Kenya Protest is a Warning to All East Africans

The recent protest in Kenya has come out as deadly. The protest was triggered by the new taxation bill, which imposes new taxes on vital day-to-day goods.

ByHaoyu "Henry" Huang
August 6, 2024

People participate in anti-tax demonstrations in Nairobi, capital of Kenya, June 25, 2024. (Photo by Charles Onyango/Xinhua)

The recent protest in Kenya has come out as deadly.  The protest was triggered by the new taxation bill, which imposes new taxes on vital day-to-day goods.  Thirty-nine people have lost their lives while part of the Parliament was burnt.  President Ruto has declared that he will not approve the new tax bill and introduce reformation methods, and uncertainty still looms over the Nairobi government.

Although East Africa enjoys political stability for the most part, the protest in Kenya should also warn the other East African countries.  Similar elements could become lethal to Kenya’s East African neighbors, especially Tanzania and Uganda.  From unstable financial situations to external challenges to internal dissatisfaction, the elements that led to the Nairobi protest could also develop and trigger insurgency in the region. 

Unstable Financial Situation

East African nations have similar economic challenges.  Rising taxes caused an outburst of public dissatisfaction in Nairobi.  The proposed tax hike is part of the plan to address the debt crisis that Kenyans have been suffering for years.  Kenya currently has 80 billion dollars of public debt, almost worth 80% of its GDP.  The interest payment alone eats up 27% of Kenya’s expenditure. 

The East African country shares similar issues.  Although Tanzania’s debt-to-GDP ratio is at 35%, a much healthier level than Kenya’s, the rapid debt growth is still alarming for the Dodoma government.  In 2023, Tanzania’s debt grew significantly from June 2023 to January 2024. The debt was due to the growing infrastructure projects in Tanzania.  However, Uganda’s situation is even worse as the debt snowballs.  The Ugandan government even has to put new regulations on commercial borrowing to avoid debt snowballing. 

Growing debt comes with an ever-increasing financing cost.  The Kenyan government had to launch a buyback of its Eurobund to avoid sovereign default earlier this year, which saw a significantly rising interest rate and added extra refinancing costs.  The other East African countries face a similar situation.  Although Tanzania and Uganda are in better shape than their neighbor, the high-interest payments have also made international investors doubt the stability of the Ugandan bond in the long term.  Tanzanians also pay 11% of their expenditures on interest, which is too high compared to other countries.  These payments also diverted resources from education and health, areas that desperately need investments.

External Challenges

The unstable financial situations make these countries rather sensitive to external challenges.  However, with a growing international interest rate combating inflation and price hikes due to the ongoing Russian-Ukraine War, the East African countries face similar challenges that could worsen their economies and shake their stability. 

The international trend of rising interest rates has put these countries in limbo.  The United States has kept its interest rate high to combat inflation.  This made dollars outside of the US started flowing back into the country.  With fewer US dollars in the international market, the value of the US dollar went up significantly.  The Kenyan shilling lost 20% in 2023 against major currencies.  Similar devaluation also happened to Tanzania and Uganda shilling.  To East African countries, the high-rise exchange rate meant higher refinancing costs.  The majority of the debt of these East African countries is in foreign currency.  A higher exchange rate means that the governments have to pay higher interest while the future payback rate is higher.

Rising international prices also significantly hindered the East Africans’ ability to balance their books. These East African countries are major importers of manufactured goods and fuel. The rising international prices since 2022 have taken a significant toll on these countries.  The fuel price increased by 17% within a short time last year in Tanzania.  Similar stories have also happened in Kenya and Uganda.  Since the amount of imports has increased while the cost keeps rising, the prices could further drag the fragile East African economy down.

Also, the trade barriers between East African countries have hindered economic growth.  Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya all have trade barriers and regulations against each other.  These trade barriers have already damaged the internal trade between East African Community members.  As Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya all heavily rely on each other for export revenue, the trade disputes only further drag these countries down. 

Internal Dissatisfaction

Although East Africans have enjoyed political stability for many years, there are still challenges in their societies.  Indeed, these countries have enjoyed significant development over the years, with many people lifted from poverty.  However, corruption, lack of economic opportunity, and growing inequality could still lead to a total eruption of public anger. 

The protest in Kenya started with the new taxation bill and the massive tax proposed by the Kenyan government. However, fundamentally speaking, the protest also originated in political uncertainty and corruption that has loomed over Kenya for many years.  Since the 2022 election, Kenya has been under tremendous pressure, as the questions about the election result grows.  Meanwhile, the country still ranks 126 out of 180 countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index.  Bribery is everywhere, from exiting and entering the country to conducting business there.  All of these fueled the people’s anger and contributed to the protest.

Taxation and its corruption are also problems for other East African countries. Tanzania has collected record-breaking monthly revenue in the last year. Yet, with an 18% VAT, goods and services in Tanzania have become more expensive. The lack of clarity and corruption in the taxation system has created dissatisfaction among international businesses in Tanzania.  The harassment and corruption associated with the Tanzania Revenue Service have triggered traders in the nationwide markets to launch a strike. Although the government responded quickly and worked with the traders, this is still a dire sign that public anger has reached a new high. 

