Monday, July 08, 2024


Why is the NY Times Calling for Biden’s


 Ouster?


 

JULY 8, 2024
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The New York Times, long considered the “newspaper of record” in the United States, has in recent weeks made no secret about its chief concern: President Joe Biden’s ability to defeat Donald Trump in November 2024. And, it has done everything it can to promote the idea that the Democratic Party ticket needs a new headliner. For those of us who read the paper not only to understand how elites think, but to glean how elites—in the words of Ed Herman and Noam Chomsky—“manufacture consent,” the time since the debate has been sharply instructive.

A day after the June 27 CNN debate between the two candidates, the newspaper’s editorial board published a stunning essay seeking to persuade Biden to leave the race. When a paper’s editorial board takes such a clear position on an issue, it is an institutional consensus, and in its June 28 opinion, the Times revealed that it considered Biden to be “reckless” in remaining in the race. Further it concluded that “he failed his own test” by challenging Trump to an early debate and then crashing under the pressure.

Most stunningly, the paper’s editorial board proclaimed that replacing Biden with another candidate was, “the best chance to protect the soul of the nation …from the malign warping of Mr. Trump.”

But who will “protect the soul of the nation” from the New York Times? In the months leading up to the debate, the Times rarely, if ever, criticized Biden’s morally indefensible position of fueling Israel’s relentless genocide in Gaza. In February 2024 the editorial board published an opinion essay titled “A U.S. Call for a Humanitarian Cease-Fire in Gaza,” which certainly sounds anti-genocide. But the paper actually applauded Biden’s veto of a United Nations ceasefire proposal and justified his alternative proposal giving Israel full discretion—one that the editorial board admitted “does not have sharp teeth.”

The essay was more concerned with how the White House could “quiet the global outcry over the war’s toll on Palestinians,” and “silence the fierce criticism of Mr. Biden by the American left,” than actually take a moral position on human rights and against genocide.

The power the paper wields has been used in service of elites and even conservatives for years. For example, according to a 2017 analysis by Adam Johnson of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), the Times has “a clear emphasis on documenting and condemning perceived suppression of conservative voices at American universities, while rarely mentioning harassment campaigns against leftist professors and/or the criminalization of leftist causes such as the pro-Palestinian BDS (Boycott Divestment Sanctions) movement.”

Since October 7, 2023, the Times’ opinion writers have written a string of essays that don’t just straddle the fence on Gazans’ right to exist but take an unequivocal position on Israel’s right to kill them. In March 2024, Bret Stephens claimed “Israel Has No Choice but to Fight On,” and David Brooks asked, “What Would You Have Israel Do to Defend Itself?” By May, Ross Douthat was exploring “The Limits of Moralism in Israel and Gaza,” and in June, Nicholas Kristof offered his advice on “How to Think Through the Moral Tangle in Gaza.”

Now, as the paper claims to be concerned about the soul of the nation six months before an election that could lead us into a theocratic authoritarian dystopia, the editorial board wants Americans to know that it would essentially choose any Democrat over Trump: “If the race comes down to a choice between Mr. Trump and Mr. Biden, the sitting president would be this board’s unequivocal pick.” And yet the Times rightly worries that Biden is not up to the task.

This is indeed a position of conscience and echoes what some progressives have been saying for well over a year. But not only did the Times wait until after the debate to articulate what was obvious to many, but it was complicit in enabling Trump to an extent. The media watchdog group FAIRrepeatedly called out the New York Times for covering the early years of Trump’s presidency as if he were leading just another conservative Republican administration.

It has also covered the Biden presidency poorly, failing to call the Democratic leader out on issue after issue. In addition to backing Biden’s unconditional support for Israel’s genocide in Gaza, the paper has embraced the president’s harsh anti-immigrant policies and criticized Biden on economic policy—one of the few areas where he has been a better president than his predecessors. It has also often urged Biden and the Democratic Party to shy away from popular progressive issues and to embrace centristor even conservative positions.

