region.

In this context, the question of building working-class organization in the South must be viewed as one that has bearing not only within the national boundaries of the United States but across the global capitalist economy. Organizing the South is key to cultivating international bonds of cooperation and solidarity — particularly now, as the Palestine solidarity movement grows and the workers’ movement increasingly confronts questions of how to exercise power to stop the genocide.

Tidal Wave or Splash in the Pond?

The Volkswagen election victory is nothing short of monumental and is a boon to workers’ efforts across the region to build power on the job. The Chattanooga win was followed soon after by the victory of seven thousand workers in North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee who manufacture trucks and buses for Daimler Truck North America (DTNA), who won a record contract just hours before they were set to strike. And while the Mercedes results are disappointing, workers led an inspiring struggle. A workers’ movement that takes no risks and shies away from hard fights cannot succeed in the long run. Regardless of how things unfold with future campaigns, the UAW drive and the renewed commitment to the region has significantly opened space and given confidence to Southern workers.

The Volkswagen campaign victory was the culmination of an effort carried out across ten years and three elections. And while conditions have changed in some dramatic ways during that time, Southern workers can’t afford to wait that long again to begin to build organization and change conditions in our workplaces and communities.

Shawn Fain, recently elected president of the UAW, has placed consistent emphasis on positioning the UAW fights in the context of a broader struggle of the working class versus the billionaire class, rather than confining these fights to the walls of a given facility. Fain’s ability to popularly raise and inject working-class consciousness into all of his public speeches and position the UAW drive in opposition to the entire “economic model” of the South is a welcome departure from the typically narrow trade union consciousness that pervades the leadership of many major unions. This opens a tremendous amount of political space — not only to advance a broader consciousness among various strata of the working class, but to more readily provide an avenue for workers to identify and stand in solidarity with the UAW drive.

The promise of these developments, significant as they are, is not guaranteed without the active intervention of other workers throughout the region and serious efforts to develop a broader movement around the UAW’s march through the South. The UAW — or any one union, for that matter — cannot organize the South alone.

Workers across the region and around the country are watching the UAW’s direct confrontation with the Southern ruling class and some of the world’s biggest multinational corporations with interest and are themselves looking to organize.

For example, the organization I work for, the Southern Workers Assembly — a network of rank-and-file worker cadres in sectors and workplaces across the region, with local chapters that develop networks on a citywide basis — regularly sends leaflet brigades out to unorganized workplaces. The objective of these brigades is to bring the energy from the broader workers’ movement into an increasing number of workplaces and identify worker-leaders in these shops who want to organize. The local assembly serves as a vehicle to connect these workers with others who are organizing on the job, supporting them in taking the first steps to develop a committee and take on issues. In my experience, the response is often overwhelming, with many workers sharing contact info and expressing enthusiasm to join the struggle.

Imagine what the results might be if the rest of the labor movement, rather than confining its focus at a given workplace to whether an effort can be taken to a successful NLRB election, dedicated energy and resources to spreading and developing a similar network of committees across strategic sectors and workplaces? This approach could build increasing experience, power, and support, stitching together an infrastructure of workers across the region.

Southern states have some of the lowest union densities in the country, but the picture isn’t much brighter elsewhere. In 2023, the share of workers who are union members once again dropped to an abysmal 10 percent. If the workers’ movement is to rise to the task of organizing the South and the tens of millions of other unorganized workers in this country, we can’t restrict ourselves to a shop-by-shop, NLRB election–only strategy.

Building a Workers’ Movement

A look back to the formation of the UAW offers some instruction. After the Flint Sit-Down Strike in 1936–37, committed cores of workers dug in at many of the big auto factories. They learned about the operations of the factories and strategic choke points. They built networks of cadres in other plants, exchanging lessons and observations. They established a militant minority around them by demonstrating themselves to be consistent fighters for the class, taking on issues on the shop floor. When conditions changed and an opportunity arose to seize a breakthrough moment, these networks were already practiced, linked together, and had the support of militant coworkers, even if not from a majority in their plants. They were therefore able to strike at the opportune time.

William Z. Foster’s Trade Union Educational League and Black Workers for Justice’s forty-year history of work in North Carolina provide similarly instructive examples.

It is critical that the workers’ movement in the South not let this current opening go to waste. The labor movement must find any and every way to take the UAW drive momentum, and the fighting spirit of the period, into as many workplaces as possible. We must deepen and broaden the drive currently unfolding and transform it into a workers’ social movement.

One does not need to only look back to the period prior to the passage of the National Labor Relations Act to find examples of this methodology in practice. Plenty of contemporary examples exist today.