Similar stories also happen in Uganda.  The Ugandan government has proposed a new bill to collect new taxes and introduced a new revenue-collecting system earlier this year.  Yet, the country could not generate enough revenue due to the inability to tax the rich while the massive corruption spreading.  The government has to try to milk the revenue out of small businesses, which is ultimately harmful to all businesses.  In April, Uganda traders also protested against the newly imposed taxation and called it unfair towards them. 

Conclusion

Although the East Africans have enjoyed stability and development in the past decades, the signs indicated by protests in Kenya should not be underestimated.   While the international environment is far from ideal, the unstable financial situation and internal struggle could quickly bring a potential tsunami if not appropriately addressed.  For countries with history of instability like Kenya and Uganda, further development of the ongoing situation could shake the foundation of the current regime. 

• Tags
• Africa
• Economics
• featured
• Kenya
• taxation

Haoyu "Henry" Huang

Haoyu "Henry" Huang is an independent international affairs observer. He graduated with a Bachelors's degree from the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs in May 2020. He is from China and has previously lived and worked in the United States and Kazakhstan. He is currently based in Tanzania.

Rights organisations allege human rights violations by New Zealand police, corrections staff

Caspian Rive | Victoria University of Wellington Faculty of Law, NZ
AUGUST 6, 2024 

A report into New Zealand’s criminal justice system published by a coalition of justice and human rights organisations on Monday revealed multiple accounts of abuse, discrimination and alleged human rights violations perpetrated by police and corrections staff between June 2022 and March 2024.

Analysing 62 complaints received by Aotearoa Justice Watch (AJW), the report alleged that both law enforcement and prison personnel engaged in abuses of power over the period of inquiry, including excessive and reckless use of force and the maintenance of dysfunctional internal complaints systems.

The report describes allegations of the police conducting warrantless searches, coercive statement collections and administrative errors resulting in wrongful arrest. One complainant alleged that the police engaged in behaviour amounting to harassment of peaceful protesters.

A raft of claims relating to mistreatment while in prison were presented, involving lack of access to adequate medical treatment and the imposition of solitary confinement. Specific practices such as strip and rubdown searches were identified as especially harmful, given the instances of sexual harm incarcerated people reported during these procedures.

Further, the report concluded that the complainants’ testimonies indicate that New Zealand’s founding constitutional document te Tiriti o Waitangi/the Treaty of Waitangi—and specifically the guarantee to Māori in Article 2 of tino rangatiratanga (ultimate power and authority power) over their lands, their villages and treasured possessions—was not being upheld by the Crown.

AJW was established in 2022 to create a platform through which complainants could anonymously share their experiences with the New Zealand police and prison systems. The group comprises independent not-for-profits including Amnesty International Aotearoa New Zealand, People Against Prisons Aotearoa, JustSpeak and the New Zealand Council for Civil Liberties. Despite the lack of independent verification of the complaints, AJW maintains that its conclusions are consistent with similar investigations conducted by the Ombudsman and Office of the Inspectorate.

In 2023, the UN published its seventh periodic report on New Zealand’s implementation of the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. The committee was concerned with, among other things, the lack of information on efforts taken to ensure fundamental legal safeguards were delivered, such as access to legal representation, recommending these be guaranteed in law and practice.

AJW’s findings come only weeks after the public release of a historic inquiry into the abuse of children, young people and adults in New Zealand state and faith-based care institutions, which revealed that an estimated 200,000 victims were abused between 1950 and 2019 while in care. Significantly, the Whanaketia report acknowledged for the first time that there are reasonable grounds to believe that torture occurred in care institutions and noted the existence of a pipeline from care institutions to prison.

The Double Standard of the European Union Regarding Indonesia’s Nickel Export Ban

While the EU has slammed Indonesia's ban as an impediment to international trade, its criticism appears inconsistent when compared to its responses to similar actions taken by other countries.

BySekarsari Sugihartono
August 6, 2024

photo: Unsplash

In recent years, the European Union (EU) has moved towards a strong emphasis on sustainability and environmental responsibility, particularly with respect to raw materials critical for the green economy. This shift has become increasingly relevant in the context of Indonesia’s nickel export ban, which has sparked considerable debate about the EU’s position in global trade. While the EU has slammed Indonesia’s ban as an impediment to international trade, its criticism appears inconsistent when compared to its responses to similar actions taken by other countries. Such a double standard raises important questions about the EU’s trade policies and their implications for global economic dynamics.

Context of Indonesia’s Nickel Export Ban

Indonesia is a key player in the global nickel market, boasting significant reserves that are essential for producing batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) and other green technologies. In January 2020, Indonesia implemented a ban on exports of nickel ore, aiming to boost its domestic processing capabilities and encourage local investment in value-added industries. The government posited that this policy would foster economic growth while minimizing the environmental impact associated with raw material extraction and exportation (Pangestu, 2022).

The government’s aim to transition from being a mere exporter of raw materials to a producer of finished products reflects a broader strategy to enhance the country’s position in the global supply chain. However, the EU’s reaction was swift and critical. European officials argued that the ban violates World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and disrupts international supply chains, potentially leading to increased prices for nickel on the global market (European Commission, 2021).

EU’s Criticism and Trade Actions

The EU’s primary argument against Indonesia’s nickel export ban hinges on the principles of non-discrimination and fair trade. In January 2021, the European Commission announced a formal complaint against Indonesia to the WTO, asserting that the export ban provided unfair advantages to domestic processors while harming European companies reliant on nickel imports for battery production (European Commission, 2021). This stance underscores the EU’s commitment to uphold free trade agreements and its readiness to engage in legal actions when it perceives violations.