When Senator Bernie Sanders ran for the Democratic nomination in 2020, the Times first ignored his platform, popularity, and viability, and then was eager to prematurely declare his candidacy over about halfway through the primary election cycle.

More recently, when progressive Democratic Congressman Jamaal Bowman was ousted in a primary election in spring 2024 as a result of an enormous cash infusion to his pro-Israel opponent, the Times implied in a screed by its opinion columnist Pamela Paul that to question the skewing of that race was antisemitic. The piece, titled “Jamaal Bowman Deserved to Lose,” was essentially a celebration of Democratic party centrism prevailing against progressivism.

Since June 27, 2024, the Times has demonstrated a stunning willingness to abandon its usual “both-sides-ism” and unequivocally beat the drum to push Biden off the Democratic Party’s presidential ticket. One wonders if Biden would have been a more progressive president had elite cultural institutions such as the New York Times pushed him to do so. Or, if he had embraced progressive populism, would the Times have called for his ouster far sooner?

We live in a politically fraught moment, on a precipice between a deeply flawed system that nonetheless has some very modest checks and balances on power, versus a potential future where nothing is off limits. The New York Times has not done everything it can to protect the health of our democracy and too often it has abused its outsize power to influence our political, social, and economic systems toward conservative positions. Given this context, its recent position against the incumbent president resembles a power play that happens to coincide with progressive concerns rather than being a legitimate fear for our democracy. In the long term, American democracy may be better off without interference from the so-called newspaper of record.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

Sonali Kolhatkar is the founder, host and executive producer of “Rising Up With Sonali,” a television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV (Dish Network, DirecTV, Roku) and Pacifica stations KPFK, KPFA, and affiliates. 

The Gaza Genocide: Who’s Complicit?


 
 JULY 8, 2024
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Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

Given the recent pro-Palestinian protests around the world and on many university campuses, it seems strange if not surprising that neither genocide nor the continuing flow of U.S. weapons to Israel were mentioned during the first (and maybe only) 2024 presidential debate. Nor did the New York Times Editorial Board see fit to cite complicity in genocide while calling for Biden to step down after his poor debate performance. Instead, it declared that Biden has been “an admirable president.”

Clearly, the major media and the American public are discounting the possibility that Joe Biden and his White House enablers could ever be prosecuted for complicity in genocide. They should think again.

The United States is a member of the Genocide Convention of 1948. Article III includes among punishable acts, “Complicity in Genocide.” Article IV makes clear that persons punished for genocide shall include “responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.”  Article V requires the contracting parties to enact legislation that provides “effective penalties for persons “guilty of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III.” Accordingly, 18 U.S. Code 1091 mirrors the Convention’s definition of genocide and provides that “any person who attempts or conspires to commit an offense under this section shall be punished in the same manner as the person who completes the offense.”

Whether or not charges of genocide complicity are ever brought against American individuals, it is important to identify those officials and non-officials who fall into the category of complicit in genocide. They should be called out for their role in the deaths of almost 40,000 Palestinians in Gaza.

Here are the major offenders:

White House.  In the wake of Hamas’ brutal massacre on October 7, President Joe Biden embraced Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and promised to supply him with unlimited arms.  Despite ignored and never-enforced Biden “redlines” and pleas for Israel to limit its attacks on civilians, U.S.-provided bombs have continued to fall on civilian centers while the use of starvation as a war tactic has brought famine to the suffering Gazans.  In a rare show of restraint following major IDF raids on hospitals and refugee centers, Biden announced a one-time pause in the delivery of 2,000 pounds.  When Israel’s Defense Minister Yoav Gallant raced off to Washington to complain, American officials took pains to rebut Netanyahu’s claims that the Biden administration was delaying military assistance. They showed Gallant records of hundreds of weapons shipments to Israel for its Gaza campaign.  By doing so, they also acknowledged U.S. complicity in Israel’s continuing genocide.  Biden and aides who assisted in the arms transfers are all subject to charges of complicity.