The North Carolina Public Service Workers Union, UE Local 150, comprised of state and local government workers, is legally banned from collectively bargaining with their employer. Despite this, they’ve been able to build a strong statewide organization that emphasizes rank-and-file leadership and collective action to fight around issues, winning fairer disciplinary procedures, pay increases, and more.

The Union of Southern Service Workers (USSW) organizes workers across the service and retail sector, regardless of employer, engaging their primarily black membership to fight the boss in their workplaces and identifying common issues to mobilize broader collective action. USSW in many ways embodies the type of movement-building approach that is needed to seize the opportunities presented by this period, focusing its organizing in the workplace and developing militant fighters, while at the same time linking them together with other parts of the broader social movement and workers’ communities.

The National Nurses Organizing Committee (NNOC) over a span of twenty years (and still ongoing) has organized from scratch a South-wide hospital registered nurse (RN) union division. It now numbers thirty-two RN unions in seven states, including the first-ever RN unions in Texas, Louisiana, Kansas, Arizona, and North Carolina. Rather than focus on single-union NLRB elections, the NNOC — founded, funded, and supported by the California Nurses Association — patterned its organizing approach on the class-wide strategy of the early Congress of Industrial Organizations.

In the above models, NLRB elections and collective bargaining agreements are not the immediate or even intermediate objective. The focus is placed on developing leadership and working-class consciousness, cultivating shop-floor militancy, connecting workers’ immediate workplace demands to a broader movement, and moving workers to take on struggles that allow them to build and exercise power along the way.

That isn’t to say that NLRB elections shouldn’t be part of the strategy of unleashing such a movement across the South. But expanding workers’ and our movements’ conception of what organizing and building power can look like is key to taking advantage of the moment autoworkers are ushering in.

Abandon the Fortress

Other major unions can and must follow the lead of the UAW, which has made a historic $40 million commitment toward organizing in the South over the upcoming two years. Unions must support these movement-building efforts to develop worker cadres and networks, mobilize workers to take action on their own issues, support other workers’ social struggles, build pre-majority unions, and ultimately run and win concentrations of NLRB elections.

report published in 2022 by Radish Research titled Labor’s Fortress of Finance demonstrated that the labor movement as a whole had $38.1 billion in net assets. It stated that this figure “would rank [organized labor] as the second largest foundation in the United States, trailing the $48 billion Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.”

It continued, arguing that the labor movement could “hire 20,000 new organizers at an annual cost of $1.4 billion,” making hardly a dent in the huge sum of assets now locked up in union coffers and otherwise being underutilized (or misdirected) to meet the tremendous opportunities of this political moment. Devoting union resources to large-scale organizing could prepare for the challenges that lie ahead, including the 2024 elections and the rise of the right wing, or the specter of the complete gutting of the NLRB from legal challenges by Tesla, Starbucks, Amazon, and others.

The critical work happening in workplaces big and small to build working-class organization and power can, must, and will continue. The approach advocated here is one of many routes that could help to harness the potential of the moment. The big question is: Will the labor movement rise to the occasion or let the opportunity pass us by once again? The future of Southern workers, and indeed all workers, hangs in the balance. We can’t afford to wait any longer.

Ben Carroll lives in Durham, North Carolina, and is the organizing coordinator for the Southern Workers Assembly.


The Starbucks Ruling Proves That Workers Can Only Rely on Their Own Power


You can shut the companies down because you do the work; all the rest of labor’s power flows from that.
June 16, 2024
Source: How Thins Work


Starbucks Workers United members and supporters rally in Washington, D.C. on June 18, 2022.
 (Photo: Starbucks Workers United/Facebook)

In February, Starbucks finally agreed to sit down at the bargaining table with their workers’ union. They agreed to this not out of the goodness of their shriveled heart, but after being dragged by their hair, kicking and screaming and union busting the whole time. They agreed to bargain after the union spent two years organizing hundreds of stores, and filed hundreds of unfair labor practice charges against the company, and did strikes all over the country, and got Bernie Sanders to berate Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz in front of a congressional subcommittee.

Starbucks did their absolute utmost to illegally fire and intimidate and retaliate against workers who were organizing, and then to stubbornly refuse to bargain in good faith with those who did, and to lie wildly about all of it the whole time. Thousands of Starbucks workers and thousands of their allies across the country had to fight and claw for months and years to get this $90 billion company just to sit down and begin negotiating, as they are required to by law.

That was all just to get to the bargaining table. I always chuckle now when I read the periodic joint statements released by Starbucks and the union, Workers United, because they all sound like the Hatfields and McCoys being forced at gunpoint to shuffle uncomfortably in front of the camera and say, “We continue to make good progress in this mutually agreed upon process.” The fact is that if Starbucks could purchase a magic wand for $50 million that would cause all of their company’s union members to catch long Covid and resign and allow the union to die, they surely would. They were brought to this point by the power of organized labor, and nothing less.