However, the intensity of the EU’s response to Indonesia raises questions about the consistency of its trade policies. Critics argue that the EU’s aggressive stance towards Indonesia is informed by geopolitical factors and economic interests, rather than unwavering adherence to free trade principles. This discrepancy becomes evident when comparing the EU’s reaction to similar actions taken by other countries, particularly those with which it maintains strategic partnerships.

Comparisons with Other Countries’ Export Policies

The EU’s response to Indonesia’s nickel export ban stands in stark contrast to its reactions to export restrictions imposed by other nations. For instance, China has long imposed export quotas and restrictions on rare earth metals, which are vital for various high-tech industries. Despite these limitations, the EU has often refrained from implementing strong sanctions or formal complaints against China. Instead, the EU has tended to engage in diplomatic discussions, focusing on collaboration rather than confrontation (Smith, 2023). This selective response raises questions about the genuine commitment of the EU to promote free trade and fair competition.

Moreover, amid the geopolitical tensions following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the EU has dealt with substantial disruptions to energy and material supplies. In this context, Russia has placed restrictions on several key commodities. Yet, the EU’s strategies have largely revolved around sanctions focused on energy imports, without strong measures against Russia’s export policies affecting other materials (Johnson, 2024). This lack of consistency further underscores the double standards inherent in the EU’s trade approach.

The disparate treatment of Indonesia compared to countries like China and Russia may stem from deeper strategic motives. Indonesia, being a developing country, lacks the same level of geopolitical clout that countries like China and Russia possess. The EU’s critical stance towards smaller nations with emerging industries might reflect apprehensions about their growing influence in global markets and the potential disruptions that may follow.

Implications for Indonesia and Global Trade

The inconsistency in the EU’s approach has significant implications for Indonesia’s economic growth and its quest for sustainable development. By penalizing Indonesia for its export ban, the EU may inadvertently stifle the country’s potential to enhance its industrial capabilities and environmental sustainability practices. Indonesia’s intentions behind the export restriction were not merely protectionist but aimed at fostering a more sustainable economic model that benefits both the local economy and the global market (Pangestu, 2022).

The EU’s heavy-handed tactics could also discourage other developing nations from implementing similar policies aimed at value addition and resource management. If smaller economies perceive that their efforts to bolster domestic industry may lead to international backlash or trade actions, they may choose to forgo policies that could ultimately benefit their citizens and promote sustainable practices.

Furthermore, the double standard exhibited by the EU could erode trust among developing nations. As developing countries look to expand their industrial bases and enhance their positions in global value chains, they may remain hesitant to align closely with an organization that appears to favor certain geopolitical partners over others. This inconsistency might encourage a fragmentation of global trade relationships, as countries pursue alternative partnerships that appear less restrictive and fairer.

Conclusion

The EU’s response to Indonesia’s nickel export ban highlights a troubling double standard that undermines its claims to uphold global trade principles equitably. While the EU’s critique of Indonesia can be interpreted as a commitment to free trade, the selective application of its policies raises important concerns about the consistency and fairness of its trade objectives. To cultivate a more inclusive and sustainable global economy, the EU must reevaluate its approach, ensuring that its policies reflect a genuine commitment to fairness and equality across all nations, including those on the cusp of industrial transformation.

Sekarsari Sugihartono

I am an international relations master's student at Gadjah Mada University. My interests are SDGs and International Trade Dispute.

PAPUA NEW GUINEA

Q and A: The story behind Bougainville's Rio Tinto suit

5:40 pm today
Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific Senior Journalist
don.wiseman@rnz.co.nz


View of the tailings located downstream of the Panguna mine. Photo: OCCRP / Aubrey Belford

A lawsuit brought by 4500 Bougainvilleans against multinational mining giant, Rio Tinto, is being bankrolled by a secretive group of investors hoping for a huge windfall.

The landowners, from around the long closed Panguna mine, in the autonomous Papua New Guinea region, are seeking compensation for the damage the mine caused.

The suit comes as Rio Tinto is separately helping fund an assessment exercise to determine the social and environmental impact of the mine.

The Panguna mine was at the crux of the civil war which tore Bougainville apart in the 1990s.

Investigative journalist with the OCCRP, Aubrey Belford, has looked into the suit and he spoke with RNZ Pacific.

(The transcript has been edited for brevity and clarity.)

Don Wiseman: Four and a half thousand Bougainvilleans are suing, or want to sue, Rio Tinto, over the destruction caused by the Panguna mine. Is it a cash grab?

Aubrey Belford: It's a complex story. There's definitely pros and cons and arguments being made from either side. Class action lawsuits are an effective way to get compensation for wrongs by big companies, but they are also an industry. Financiers invest a lot of money into them, with a lot of risk, on the hope that they will win, and that they'll get a significant portion of any settlement or award from a court victory.

DW: There's been a class action over Panguna before, which never came to anything.

AB: That's right. There was a class action in the United States that failed because the US Supreme Court said they didn't have jurisdiction. So, this is a second bite at the apple, so to speak.

DW: And there's a lot of opposition to it for fairly good reasons, I think?

AB: There's two main reasons why people oppose this class action. One is that there are very big hopes for Bougainville to gain its independence from PNG, and so the government wants to reopen the mine, and a lot of people want to reopen the mine, because that is really the main way that they'll earn any money to find their independence.