State Department. In its much-delayed May report on the war, the State Department denied that war crimes were being committed. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, the face of American diplomacy, gave only lip service to its calls for military restraint.  From the beginning Blinken and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan called for a two-state solution while conveying strong support for an Israeli war cabinet that firmly rejected two- states. Meanwhile, Israel expanded its war campaign to Rafah and refused calls for a ceasefire. Fully committed to Biden’s pro-Israel war policy, both Blinken and Sullivan are now vulnerable to complicity charges.

Defense Department.  The Defense Department has provided important intelligence, strategic advice, and aerial reconnaissance to the IDF.  It has delivered an estimated $6.5 billion worth of  U.S.-made bombs and missiles that have destroyed so much of the Gaza Strip and killed or wounded so many of its citizens.  From what we see in the media, Austin is a close advisor to Gallant. Moreover, the Defense Department has been responsible for the regular hands-on transfer of weapons from U.S. stockpiles to Israel for its war on Gaza. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and his aides have made themselves subject to charges of complicity of genocide.

Military Suppliers and Contractors. Boeing has been a major arms supplier to Israel both before and during the Gaza war.  According to Amnesty International, Israel used Boeing supplied bombs in at least five strikes on Gaza in 2023, causing the deaths of over 100 civilians. Other reported U.S. suppliers of lethal weapons to the IDF in its Gaza campaign include General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin,  Agilite and BAE Systems, among several others.  Under the Genocide Convention, such companies are subject to complicity charges. The ICJ in April denied Nicaragua’s request for provisional measures against Germany to stop its arms shipments to Israel. Noting that Germany substantially reduced the value of weapons for which licenses were granted for export to Israel, the Court declined the Nicaraguan request.  However, the Court reminded all States of their international obligations to avoid the risk that arms transfers “might be used to violate” the Genocide Convention.

Whether or not any U.S. entities and individuals are ever held criminally accountable for complicity in genocide, the visible evidence of United States complicity has been amply displayed on television, in the press and in the social media for the whole world to see.

L. Michael Hager is cofounder and former Director General, International Development Law Organization, Rome.

Early Signs of the Failure of American Global Power


Originally appeared at TomDispatch.

In his years in power, Joe Biden and his top foreign policy officials have come up with a distinctly more aggressive and militarized approach to a rising China and, in particular, its claims to areas of the South China Sea or the island of Taiwan. As an old Cold Warrior who lived through the era of “containing” Soviet power, the president has taken a strikingly similar approach toward China, even if he’s repeatedly denied that it’s a policy of “containment.”

Typically, American Green Berets have recently been stationed on the Taiwanese island of Kinmen, just a few miles off the coast of the People’s Republic (though the head of the United States Indo-Pacific Command insists that it’s not a permanent change). Four new military posts are also being established in the Philippines, all of them strategically closer to China than the other U.S. bases there. Meanwhile, last year the U.S. Marines opened their first new base in 70 years on the Pacific island of Guam as a “strategic hub” for the region, even as the American military command in Japan was also being strengthened.

(Imagine for a moment, how this country would react if China were challenging America’s “aggressive” behavior by establishing military bases throughout, say, the Caribbean or off the Mexican coast. Truly beyond belief, right?)

And then, of course, there’s Australia, where the U.S. is now stockpiling military supplies (and conducting joint war games) for a possible future conflict with China over Taiwan and, as TomDispatch regular Michael Klare makes strikingly clear today, that’s just the beginning when it comes to future military connections with that country. (Think nuclear submarines!)

And all of this is happening, as Klare points out, while American power globally is actually on the wane and its crucial alliances (in a world where the Global South is finally rising), increasingly… well, let’s not say “white” but, as Klare makes clear today, distinctly Anglo-Saxonified. ~ Tom Engelhardt


Trusting the ‘Five Eyes’ Only

The Anglo-Saxonization of American Foreign Policy and Its Perverse Consequences

by Michael Klare

Wherever he travels globally, President Biden has sought to project the United States as the rejuvenated leader of a broad coalition of democratic nations seeking to defend the “rules-based international order” against encroachments by hostile autocratic powers, especially China, Russia, and North Korea. “We established NATO, the greatest military alliance in the history of the world,” he told veterans of D-Day while at Normandy, France on June 6th. “Today… NATO is more united than ever and even more prepared to keep the peace, deter aggression, defend freedom all around the world.”

