Saturday, July 06, 2024

 

UK diamond company that won water and climate awards has been linked to water pollution in Lesotho

Maloraneng village. Photo provided by The Colonist Report, used with permission.

For eight months, Elfredah Kevin-Alerechi, Sechaba Mokhethi, and Cindy Sipula investigated years of outcry from residents living near a UK diamond mining company. Their investigation report was originally published by The Colonist Report, and a shorter version is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.

Gem Diamonds Limited, a diamond mining company based in the United Kingdom that has won awards for improving local communities’ access to clean water, has been accused of polluting drinking water in three villages in Lesotho, southern Africa.

On October 31, 2023, The Colonist Report visited three villages in Lesotho’s Maluti Mountains — Maloraneng, Patising, and Lithakong. All of the community residents we interviewed blamed Letšeng Diamonds — a subsidiary of Gem Diamonds — for channelling wastewater into the river which is the major source of water for drinking, cooking, washing, and fishing.

The Indigenous people who we interviewed alleged that the polluted bodies of water have caused the deaths of animals, the extinction of fish, illnesses in locals, and the death of a child.

satellite image shows what looks like a suspected pipe from the company’s facility linked to Feeane, the community river.

On January 24, we collected samples of the water flowing out of the Letšeng Diamonds wastewater pipe before it entered the community river. Additional water samples were taken from the Feeane stream (50 metres away from the company’s perimeter fence), as well as the Patising and Maloraneng streams.  

We sent the water samples to a laboratory in neighbouring South Africa for testing. The test results revealed the presence of high levels of Escherichia coli (E. coli), 12 MPN/100mL, exceeding the limit of 1MPN/100mL, and nitrates of 30mg/L surpassing the acceptable upper limit of 11mg. Both levels of nitrate and E. coli are harmful to human health and animals

According to the US National Centre for Biotechnology Information, drinking water contaminated with E. coli can cause illnesses such as diarrhoea, abdominal cramps, nausea, and intestinal tract infection. Nitrates can also be harmful to pregnant women.  E.coli is a clear indicator of sewage or animal contamination.

Community struggles

Malineo Moahi’s nine-year-old granddaughter became ill and died in 2015 after drinking water from the river into which Gem Diamonds allegedly dumped its waste. 

Moahi told us that her granddaughter developed rashes and difficulty breathing and was suffering from stomach pain when she decided to rush her to a local clinic. With no hospital or public transportation in her village, she decided to walk three hours through the high mountains to the Mapholaneng clinic while carrying her granddaughter on her back. “I had to return halfway because the baby died on my back.”

Moahi added, “Even as we speak, local children are crying about stomach pain. It is even worse during droughts; the water becomes too salty, and children get sick from drinking it.”

According to her, bathing in river water causes a face rash, itchy skin, and stomach pain. “I have eight children, and all of them have had these symptoms, though not at the same time.”

According to Moahi, the company sometimes releases water in the dam, and when the water in the slime dams is released, it comes down salty and with a white substance.

Photo shows a whitish substance from the water running out from the Letšeng Diamonds mine. Photo by The Colonist Report, used with permission.

“When an animal falls sick and dies from drinking the mine-contaminated water, we see the whitish salt substances when the stomach of the animal is cut open,” Moahi said.

Matokelo Moahi, a 40-year-old woman, said her grandchild, a nine-month-old baby, usually has skin rashes whenever she bathes and washes the baby's nappies with water from the contaminated stream.

Matokelo Moahi in her village. Photo by The Colonist Report, used with permission.

Moahi’s only other option is to walk 30 minutes to a reliable water tap in a neighbouring village, but during the drought, “we resort to the river,” she said.

The road to the Patising stream is only accessible through the company, and on January 24, 2023, The Colonist Report's collaborative partner, the MNN Centre for Investigative Journalism, was able to reach the stream. On the road to the stream, water was seen coming out with high pressure, flowing from the company's wastewater pipe into the Feeane stream, which joins the Khubelu River from the mine.

Meanwhile, since the slime dams were built, fishermen we spoke to said they could no longer get a catch. The villagers have sued the mine over this issue, and the case is pending in the High Court of Lesotho. 