The second reason is that there is an ongoing process to assess the damage from the mine and to properly calculate who needs compensation, and what they need and what needs to be done to clean it up. There is a feeling that now, by going and dragging Rio Tinto and Bougainville Copper into court, that it could endanger that process.

DW: And Rio Tinto, has to be said, was very supportive of that process of assessing the social and environmental impacts?

AB: They are supporting the process. They are partly funding it, but it is also worth saying that they have not committed to paying to clean up or to get any compensation. The hope is that after the assessment happens, that Rio Tinto will pay up. But there is no guarantee of that, and that is something that advocates of the class action point to, and they say, 'Well, can you really trust them?' At least this way we win in court. Maybe not everyone gets everything, but we get something.

DW: The major issue would seem it's a reintroduction of division into Bougainville when it least would want it, given that it's aiming for its independence, possibly as soon as next year. How damaging do you think it potentially is for Bougainville?

AB: I am not Bougainvillean, and I cannot pretend to really know all the dynamics. There is definitely a difference of opinion among members of the local elite there - amongst politicians, amongst tribal leadership, amongst ex-combatants, over this division within families. Bougainvilleans also do have a lot of capacity to talk things through and to reach agreements and consensus on things. I do not know how far it is going to go. Right now, it seems pretty raw. President Ishmael Toroama issued a pretty blistering statement about this, calling it treason. Whether things can cool down is something I am not really quite qualified to talk about, but I certainly hope so.

DW: Yes. And Ishmael Toruama, of course, has a vested interest, because his government is now the controlling shareholder in Bougainville Copper.

AB: That's right, the shares are intended to be handed over from the PNG government to the Autonomous Bougainville government. But when that happens, they will have about 72 percent the shareholding. So their argument really is that Bougainville Copper is not the same old company that everyone remembers and hates, but it is our company now, and by awarding them the exploration licence, which is what they did back in February, that this is how you develop the economy and how you gain independence. So they really do have an interest in trying to see the ongoing process with the legacy assessment through, and reopening the mine as soon as they can, on their terms.

DW: Now ever since the Peace Agreement [in 2001], there have been shady groups, shady foreigners, it would seem, involved in schemes to reopen the Panguna mine or to deal with the mine in some fashion. Do we know who it is, who's behind the suit, who's driving it, who's paying for it?

AB: We do not know who the investors are. The way this lawsuit started was with a shell company set up in St Kitts and Nevis, which is two islands in the Caribbean. It was on Nevis that it was designed to put together this lawsuit. They have paid out several million dollars to lawyers and other experts to put together this suit. They will pay and shoulder all of the costs, even if they lose.

They will also get between 20 and 40 percent of the profits if they win, but we do not know who is behind it. Nevis is a place that keeps absolute secrecy on who owns companies and who the directors are, so there is no way of finding out. When I asked them, they said they would not tell me. That is not incredibly strange at all for this sort of litigation. This is how the industry works that the investors will be the ones who come up with the idea.

They will look around the world and see where a big company has done something that has hurt people, where people need compensation, and they will say, 'Okay, well, maybe we can do some good, but we can also make some money along the way'. And they will usually do it through some sort of corporate vehicle like this. Sometimes it will be an anonymous vehicle. So we just do not know who they are.

DW: You said that it's a valid means of obtaining money and successful. But has it been successful in developing countries?

AB: There has been some pretty big ones. Australia is somewhere where there have been some pretty big cases brought by indigenous communities. It is a successful way of getting compensation from companies. The US is somewhere where it has happened a lot. The issue is that you can only benefit from a class action lawsuit if you have signed on to it.

So, with the example of Bougainville, there is perhaps 15,000 people that are affected. So far, 4500 have signed up. So those who have signed up will get a share of a payout. Those who have not, will not. It is not really an issue of whether or not these things are successful at winning compensation from companies, because they do. The issue is how the spoils are then divided.

DW: Yes, well that could certainly be another divisive issue.

AB: I hope not.

DW: You have visited the mine in very recent times, obviously. What's your feeling about the push, and certainly in some circles, to have it reopened, when, regardless of how it's done, it's going to continue to cause environmental issues after all this time. It's in the mountains, and the way of getting rid of the waste is still going to be down the river, isn't it?

AB: You are digging out an entire mountain and crushing it up and flushing it down the river, like it is always going to be dirty. It is really hard to get a read on public opinion somewhere like Bougainville, because there is not some pollster that is calling people up and getting percentages. My feeling is that there is significant support amongst a reasonable section of the community for re-opening the mine, just because it is how they will pay for having their own nation.

There obviously are environmental concerns. But the other thing that is worth remembering, and something that you see very clearly when you go there, is that the status quo right now is incredibly dirty, because you have basically the abandoned mine left behind, but also you have hundreds and thousands of artisanal miners going through the tailings of the mine, which is an incredibly destructive thing in and of itself. It is completely unregulated. It also poisons the river.

So, there is mining going on now. It is not as large scale as you would get from a Rio Tinto style miner, but it is incredibly polluting. It is entirely unregulated. There are absolutely no measures in place to stop pollution going in. It is really the kind of dirtiest way of extracting gold out of the river.