In other venues, Biden has repeatedly highlighted Washington’s efforts to incorporate the “Global South” –  the developing nations of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East – into just such a broad-based U.S.-led coalition. At the recent G7 summit of leading Western powers in southern Italy, for example, he backed measures supposedly designed to engage those countries “in a spirit of equitable and strategic partnership.”

But all of his soaring rhetoric on the subject scarcely conceals an inescapable reality: the United States is more isolated internationally than at any time since the Cold War ended in 1991. It has also increasingly come to rely on a tight-knit group of allies, all of whom are primarily English-speaking and are part of the Anglo-Saxon colonial diaspora. Rarely mentioned in the Western media, the Anglo-Saxonization of American foreign and military policy has become a distinctive – and provocative – feature of the Biden presidency.

America’s Growing Isolation

To get some appreciation for Washington’s isolation in international affairs, just consider the wider world’s reaction to the administration’s stance on the wars in Ukraine and Gaza.

Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Joe Biden sought to portray the conflict there as a heroic struggle between the forces of democracy and the brutal fist of autocracy. But while he was generally successful in rallying the NATO powers behind Kyiv – persuading them to provide arms and training to the beleaguered Ukrainian forces, while reducing their economic links with Russia – he largely failed to win over the Global South or enlist its support in boycotting Russian oil and natural gas.

Despite what should have been a foreboding lesson, Biden returned to the same universalist rhetoric in 2023 (and this year as well) to rally global support for Israel in its drive to extinguish Hamas after that group’s devastating October 7th rampage. But for most non-European leaders, his attempt to portray support for Israel as a noble response proved wholly untenable once that country launched its full-scale invasion of Gaza and the slaughter of Palestinian civilians commenced. For many of them, Biden’s words seemed like sheer hypocrisy given Israel’s history of violating U.N. resolutions concerning the legal rights of Palestinians in the West Bank and its indiscriminate destruction of homes, hospitals, mosques, schools, and aid centers in Gaza. In response to Washington’s continued support for Israel, many leaders of the Global South have voted against the United States on Gaza-related measures at the U.N. or, in the case of South Africa, have brought suit against Israel at the World Court for perceived violations of the 1948 Genocide Convention.

In the face of such adversity, the White House has worked tirelessly to bolster its existing alliances, while trying to establish new ones wherever possible. Pity poor Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who has made seemingly endless trips to AsiaAfrica, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East trying to drum up support for Washington’s positions – with consistently meager results.

Here, then, is the reality of this anything but all-American moment: as a global power, the United States possesses a diminishing number of close, reliable allies – most of which are members of NATO, or countries that rely on the United States for nuclear protection (Japan and South Korea), or are primarily English-speaking (Australia and New Zealand). And when you come right down to it, the only countries the U.S. really trusts are the “Five Eyes.”

For Their Eyes Only

The “Five Eyes” (FVEY) is an elite club of five English-speaking countries – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States – that have agreed to cooperate in intelligence matters and share top-secret information. They all became parties to what was at first the bilateral UKUSA Agreement, a 1946 treaty for secret cooperation between the two countries in what’s called “signals intelligence” – data collected by electronic means, including by tapping phone lines or listening in on satellite communications. (The agreement was later amended to include the other three nations.) Almost all of the Five Eyes’ activities are conducted in secret, and its existence was not even disclosed until 2010. You might say that it constitutes the most secretive, powerful club of nations on the planet.

The origins of the Five Eyes can be traced back to World War II, when American and British codebreakers, including famed computer theorist Alan Turingsecretly convened at Bletchley Park, the British codebreaking establishment, to share intelligence gleaned from solving the German “Enigma” code and the Japanese “Purple” code. At first an informal arrangement, the secretive relationship was formalized in the British-US Communication Intelligence Agreement of 1943 and, after the war ended, in the UKUSA Agreement of 1946. That arrangement allowed for the exchange of signals intelligence between the National Security Agency (NSA) and its British equivalent, the Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) – an arrangement that persists to this day and undergirds what has come to be known as the “special relationship” between the two countries.