Before Letšeng Diamonds came, the situation was different: “If I catch a small fish, I will just throw it back into the water so I can catch a bigger fish, but now, I have to take it because there is no fish,” said a fisher, Likei Lemantla, displaying the small size of the fish he had caught after spending more than 10 minutes fishing.

Likei Lematla fishing at the bank of the Khubelu River. Photo by The Colonist Report, used with permission.

The 42-year-old fisherman has been fishing for two decades. He has two young children and a wife who rely on him to survive. He says he used to sell some of the fish to nearby villagers while his family ate the rest. “But now I do not sell any because I do not catch enough fish in the river.”

Company’s response

Gem Diamonds denied that it had spoiled the community’s water but instead has helped the community by providing water.

In an email, Mark Antelme, Gem Diamond's media officer, stated that the company was very concerned about the environment in its communities and has taken steps to reduce the impact of its activities:

 “We are aware of higher levels of nitrates that leach off our waste rock dumps and, to a lesser extent, our coarse tailings dumps.” He said the company has put systems in place “to reduce nitrate levels before leaving the mine lease area and minimise the impact of this on the environment.”

Antelme mentioned that the measures include portable water retention dams and a wetland to trap and dilute the water leaching from these areas. Additionally, he noted that a bioremediation plant, which will significantly reduce the nitrate levels in the water leaching from the active waste rock dump, was recently completed.

A confidential report by MNN Lesotho has, however, shown that the company admitted to contaminating these water sources.

Gem Diamonds has profited from its activities in the countries where it operates, including Lesotho. The company’s full-year revenue for 2023 is USD 140.3 million, with a profit of USD 1.6 million, compared to revenue of USD 188.9 million in 2022, with a profit of USD 20.2 million.  

GEM Diamonds made most of its profits from Letšeng Diamonds, with revenue totalling USD 1.3 billion from 2017 to 2023 and profits after tax of USD 259 million.

The government of Lesotho owns 30 percent of the Letšeng Diamonds Mine, while Gem Diamonds Limited purchased the mine in July 2006 and now owns 70 percent of its shares. Gem Diamonds reportedly paid USD 118.5 million for the company after De Beers operated the mine from 1977 to 1982.

Letšeng mine produces high-quality gem diamonds, consistently achieving the highest price per carat of any kimberlite mine in the world, according to the company. Since 2006, Gem Diamonds has produced three of the 20 largest white diamonds ever recorded.

This story is produced with support from JournalismFund Europe.

12th World Peace Forum opens in Beijing


Source: Xinhua
Editor: huaxia
2024-07-06

BEIJING, July 6 (Xinhua) -- The 12th World Peace Forum (WPF) opened in Beijing on Saturday, focusing on improving global security governance.

Themed "Improving Global Security Governance: Justice, Unity and Cooperation," this year's forum is being attended by about 400 people, including former foreign political dignitaries, diplomatic envoys from various countries in China, experts, and scholars.

The forum includes four plenary sessions and over a dozen panel sessions, providing opportunities for in-depth discussions on various topics, such as promoting the concept of peaceful development, safeguarding fairness and justice, major-country relations, and regional development and cooperation.

The current international situation is turbulent, and the international system is facing increasing risks and challenges, said Li Luming, president of Tsinghua University and chairman of the WPF, at the opening ceremony of the forum.

"We firmly believe that the more turbulent and divided the world is, the greater the need for solidarity and coordination. The more tense and confrontational relations between countries are, the greater the need for dialogue and exchanges," Li said, adding that this is the practical value of the forum.

Initiated in 2012 by Tsinghua University and the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs, WPF is the first high-level forum concerning global security to be held by Chinese non-governmental organizations. ■

 

Why environmental activism survives Cambodia’s destruction of civil society

The jailing of Mother Nature activists highlights the justness of their cause.
A commentary by David Hutt
2024.07.04

Why environmental activism survives Cambodia’s destruction of  civil society
 Illustration by Amanda Weisbrod/RFA; Images by Adobe Stock

The Cambodian government has to claim to be committed to climate action. So it really doesn’t like people who point out the lie. 