From climate change to landfill, AI promises to solve Earth’s big environmental problems – but there’s a hitch

AI-powered 'smart cities' technologies help make public transport systems work more smoothly, which can reduce congestion and minimise vehicle emissions

PTI Sydney 

Published 06.08.24

Representational imageTTO Graphics

Artificial intelligence (AI) has revolutionised our lives in myriad ways, from personalising our social media feeds to giving us driving directions and monitoring our health.

In recent years, hopes have grown that AI may also help humanity tackle global environmental problems such as climate change.

AI involves using computers to make them think like humans. It can solve complex problems and process huge amounts of data.

Also Read
Artificial intelligence will take over the world, but first it has to stop hallucinating

But the technology brings with it a host of environmental costs. Here, we weigh up the pros and cons.


4 ways AI can help the natural world


Energy efficiency AI systems can control and optimise energy use. For example, AI-powered “smart grids” monitor and manage electricity generation to meet the demand of consumers, which can both lower energy costs and allow for more efficient energy use.


AI can also help streamline the energy used by big commercial and industrial systems. Tech giant Google, for instance, used AI to cut the amount of energy required to cool its data centres by 40%.


Urban Infrastructure Waste management systems driven by AI may help increase recycling rates. In the United Kingdom, for example, recycling company Recycleye uses AI to identify materials for sorting, lowering contamination rates and increasing recycling volumes – and so, reducing pressure on landfill.


And AI-powered “smart cities” technologies help make public transport systems work more smoothly, which can reduce congestion and minimise vehicle emissions.


Artificial intelligence can also be deployed to improve air quality in cities. IBM, for example, uses the technology to analyse weather and air pollution data from sensors and satellites. This can help authorities pinpoint pollution sources, make air quality forecasts and issue health alerts.


Sustainable agriculture


AI-powered smart machines, robots and sensors are already used in agriculture.


They can provide real-time monitoring of weather, soil conditions and crop needs, leading to better water use and ensuring crops receive only what they need.


The technology can also identify pests, reducing the need to spray chemical pesticides on crops.


As climate change worsens, there are hopes AI can help farmers avoid reduced crop yields and become more resilient.


Environmental monitoring


AI systems can forecast floods, bushfires and other natural hazards quickly and accurately. This can minimise the effects of natural hazards on both the environment and communities.


AI can be used to track environmental change. For example, it can reportedly measure changes in icebergs 10,000 times faster than a human can.


Meanwhile, environmental group The Nature Conservancy uses AI to minimise the environmental impacts of hydropower across the Amazon.


But what about the downsides?


The path to realising the potential of AI is fraught – and the technology comes with several major downsides, as outlined below.


Energy use


Artificial intelligence guzzles a huge amount of energy. First the computer models must be “trained”, or fed a large set of data. This feeding can be relatively quick, or take up to several months – during which time big data processors are running 24/7.


And when we ask AI to solve a problem, this also requires processing power which consumes energy. Advanced AI models such as ChatGPT reportedly use ten times more energy per search than a conventional Google search, according to one estimate. Only a small fraction of this demand is met by renewable energy sources.


The International Energy Agency projects electricity consumption from data centres, AI and cryptocurrency sector could double in the four years to 2026, from 460 terawatt-hours in 2022 to more than 1,000 terrawatt-hours in 2026.


By comparison, total electricity generation in Australia in 2022 was around 273 terawatt-hours.


Greener AI systems are urgently needed – and this is looking increasingly possible. Studies have shown the energy use of AI-based computer models can be slashed through various means, such as reducing a model’s complexity without affecting its performance.


Water impacts


The water requirements of AI are significant. The data centres housing powerful AI servers generate a lot of heat. Water is used in cooling to keep the servers at operating temperature.


AI also consumes water indirectly through its energy consumption. Coal-fired power stations use water for cooling, and water is also lost through evaporation from hydro electricity schemes.


And as others have noted, the mining and manufacturing required to produce AI hardware both uses and pollutes water.


Broader environmental damage


The environmental impact of AI goes beyond its energy use. For example, as Scientific American has reported, ExxonMobil in 2019 partnered with Microsoft to deploy AI in oil extraction, substantially increasing production.


As the article also noted, the use of AI in targeted online advertising – on platforms such as Instagram and Facebook – creates demand for material goods. This leads to greater consumption of mass-produced items which creates carbon emissions and uses Earth’s natural resources.


Where to now?


As AI becomes more integrated into modern life, its environmental footprint will grow. Humanity must find the right balance to ensure AI helps the Earth, rather than harms it.


To better achieve this, standard criteria must be developed to accurately measure the effects of AI on the environment.


There is also a push from some quarters for more environmental regulation of AI, and greater transparency from companies about their AI-related emissions.


But efforts to make AI more environmentally friendly will struggle for public and industry acceptance if the effectiveness of AI systems is sacrificed. To avoid this, stronger collaboration between researchers and the AI industry is needed.


The Conversation


Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by The Telegraph Online staff and has been published from a syndicated feed.

Min Aung Hlaing admits pressure after Myanmar anti-coup forces claim base

Anti-coup fighters claimed to have taken control of key military base in northeastern Lashio over the weekend.

The MNDAA is fighting in an alliance with other armed groups 

Published On 6 Aug 2024


Myanmar’s army chief and coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has acknowledged his troops are under pressure after anti-coup fighters claimed to have taken control of a key military base in the northeastern town of Lashio.

The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), part of a powerful alliance of ethnic armed groups fighting to remove the military from power, said it had overrun the headquarters of the army’s Northeastern Command at the weekend.