Then, in 1955, at the height of the Cold War, that intelligence-sharing agreement was expanded to include those other three English-speaking countries, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. For secret information exchange, the classification “AUS/CAN/NZ/UK/US EYES ONLY” was then affixed to all the documents they shared, and from that came the “Five Eyes” label. France, Germany, Japan, and a few other countries have since sought entrance to that exclusive club, but without success.

Although largely a Cold War artifact, the Five Eyes intelligence network continued operating right into the era after the Soviet Union collapsed, spying on militant Islamic groups and government leaders in the Middle East, while eavesdropping on Chinese business, diplomatic, and military activities in Asia and elsewhere. According to former NSA contractor Edward Snowden, such efforts were conducted under specialized top-secret programs like Echelon, a system for collecting business and government data from satellite communications, and PRISM, an NSA program to collect data transmitted via the Internet.

As part of that Five Eyes endeavor, the U.S., the United Kingdom, and Australia jointly maintain a controversial, highly secret intelligence-gathering facility at Pine Gap, Australia, near the small city of Alice Springs. Known as the Joint Defence Facility Pine Gap (JDFPG), it’s largely run by the NSA, CIA, GCHQ, and the Australian Security Intelligence Organization. Its main purpose, according to Edward Snowden and other whistle-blowers, is to eavesdrop on radio, telephone, and internet communications in Asia and the Middle East and share that information with the intelligence and military arms of the Five Eyes. Since the Israeli invasion of Gaza was launched, it is also said to be gathering intelligence on Palestinian forces in Gaza and sharing that information with the Israeli Defense Forces. This, in turn, prompted a rare set of protests at the remote base when, in late 2023, dozens of pro-Palestinian activists sought to block the facility’s entry road.

From all accounts, in other words, the Five Eyes collaboration remains as robust as ever. As if to signal that fact, FBI director Christopher Wray offered a rare acknowledgement of its ongoing existence in October 2023 when he invited his counterparts from the FVEY countries to join him at the first Emerging Technology and Securing Innovation Security Summit in Palo Alto, California, a gathering of business and government officials committed to progress in artificial intelligence (AI) and cybersecurity. Going public, moreover, was a way of normalizing the Five Eyes partnership and highlighting its enduring significance.

Anglo-Saxon Solidarity in Asia

The Biden administration’s preference for relying on Anglophone countries in promoting its strategic objectives has been especially striking in the Asia-Pacific region. The White House has been clear that its primary goal in Asia is to construct a network of U.S.-friendly states committed to the containment of China’s rise. This was spelled out, for example, in the administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States of 2022. Citing China’s muscle-flexing in Asia, it called for a common effort to resist that country’s “bullying of neighbors in the East and South China” and so protect the freedom of commerce. “A free and open Indo-Pacific can only be achieved if we build collective capacity for a new age,” the document stated. “We will pursue this through a latticework of strong and mutually reinforcing coalitions.”

That “latticework,” it indicated, would extend to all American allies and partners in the region, including Australia, Japan, New Zealand, the Philippines, and South Korea, as well as friendly European parties (especially Great Britain and France). Anyone willing to help contain China, the mantra seems to go, is welcome to join that U.S.-led coalition. But if you look closely, the renewed prominence of Anglo-Saxon solidarity becomes ever more evident.

Of all the military agreements signed by the Biden administration with America’s Pacific allies, none is considered more important in Washington than AUKUS, a strategic partnership agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Announced by the three member states on Sept. 15, 2021, it contains two “pillars,” or areas of cooperation – the first focused on submarine technology and the second on AI, autonomous weapons, as well as other advanced technologies. As in the FVEY arrangement, both pillars involve high-level exchanges of classified data, but also include a striking degree of military and technological cooperation. And note the obvious: there is no equivalent U.S. agreement with any non-English-speaking country in Asia.