For years, the loudest critic has been Mother Nature, a group of environmental activists formed in 2013 that has often run afoul of the authorities.

In 2021, several members of the group documented waste run-off into Phnom Penh's Tonle Sap river, near the royal palace. This was linked to companies run by some well-connected individuals. 

For this, they were charged with plotting against the government and insulting the king, two charges that prosecutors never even tried to prove in a trial that ended on July 2 with ten Mother Nature activists being sentenced to between six and eight years in jail.

Three were also convicted of defaming King Norodom Sihamoni, receiving sentences of eight years in prison. The other seven got six years behind bars. 

Cambodian environmental activist Phuon Keoraksmey is arrested outside the Phnom Penh municipal court after a verdict on July 2, 2024. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP)
Cambodian environmental activist Phuon Keoraksmey is arrested outside the Phnom Penh municipal court after a verdict on July 2, 2024. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP)

Five of the ten are currently in hiding or exile. They were tried in absentia. That includes the founder of Mother Nature, Spanish environmentalist Alejandro Gonzalez-Davidson, who was deported from Cambodia in 2015.

It was “another crushing blow to Cambodia’s civil society,” said Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for research, Montse Ferrer. Igor Driesmans, the EU ambassador to Phnom Penh, tweeted that he is “deeply concerned about increasing persecution and arrests of human rights defenders in Cambodia.” 

Indeed, Cambodia’s civil society is now a mere whisper of what it once was. Since 2017, it has been systematically dismantled.

The trade union movement has been broken up, while NGOs have been destroyed by lawsuits and jailings. Some middle-class liberals have been bought off with government jobs and promises of reform when Hun Manet, the son of the long-serving premier, inherited the prime ministership last year. 


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Splintering of activists

However, unlike all other forms of activism that came before, environmentalism has endured. That’s partly because groups like Mother Nature refused to self-censor. But it is also structural.

In the past, civil activism was disparate. Cambodia had a strong trade union movement, but this was only in the garment factories. It had loud middle-class urbanites, but they stayed in the cities and campaigned for liberal reforms. 

People in the countryside protested when their land was taken away and given to well-connected businesses, but they rarely connected with other groups. 

The now-dissolved Cambodia National Rescue Party brought some of the voices under one roof for a brief period between 2012 and 2017, but once the party was dissolved that year, on laughable accusations of plotting a coup, the civil activist groups splintered. 

Not environmentalism, however. That’s because, unlike most other causes, it unites rural folk and urbanites, rich and poor, nationalists and cosmopolitans. It is intensely patriotic, whereas some other campaigns could be rebuked as un-Cambodian. And it doesn’t grapple with abstracts. 

Debates about human rights and democracy are messy. There are spectrums. There’s subjectivity. Only at the extremes can one see authoritarianism in action. 

Cambodia security officers clash with a union member near the National Assembly during a protest against the trade union law in Phnom Penh, April 4, 2016. (Samrang Pring/Reuters)
Cambodia security officers clash with a union member near the National Assembly during a protest against the trade union law in Phnom Penh, April 4, 2016. (Samrang Pring/Reuters)

The Cambodian authorities don’t arrest hundreds of people daily. There is no public flogging. You can spend your entire life keeping your head low and avoiding the jackboot.

But the environmental cause is different. 

Cambodians pass a river and see how more polluted it gets each day. They can watch the forests disappear. They  can experience the droughts that are now more common. They can see where the lakes once were, now filled in for construction. 

If their house is flooded because the land around them has been destroyed and built over, that creates a more immediate sensation of grief and anger than reading that the U.S. has downgraded Cambodia to the lowest Tier 3 ranking for money laundering. 

Environmentalism threatens a corrupt state

Whereas a propagandist can dismiss human rights and democracy with claims of “Asian Values” and the need for social stability over individual rights, no one can explain away deforestation, mass pollution, and environmental destruction as anything other than a crime against the nation itself.