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Min Aung Hlaing did not directly address the situation in Lashio but indicated that in northern Shan State, “security forces withdrew their positions” for security reasons and because they were concerned about the safety of people living there.

The army chief, whose comments were published in full in Tuesday’s official Global New Light of Myanmar, accused anti-coup forces of abuses, attacking civilians and military hospitals and working with “stooges at home and abroad” to demoralise the population. Their weaponry, including drones, was also becoming more sophisticated, he said.

The military seized power in February 2021 from the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party. The coup led to mass protests that evolved into an armed rebellion when the military responded with force.

Nearly 5,500 civilians have been killed in the fighting while some 20,715 are in jail for criticising the military, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which has been tracking the situation. Rights groups have also said the military should be investigated for potential war crimes over attacks on civilians.

Lashio lies about 110km (70 miles) south of the Chinese border and has been an MNDAA target since it launched the second phase of Operation 1027 in early July. It took the border city of Laukkai, notorious as a hub for criminality and the capital of the Mandarin-speaking Kokang region, in January.

The armed alliance, which also includes the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Mandalay People’s Defence Force (PDF), had already claimed recent advances, taking areas including Mogok, known for its lucrative ruby mines, and the northern Shan State towns of Kyaukme and Nawnghkio.

On August 2, the MNDAA said it had completely captured the Northeast Command headquarters and defeated the remaining army units in the city.

“The regime’s loss of the Northeast Command is the most humiliating defeat of the war,” said Morgan Michaels, a Singapore-based analyst with the International Institute of Strategic Studies who runs its Myanmar Conflict Map project. “Without Lashio, it will be extremely difficult for the regime to hold onto its final outposts in the theatre.”

The MNDAA is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance which also includes the TNLA and the Arakan Army, which is fighting the military in western Rakhine state.

The MNDAA initially claimed the capture of the Northeast Command and Lashio on July 25, but the army continued to fight.

Early on Monday, Major General Zaw Min Tun, the spokesperson for Myanmar’s ruling military council, said in an audio statement on state-run MRTV television that it had lost contact with commanders of the Northeast Command headquarters. He did not address MNDAA’s claim of capturing the base.

Myanmar’s military has 14 regional commands across the country and soldiers in at least 10 of them are currently engaged in fighting established ethnic minority armed groups or the newer PDFs.

The fall of the Lashio HQ marks the first loss of a regional command centre.
Source: Al Jazeera and news agencies

Australia FM Wong calls on Myanmar junta to 'take different path'

Weeks after it seized power and launched a crackdown on dissent in Myanmar, the junta agreed to a five-point peace plan with ASEAN, but has failed to implement it.



Reuters

"Myanmar is deeply concerning, we see it in the economy, instability, insecurity, deaths," Wong told journalists at a press conference. / Photo: Reuters

Australia's foreign minister called on Myanmar's junta to "take a different path" from its bloody crackdown on dissent, saying the situation in the war-torn country is "not sustainable".

Penny Wong made the comments at an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) foreign ministers meeting on Saturday, where the crisis in ASEAN member Myanmar has divided the bloc.

The country was plunged into a civil war after the military seized power in a coup in 2021.

Weeks after it seized power and launched a crackdown on dissent the junta agreed to a five-point peace plan with ASEAN but has failed to implement it.

"Myanmar is deeply concerning, we see it in the economy, instability, insecurity, deaths," Wong told journalists at a press conference.

"The message I want to send to the military regime is 'this is not sustainable for you and your people'."

"We urge them to take a different path and reflect the five-point consensus."

'Non-political representatives'

The junta has been barred from high-level ASEAN meetings over its crackdown on dissent.

It had previously refused to send "non-political representatives" but two senior bureaucrats are representing the country at the talks in Vientiane.

A Southeast Asian diplomat told AFP on condition of anonymity earlier this week that the military's readiness to re-engage diplomatically was a sign of its "weakened position".

In recent weeks ethnic minority armed groups have renewed an offensive against the military in northern Shan state, seizing territory along a vital highway to China.

Myanmar's generals have yet to make any meaningful counterattack following a previous offensive by ethnic armed groups in October that seized swaths of territory along the border with China.

The losses triggered rare public criticism of its top leadership.

ASEAN has spearheaded diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis but with little success.

Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines have called for tougher action against the junta, while Thailand has held its own bilateral talks with the generals as well as detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The conflict in Myanmar has forced 2.7 million people from their homes since the coup in 2021, according to the United Nations.

Bangladesh Nobel laureate Yunus agrees to lead interim govt: spokesperson

Bangladesh's student protesters have lobbied for Yunus to fill the vacuum left by ousted PM Sheikh Hasina.



Reuters Archive

Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus has launched his microcredit system from one of the world's most poverty-stricken countries. / Photo: Reuters Archive


Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus has agreed to lead the interim Bangladesh government after the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina following a weeks-long deadly protest, his spokesperson announced on Tuesday.

Yunus will fill the vacuum left by Hasina, who fled the country after violence surged in the streets on Monday.

Yunus had been in Paris, France, for a minor medical procedure, his spokesperson said. He is to return to Bangladesh 'immediately' once his doctors approve.

Bangladesh was rocked by demonstrations that began as a protest against government quotas for jobs, but escalated out of control as protesters expressed their dissatisfaction with the 15-year-governance of Sheikh Hasina and demanded her resignation.