Consider, for instance, the Pillar I submarine arrangement. As the deal now stands, Australia will gradually retire its fleet of six diesel-powered submarines and purchase three to five top-of-the-line U.S.-made Los Angeles-class nuclear-powered submarines (SSNs), while it works with the United Kingdom to develop a whole new class of subs, the SSN-AUKUS, to be powered by an American-designed nuclear propulsion system. But – get this — to join, the Australians first had to scrap a $90 billion submarine deal with a French defense firm, causing a severe breach in the Franco-Australian relationship and demonstrating, once again, that Anglo-Saxon solidarity supersedes all other relationships.

Now, with the French out of the picture, the U.S. and Australia are proceeding with plans to build those Los Angeles-class SSNs – a multibillion-dollar venture that will require Australian naval officers to study nuclear propulsion in the United States. When the subs are finally launched (possibly in the early 2030s), American submariners will sail with the Australians to help them gain experience with such systems. Meanwhile, American military contractors will be working with Australia and the UK designing and constructing a next-generation sub, the SSN-AUKUS, that’s supposed to be ready in the 2040s. The three AUKUS partners will also establish a joint submarine base near Perth in Western Australia.

Pillar II of AUKUS has received far less media attention but is no less important. It calls for American, British, Australian scientific and technical cooperation in advanced technologies, including AI, robotics, and hypersonics, aimed at enhancing the future military capabilities of all three, including through the development of robot submarines that could be used to spy on or attack Chinese ships and subs.

Aside from the extraordinary degree of cooperation on sensitive military technologies – far greater than the U.S. has with any other countries – the three-way partnership also represents a significant threat to China. The substitution of nuclear-powered subs for diesel-powered ones in Australia’s fleet and the establishment of a joint submarine base at Perth will enable the three AUKUS partners to conduct significantly longer undersea patrols in the Pacific and, were a war to break out, attack Chinese ships, ports, and submarines across the region. I’m sure you won’t be surprised to learn that the Chinese have repeatedly denounced the arrangement, which represents a potentially mortal threat to them.

Unintended Consequences

It’s hardly a surprise that the Biden administration, facing growing hostility and isolation in the global arena, has chosen to bolster its ties further with other Anglophone countries rather than make the policy changes needed to improve relations with the rest of the world. The administration knows exactly what it would have to do to begin to achieve that objective: discontinue arms deliveries to Israel until the fighting stops in Gaza; help reduce the burdensome debt load of so many developing nations; and promote food, water security, and other life-enhancing measures in the Global South. Yet, despite promises to take just such steps, President Biden and his top foreign policy officials have focused on other priorities – the encirclement of China above all else – while the inclination to lean on Anglo-Saxon solidarity has only grown.

However, by reserving Washington’s warmest embraces for its anglophone allies, the administration has actually been creating fresh threats to U.S. security. Many countries in contested zones on the emerging geopolitical chessboard, especially in Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia, were once under British colonial rule and so anything resembling a potential Washington-London neocolonial restoration is bound to prove infuriating to them. Add to that the inevitable propaganda from China, Iran, and Russia about a developing Anglo-Saxon imperial nexus and you have an obvious recipe for widespread global discontent.

It’s undoubtedly convenient to use the same language when sharing secrets with your closest allies, but that should hardly be the deciding factor in shaping this nation’s foreign policy. If the United States is to prosper in an increasingly diverse, multicultural world, it will have learn to think and act in a far more multicultural fashion – and that should include eliminating any vestiges of an exclusive Anglo-Saxon global power alliance.

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel, Songlands (the final one in his Splinterlands series), Beverly Gologorsky’s novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt’s A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy’s In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power, John Dower’s The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War IIand Ann Jones’s They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars: The Untold Story.

Michael T. Klare, a TomDispatch regular, is the five-college professor emeritus of peace and world security studies at Hampshire College and a senior visiting fellow at the Arms Control Association. He is the author of 15 books, the latest of which is All Hell Breaking Loose: The Pentagon’s Perspective on Climate Change.

Copyright 2024 Michael Klare