That’s why environmentalism poses such risks for autocratic regimes. It’s ridiculous the courts ruled that the Mother Nature activists plotted against the state. But, in a sense, the cause does threaten the state. 

What it reveals is just how much Cambodia’s political system is a criminal racket.  

Cambodia’s political system is feudal-ish: It’s a  political aristocracy, composed of corrupt and incestuous families. But it depends on the money and patronage of economic barons, the financiers. 

Money flows up and favors flow down. Those favors include illegal logging, land grabs, industrial pollution, and the destruction of waterways. 

Volunteer students and Buddhist monks collect plastic waste from a sewage canal to set an example and educate people on proper plastic disposal in Phnom Penh on Oct.  28, 2023.  (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP)
Volunteer students and Buddhist monks collect plastic waste from a sewage canal to set an example and educate people on proper plastic disposal in Phnom Penh on Oct. 28, 2023. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP)

The tycoons may donate some money to some good causes, but the environmentalists come along and point out that this money was made by destroying the country’s natural resources. 

The ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) claims to represent the “people of the soil,” but the environmentalists show that it puts the interest of capital above the interests of the people. 

The CPP derides its opponents as cosmopolitans bought and owned by the West, but the environmentalists prove that the CPP government has presided over the utter gutting of Cambodia’s natural wealth, frequently by foreign-owned companies.

Ly Chandaravuth, one of the activists jailed this week, said this before the trial: “When [political elites] destroy our country, they have taken on new nationalities; they have millions of dollars; they can run to live in other countries when our country is destroyed, leaving only us who live in this country. If we don’t protect our country, we will be victims in the future.”

Greens are hard to silence

Cambodia is starting to experience something similar to what began in Vietnam in the late 2000s when environmentalism and nationalism morphed into a new, powerful force. 

In 2008, Vietnamese activists, including war-era generals, sparked a new movement after lambasting the ruling Communist Party for selling off Vietnamese land to Chinese bauxite miners. 

Ever since, eco-nationalism has been the trigger for Vietnam’s largest protests. The communist authorities have no response other than repression when the government is derided for not only destroying the country’s habitat but for doing it to get a quick Chinese buck.

It matters on another level, too. 

The likes of Cambodia now see climate action as a basis for international aid diplomacy. 

Promise some Hail-Mary green goal and the European Union will ignore all of your other vices. Laud Beijing as the Global South’s environmental savior and you get investment capital from China. Talk about renewable energy infrastructure and Japan is at the front of the queue with bags full of cash. 

Washington isn’t so easily bought off with green platitudes, but talk about climate action in terms of self-sufficiency – meaning less dependency on China – and the U.S. gets on board, too.

Cambodian environmental activists Ly Chandaravuth, right, Phun Keoraksmey, second from right, Thun Ratha, second from left, Long Kunthea, left, sit outside Phnom Penh municipal court on July 2, 2024. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP)
Cambodian environmental activists Ly Chandaravuth, right, Phun Keoraksmey, second from right, Thun Ratha, second from left, Long Kunthea, left, sit outside Phnom Penh municipal court on July 2, 2024. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP)

The sums involved for this green agenda are in the tens of billions. Most of the money is essential for economic development. Much of it flows into companies or ventures controlled by political elites or the economic barrons. 

This means that there’s a lot on the line when homegrown environmentalists point out that the government is lying about its green agenda, that the government isn’t as green as it pretends. So all the more reason for regimes to see eco-nationalism as an existential threat. 

The fact of the matter is that the Mother Nature activists will now have to endure the hell of prison for years. But their cause will persist. 

Autocratic regimes like Cambodia’s cannot silence the eco-nationalists because their revelations are obvious to all.

Cambodians don’t need to understand theories of democracy to see that their forests are disappearing, that their rivers are overflowing with filth, that droughts are now more common and their crops are becoming harder to grow, or that their land is being torn apart by an elite that will never have to suffer the consequences.

David Hutt is a research fellow at the Central European Institute of Asian Studies (CEIAS) and the Southeast Asia Columnist at the Diplomat. He writes the Watching Europe In Southeast Asia newsletter. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of RFA.