On August 5, 2024, Hasina tendered her resignation and fled Bangladesh for India. Her future plans are unknown although there are media reports that she will travel on to the UK.

The Bangladeshi army has invited all citizens to peaceful de-escalation, saying an interim government would be set up until elections could be held in the country.

Student leaders, speaking on behalf of many protesters, had made it clear that they preferred Muhammad Yunus to guide Bangladesh as the interim government seeks to establish order and unity.

‘Today feels like a second Liberation Day,’ Bangladesh Nobel laureate Yunus tells FRANCE 24

Bangladesh student protest leaders said Tuesday they wanted Nobel laureate and microfinance pioneer Muhammad Yunus, 84, to lead an interim government. Yunus spoke to FRANCE 24 about the popular uprising that precipitated Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's fall and his hopes for a more democratic future for the country.

Issued on: 06/08/2024 - 

13:04© FRANCE 24 

By: FRANCE 24

Video by: Mark OWEN

A key organiser of Bangladesh’s student protests Tuesday called for Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus to be named as the head of a new interim government, a day after longtime Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country after weeks of deadly unrest.

Yunus, who called Hasina’s resignation the country's “second Liberation Day”, faced a number of corruption accusations and was put on trial during the former prime minister’s rule. He received the Nobel in 2006 after he pioneered microlending, and he said the corruption charges against him were motivated by vengeance.

Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was arch-foe of ousted Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina

Muhammad Yunus won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for work done by Grameen Bank, which he founded. 

Updated
Aug 06, 2024

DHAKA – Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, the pioneer of the global microcredit movement who could shepherd Bangladesh’s new interim government, was an arch foe of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has resigned and fled the country.

Known as the “banker to the poor”, Yunus and the Grameen Bank he founded won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for helping to lift millions from poverty by providing tiny loans of sums less than US$100 (S$133) to the rural poor who were too impoverished to gain attention from traditional banks.

Their lending model has since inspired similar projects around the world, including developed countries like the United States, where Yunus started a separate non-profit Grameen America.

As his success grew, Yunus, now 84, flirted briefly with a political career, attempting to form his own party in 2007. But his ambitions were widely viewed as having sparked the ire of Ms Hasina, who accused him of “sucking blood from the poor”.

Critics in Bangladesh and other countries, including neighbouring India, have also said microlenders charge excessive rates and make money out of the poor. But Yunus said the rates were far lower than local interest rates in developing countries or the 300 per cent or more that loan sharks sometimes demand.

In 2011, Ms Hasina’s government removed him as head of Grameen Bank, saying that at 73, he had stayed on past the legal retirement age of 60. Thousands of Bangladeshis formed a human chain to protest against his sacking.

In January 2024, he was sentenced to six months in prison for violations of labour law.

He and 13 others were also indicted by a Bangladesh court in June on charges of embezzlement of 252.2 million taka (S$2.8 million) from the workers’ welfare fund of a telecommunications company he founded.

Although he was not jailed in either case, Yunus faces more than 100 other cases on graft and other charges. He denies any involvement and said during an interview with Reuters that the accusations were “very flimsy, made-up stories”.

“Bangladesh doesn’t have any politics left,” he said in June, criticising Ms Hasina. “There’s only one party which is active and occupies everything, does everything, gets to the elections in their way.”

He told Indian broadcaster Times Now that Aug 5 marked the “second liberation day” for Bangladesh after its 1971 war of independence from Pakistan following the exit of Ms Hasina.

Yunus is currently in Paris undergoing a minor medical procedure, his spokesperson said, adding that he has agreed to the request of students who led the campaign against Ms Hasina to be the chief adviser of the interim government.

Yunus was an economist teaching at the University of Chittagong when famine struck Bangladesh in 1974, killing hundreds of thousands of people and leaving him searching for better ways to help his country’s vast rural population.

That opportunity arrived when he came across a woman in a village near the university who had borrowed from a moneylender. The amount was less than a dollar but, in return, the moneylender gained the exclusive right to buy everything the woman produced at a price to be determined by the moneylender.

“This, to me, was a way of recruiting slave labour,” Yunus said in his Nobel acceptance speech.

He found 42 people who borrowed a combined US$27 from the moneylender and lent them the funds himself – the success of that endeavour spurring him on to do more and think of credit as a basic human right.

“When I gave the loans, I was astounded by the results I got. The poor paid the loans on time every time.” 

REUTERS

Khaleda Zia, Bangladesh’s other female PM, to be freed after Hasina’s ouster

Former prime minister Khaleda Zia has been under house arrest since March 2020. 

Aug 06, 2024

DHAKA – Days ahead of her 79th birthday, Bangladesh’s first female prime minister Khaleda Zia is set to get a welcome gift: release from house arrest after anti-government protests ousted her bitter rival, Ms Sheikh Hasina, from power.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin ordered the immediate release of Zia, chief of the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), late on Aug 5 after discussing the formation of an interim government with politicians and the army.

Ms Hasina fled to India earlier in the day after resigni

Zia, born on Aug 15, 1945, has liver disease, diabetes and heart problems, according to her doctors. She has largely remained away from politics for many years.

Popularly known by her first name, Khaleda was described as shy and devoted to raising her two sons until her husband, military leader and then President of Bangladesh Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in an attempted army coup in 1981.