It only took a few years of the NLRB actually enforcing existing labor law for much of corporate America to decide that they are willing to throw the entire post-New Deal labor peace framework in the trash in order to stop it.

Even while Starbucks has been engaged in this, ahem, good faith bargaining, their case seeking to restrict the power of the National Labor Relations Board has been winding its way through the courts. On Thursday, the Supreme Court ruled in Starbucks’ favor, in a case where the company complained that the NLRB’s demand that they reinstate seven workers in Memphis who were illegally fired for organizing was made according to an unduly burdensome standard. The ruling will restrict the ability of the NLRB, which, under Jennifer Abruzzo’s leadership during the Biden administration, has been an aggressive advocate of workers’ rights, to hold companies responsible for their retaliations against workers, which are so common and numerous that 99% of them never make the news.

I am not here to play legal analyst, except to point out (as many actual legal scholars will as well) that rulings like this are really political judgments on what the proper balance of power between workers and businesses are, not some sort of unbiased judgment flowing from a perusal of hallowed heavenly law. The Supreme Court may soon make things even worse for the NLRB thanks to more corporate-funded lawsuits attacking the agency’s power, which I wrote a bit about here. It only took a few years of the NLRB actually enforcing existing labor law for much of corporate America to decide that they are willing to throw the entire post-New Deal labor peace framework in the trash in order to stop it. The Starbucks case this week was only an appetizer. Gird yourself for worse.


Companies are tigers in cages. You can lock them in there and pet them and feed them for years, but let them out for one minute and they will eat you. That’s it.

Mostly, Thursday’s ruling, and everything that led up to it, is a fantastic illustration of a point that is very basic but that it is important to name and hold up and repeat at regular intervals, because it is always in danger of being obscured: Power is the only thing that gets workers under capitalism anything. Here we sit with an encyclopedia’s worth of labor law and 150 years of industrial relations history around us, and none of it means a damn thing. Companies would throw it all in the fire at the earliest opportunity, were such a thing to become politically possible. If you are a working person and you want fair wages and decent working conditions and a fair share of what your company produces and protections from exploitative treatment, the only way to get those things is to come together with your coworkers and exercise your collective power to withhold your labor. You can shut the companies down because you do the work. That is your power. All the rest of labor’s power flows from that. All the wage increases and workplace safety regulations and favorable NLRB rulings and pro-union politicians who will come sit on stage at the rallies exist only due to organizing and being willing to strike. Everything else can go away, but those things can’t. The ability to exercise that power resides exclusively in the hands of the workers. That is the seed from which the entirety of organized labor has grown.

This is one reason why the Starbucks Workers United are so admirable. Starting with nothing, they organized one store, and then another, and then dozens, and then hundreds, and they made a lot of noise in the media, and they pulled in their political allies, and they struck, and they built up such a wall of pressure that the company was finally forced to listen to them. Everything they have was won with labor power. Starbucks, the famously progressive company, tried to squash them at every turn, but wasn’t able to. But if conditions change, or if the union’s will to power flags, the company would jump right back up and try to squash them again. There is no such thing as permanent labor peace. Companies are tigers in cages. You can lock them in there and pet them and feed them for years, but let them out for one minute and they will eat you. That’s it.

It may sound weird to say, but I find the plainness of this dynamic comforting. There is no need for anxiety. All of the questions are answered up front. Will my company treat me fairly? No. Will the boss do the right thing and look out for us? No. Now that we have a union, can we take it easy? No. Now that we have a contract, can we assume the company will follow it? No. Won’t the company follow the laws that protect workers? No. Won’t the regulators and the courts enforce the laws that protect workers? No. Won’t the elected officials stand up on our behalf? No. Your employer will hold you down and drown you in a pool of the lowest possible wages unless you use your collective power to prevent that from happening. Better take care of yourselves, together.

There will be times and places when things will go workers’ way, and that’s nice. There will sometimes be nice bosses and supportive politicians and Jennifer Abruzzos at the NLRB, and that’s something to be enjoyed. But none of that, I promise you, lasts forever under capitalism. The pendulum will swing. Right-wing courts will wipe away your legal protections and greedy investors will install a cruel boss and racist voters will boot the friendly Congressman. No need to cry when it happens. We know it will happen. And we know, most importantly, that we still hold in our hands the power of our own labor. The one thing they can’t take away. We do the work. If they won’t do the right thing, we won’t work. And upon that foundation, we can build the whole thing over again.

Hamilton Nolan is the author of the book The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor. This piece is reprinted from his publication How Things Work.


Hamilton Nolan is a labor writer for In These Times. He has spent the past decade writing about labor and politics for Gawker, Splinter, The Guardian, and elsewhere. More of his work is on Substack.