 

‘Demographic dividend’ a long-term casualty of Myanmar’s civil war

Conflict has cost the developing economy the ability to train and keep a skilled workforce.
A commentary by David Hutt
2024.07.06

‘Demographic dividend’ a long-term casualty of  Myanmar’s civil war
 Illustration by Amanda Weisbrod/RFA; Images by Adobe Stock

Aside from the human tragedy of the ongoing civil war in Myanmar, the economic fallout has been dire. 

But ten or twenty years ahead lies another bad consequence of the 2021 military coup: Myanmar was poised to ride a demographic wave over the coming decades, but probably won’t now. 

Workers labor at an irrigation construction site, May 2013  in Mawlamyaingyun, Myanmar. (Marcel Crozet via Flickr)
Workers labor at an irrigation construction site, May 2013 in Mawlamyaingyun, Myanmar. (Marcel Crozet via Flickr)

There are numerous reasons for Southeast Asia's economic success in recent decades. One was that in the 1990s the likes of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Myanmar ditched statist economic models and embraced free trade, giving them access to world markets for the first time ever. 

Another key factor was demographics. The median age of all Southeast Asian states, bar Singapore, was below 30 until the 2000s.

Myanmar, for instance, entered the global capitalist system with around 35 percent of its population aged 15-34. The median age was just 20 in 1990. This was ideal for attracting lower-end manufacturing that countries like Malaysia and Thailand, which began industrializing and urbanizing much earlier, had outgrown. 

However, because Myanmar’s workforce is still quite young and because of its low starting point, productivity rates remained the second-lowest in Southeast Asia in 2019 — just $5.15 in terms of GDP per hour worked.

Before the military takeover in February 2021, Myanmar had ample time to rectify this.


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Lost opportunities

The working-age population can generally be divided between those aged 15-44 and those aged 45-64. The size of each group usually defines a country’s economy. 

A youthful workforce is beneficial for labor-intensive, lower-skilled production – like garment manufacturing, which has driven Myanmar’s growth – and for domestic consumption. 

Once a country’s demographics change and it has  a growing percentage of older workers, they typically have a far more productive workforce, as people have had twenty-odd years to get good at what they do.  This also leads to a more capital-rich economy since those in middle-age have done most of their consumption and child-rearing and are now saving for old age. 

Before the coup, Myanmar had around three decades to enjoy this transition, allowing it to reinvest revenue from economic growth into education and skill development as the workforce naturally aged. 

Construction workers, July 20, 2016 in Yangon, Myanmar. (Alex Berger via Flickr)
Construction workers, July 20, 2016 in Yangon, Myanmar. (Alex Berger via Flickr)

The share of 35-64 year-olds was forecast to increase from around 35.2 percent in 2020 to 39.5 percent in 2050. In real terms, since Myanmar’s population was set to grow overall, that’s up from 18 million to 23 million people, according to my analysis of UN data

Meanwhile, the number of 15-34-year-olds was expected to decline slightly from 18 million in 2020 to 16 million in 2050 – or from 33.2 to 27.7 percent of the population.

The coup and civil war likely haven't drastically altered these numbers. The Peace Research Institute Oslo reported last year that at least 6,000 civilians were killed in the first 20 months. 

Total casualties are likely in the tens of thousands. Many times this number have been wounded, maimed or psychologically scarred, hindering their ability to return to the workforce.

Missing a critical transition

Most importantly, however, the conflict has stolen this critical transitional period from young workers, depriving them of the time they needed to become more skilled and productive in later life.

According to the latest estimates, there are 3.1 million internally displaced people, about 5 percent of the entire population. Around 8 percent of young adults are now unemployed, a significant increase from pre-2021 levels. 

The number of people in formal employment has fallen substantially. Many have traipsed back to rural areas to work on family farms due to poor job prospects and rising food prices. 

A man rests on a bundle, July 20, 2016 at Yangon Market, Yangon, Myanmar. (Alex Berger via Flickr)
A man rests on a bundle, July 20, 2016 at Yangon Market, Yangon, Myanmar. (Alex Berger via Flickr)

The mandatory conscription announced by the junta in February has intensified both internal migration and emigration.