Plunging into politics, she became head of her husband’s conservative BNP three years later, vowing to deliver on his aim of “liberating Bangladesh from poverty and economic backwardness”

She joined hands with Ms Hasina, daughter of Bangladesh’s founding father and head of the Awami League party, to lead a popular uprising for democracy that toppled military ruler Hossain Mohammad Ershad from power in 1990.

But their cooperation did not last long and, the next year, Bangladesh held what was hailed as its first free election, with Khaleda winning a surprise victory over Ms Hasina, having gained the support of Islamic political allies.

In doing so, Khaleda became Bangladesh’s first female prime minister and only the second woman to lead a democratic government of a mainly Muslim nation after Pakistan’s Benazir Bhutto.

Khaleda replaced the presidential system with a parliamentary form of government so that power rested with the prime minister, lifted restrictions on foreign investment and made primary education compulsory and free.


People celebrate after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled Dhaka following a groundswell of protests against her rule.

She lost to Ms Hasina in the 1996 elections but came back five years later. But her second term was marred by the rise of Islamist militants and allegations of corruption.

In 2004, a rally that Ms Hasina was addressing was hit by grenades. Ms Hasina survived, but over 20 people were killed and more than 500 were wounded.

Khaleda’s government and its Islamic allies were widely blamed and, years later, her eldest son was tried in absentia and sentenced to life for the attack. The BNP contended the charges were trumped up.

Although Khaleda later clamped down on Islamist radical groups, her second stint as prime minister ended in 2006, when an army-backed interim government took power amid political instability and street violence.

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The interim government jailed both Khaleda and Ms Hasina on charges of corruption and abuse of power for about a year before they were both released ahead of a general election in 2008.

Although the BNP boycotted the 2008 election and Khaleda never regained power, the vitriolic feud with Ms Hasina that led to the two being dubbed “the battling Begums” continued to dominate Bangladeshi politics.

Tension between their two parties has often led to strikes, violence and deaths, impeding economic development for a poverty-stricken country of nearly 170 million that is low-lying and prone to devastating floods.

In 2018, Khaleda, her eldest son and aides were convicted of stealing some US$250,000 (S$331,000) in foreign donations received by an orphanage trust set up when she was last prime minister, charges that she said were part of a plot to keep her and her family out of politics.

She was jailed but released in March 2020 on humanitarian grounds as her health deteriorated. She has remained under house arrest since then. 

REUTERS

Exiled Bangladeshi author Taslima Nasreen takes a dig at Sheikh Hasina's ouster with 'same Islamists' remark

New Delhi

Edited By: Riya Teotia

Updated: Aug 06, 2024

                        

The exiled writer, known for her writing on women’s oppression, blamed Hasina for allowing "Islamists to grow" and letting those involved in corruption to thrive. She also spoke against Army rule in her country and batted for democracy. Photograph:(Twitter)
                                                              

Story highlights

As former Bangladesh premier Sheikh Hasina escaped the violent student-led protest on Monday (Aug 5), Nasreen took to X to remind people how she was forced to leave Bangladesh in 1994 due to religious politics over her writings.

After Sheikh Hasina’s ouster, exiled Bangladesh writer Taslima Nasreen took a sly dig at Hasina over her previous attempts at “pleasing Islamists” that eventually led to her fall.

]
As former Bangladesh premier Sheikh Hasina escaped the violent student-led protest on Monday (Aug 5), Nasreen took to X to remind people how she was forced to leave Bangladesh in 1994 due to religious politics over her writings. She came back to her country in 1999 to meet her ailing mother, when Hasina was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh.

"Hasina in order to please Islamists threw me out of my country in 1999 after I entered Bangladesh to see my mother on her deathbed and never allowed me to enter the country again. The same Islamists have been in the student movement who forced Hasina to leave the country today," Nasreen wrote on X.

Hasina had to flee to India in a military plane yesterday as protestors stormed her official residence in Dhaka. She is now likely to fly to London to seek asylum in the UK.

The exiled writer, known for her writing on women’s oppression, blamed Hasina for allowing "Islamists to grow" and letting those involved in corruption to thrive. She also spoke against Army rule in her country and batted for democracy.

"Hasina had to resign and leave the country. She was responsible for her situation. She made Islamists to grow. She allowed her people to be involved in corruption. Now Bangladesh must not become like Pakistan. Army must not rule. Political parties should bring democracy & secularism," she said in an earlier post.

Why Taslima Nasreen was forced to leave Bangladesh in 1994?

Taslima Nasreen, a critic of religious fanaticism, gained global attention at the beginning of the 1990s. She wrote several essays and novels with feminist viewpoints, for which she faced criticism in her country

Also Read | Sajeeb Wazed, son of former PM Hasina, tells WION: "Bangladesh will be the next Pakistan"

Nasreen had to leave Bangladesh in 1994 in the wake of multiple death threats of fatwas against her from fundamentalist outfits over her book “Lajja”. Khaleda Zia, the jailed arch-rival of Hasina, was the prime minister then.

The 1993 book was banned in Bangladesh but later became a bestseller elsewhere.

Many of Nasreen’s books - comprising Bangladesh and the Indian state of West Bengal - are still blacklisted and banned in the Bengal region.

(With inputs from agencies)

Riya Teotia
Riya is a senior sub-editor at WION and a passionate storyteller who creates impactful and detailed stories through her articles. She likes to write on defence