The latest World Bank report on Myanmar indicates that around 28 percent of firms have lost staff due to workers moving to the countryside or abroad, up from 11 percent in April 2023.

"About half of the employees that resigned migrated to other countries while about a third relocated to other parts of Myanmar," the report noted.

Hard to keep skilled workers

One of Myanmar's perennial challenges, even before the coup, was retaining its skilled workers. Neighboring Thailand, a rapidly aging country, will see its workforce shrink by around a third by 2050 unless it can attract millions of migrants, primarily from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar.

Myanmar would have struggled to retain the best of its workforce without the coup. Depending on how long the civil war lasts, there could be no chance of keeping them. A recent World Bank survey found that 52 percent of highly skilled graduates aged 20-40 want to emigrate. 

Since the coup, Myanmar’s university student population has fallen by more than 90 percent. The share of youths aged 6-22 enrolled in educational institutions dropped from 69 percent in 2017 to 56 percent in 2023. Potentially almost a million children are displaced.

Women carrying sand to a construction site from a pile, June 6, 2015 on Botahtaung Pagoda Road, downtown Yangon, Myanmar. (Remko Tanis via Flickr)
Women carrying sand to a construction site from a pile, June 6, 2015 on Botahtaung Pagoda Road, downtown Yangon, Myanmar. (Remko Tanis via Flickr)

The demographic dividend Myanmar was set to enjoy included a growing older workforce and a steady expansion of young workers. 

This balance would have been crucial for maintaining low-skilled, low-value-added industries like garment manufacturing while also allowing for the development of higher-value-added sectors thanks to a growing, more experienced workforce. 

That has been upended by the coup. 

There is no sign of the civil war ending soon. If it goes on for much longer — a decade-long conflict isn’t zero-risk — it will strip Myanmar of whatever demographic benefits it could have enjoyed in the 2030s and 2040s.

David Hutt is a research fellow at the Central European Institute of Asian Studies (CEIAS) and the Southeast Asia Columnist at the Diplomat. He writes the Watching Europe In Southeast Asia newsletter. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of RFA.

France: Why a former left-wing district now votes far right

Lisa Louis Cher department, France

France votes in the second round of the election on Sunday with the far-right National Rally widely expected to come out on top. Even those in former left-wing strongholds are now choosing the far right.



Genevieve de Brach feels let down by the traditional parties
Image: Lisa Louis/DW


The Cher department in central France used to be a stronghold of the left.

During World War II, it was one of the heartlands of the French resistance fighters known as maquisards. France was at the time partly occupied by Nazi Germany, while the rest of the country was under the rule of French general Philippe Petain, whose Vichy government was collaborating with the Nazis.

Since the 1950s, several provincial towns of the Cher, such as Vierzon, even voted in the Communist Party.

But in last Sunday's first round of voting in France's parliamentary elections, candidates from the far-right National Rally (RN), the party of former presidential candidate Marine Le Pen, came first in all three of Cher's constituencies.

On a national level, the RN won the highest share of votes, with more than 33%. The left-wing alliance New Popular Front (NFP), including far-left movement France Unbowed, the Socialist Party, the Greens and the Communist Party, came second with about 28% of the vote.

The camp of President Emmanuel Macron, who had called the snap elections as a reaction to his party's crushing defeat in June's EU parliamentary elections, landed a distant third place.

Economy and immigration big issues

RN candidate Bastian Duenas outdistanced the communist runner-up by more than 10% in one of the Cher's voting districts.

"Our party cares most about the French," the 22-year-old told DW, as he was preparing to hold a public gathering in a small village called Mehun-sur-Yevre just out of Vierzon before campaigning closed last Friday.

Bastian Duenas wants to make the region competitive again and create new jobsImage: Lisa Ellis /DW

The law student has been a municipal councilor in nearby Mereau since 2020. Just like 28-year-old RN president Jordan Bardella, Duenas is active on the social network TikTok, where he publishes videos with catchy background music showing his day-to-day life.

He says his party will redress the region economically. Unemployment here exceeds the national average of 7.5% after decades of economic decline in an area where industry and the railways used to be the biggest employers.

"We have economic measures such as tax rebates to encourage companies to set up shop in the area. That will make our region competitive again and new jobs will be created," Duenas said.

But for his supporters at the meeting that day, other arguments seemed more crucial. "The RN represents our values and will make our country great again," said 21-year-old Herman Caquais, who is aspiring to become a firefighter.

He was accompanied by 19-year-old Jules Pelladoni, who plans to become a police officer. "I want a future for French civilization," Pelladoni told DW.

Herman Caquais (left) and Jules Pelladoni hope that RN will reduce immigration
Image: Lisa Louis/DW

Despite his grandfather immigrating to France from Italy, Pelladoni said he was against mass immigration. "Many immigrants refuse to work and don't want to adapt," he said.
Established parties seen as elitist

20 kilometers (12 miles) further northwest in the hamlet of Saint-Hilaire-de-Court, Genevieve de Brach was giving food to a few of her 110 cattle grazing in her fields.

"Raising livestock was my childhood dream, but things have become really difficult with rising taxes and ever more bureaucratic burden," said the 64-year-old mother of three, who's also the head of the local branch of farmers' union Rural Coordination.

For the first time in her life, like many other voters in the area, de Brach is considering voting for the far right in Sunday's run-off.

"There are no GPs left in this area. The government is spending lots of money to construct a new bridges elsewhere, while our roads are full of potholes," she said. "I feel like having a political elite up there who decide what's good for us. But we have to live with their decisions."

In rural France, the RN appeals to those who have hardly benefited from globalizationImage: Lisa Louis/DW

Political scientist Vincent Martigny, a professor at both the University Cote d'Azur in the southern city of Nice and also at Paris' Ecole Polytechnique, thinks that many people in France share that view.

"The RN appeals to those who have hardly benefited from globalization, feel left behind and have seen their income fall over the past decades," he told DW.

Legal history professor Pierre Allorant from the University of Orleans in the Cher, thinks President Macron has strengthened this feeling of alienation.

"He's been governing in a top-down style and depicting himself as the symbol of mainstream politics and the best rampart against the far right," Allorant said, adding that many voters feel the only protest vote against him is the RN, whereas in the past, they could also opt for communist party.


Allorant isn't surprised that between a fifth and a third of 18- to 24-year-olds voted for the far right in the first round, according to polls.

"Young people don't know much about World War II — many of them have hardly heard of former RN leader Jean-Marie Le Pen," he stressed.

Jean-Marie le Pen, the father of Marine Le Pen, was convicted several times of downplaying crimes against humanity, such as saying the gas chambers used to kill Jews in the Holocaust were a "detail" of history.

Jean-Marie Le Pen's leadership of the RN turned away many voters in the past. His daughter Marine excluded him from the RN in 2015 in a bid to get away from the RN's antisemitic image.

Can the RN be blocked?

Vierzon's communist mayor Corinne Ollivier doesn't believe in turning people against each other.

"I believe in the value of solidarity," said Ollivier, a former railway worker who came out of retirement to take up the job as mayor. "It's unbearable that one camp always stokes the fear of others."

DW met with Ollivier as she visited a kindergarten being refurbished by the government for €1.6 million ($1.7 million). "When we provide such high quality infrastructure, we hope people will understand that we care about them and give us their support," she said while walking through the freshly painted classrooms.

"I believe in the value of solidarity," said Corinne Ollivier, the communist mayor of Vierzon
Image: Lisa Louis/DW

The communists might indeed still come out on top here on Sunday. In the voting district around Vierzon, the third-placed candidate has withdrawn from the race to avoid splitting the vote in an attempt to stop the National Rally from winning.

Around another 210 third or fourth placed candidates that made it to the second round have also rescinded their candidacy in a bid to foil the far right.

"The withdrawals could prevent the RN from obtaining an absolute majority in parliament, although polls still predict the party will get the highest number seats," said political researcher Martigny.

But, one day, that strategy might no longer be enough to prevent the far right from coming to power in France.

Edited by: Kate Hairsine