Monday, August 12, 2024

 

Media Coverage of Venezuela’s Presidential Election Normalizes US Interference

Corporate media’s coverage of Venezuela’s July 28 presidential election is akin to an investigation of a homicide that is focused not with identifying the murderer but with an unpaid parking ticket of the victim. Likewise, the media has shifted the narrative into the minutia of electoral procedures, ignoring the much larger issue of US interference in the internal affairs of another sovereign county.

Nowhere in the corporate media is there even an inkling that US-imposed regime-change activities in Venezuela or elsewhere might violate some basic principles.

US is not interested in democracy

Ours is a homeland where the likes of George Clooney and Melinda Gates have the prerogative, because they are rich, to demand that a sitting president abandon his reelection bid. In this “land of the free,” corporations are considered persons, political bribery is an exercise in free speech, and no candidate for public office is competitive unless they accept bribes from corporate interests. Yet Washington considers itself to be the ultimate arbiter of what constitutes democracy in other countries.

The truth is that Washington is not interested in democracy in Venezuela, but rather is keenly concerned with Caracas’s geopolitical role as an exemplar of independent sovereignty from the empire. For that reason, Obama and every subsequent US president has declared Venezuela to be “an unusual and extraordinary threat” to US national security.

Of course, the notion that Venezuela poses a national security threat to the US is preposterous. Former US President Trump correctly identified Washington’s actual motives when he openly boasted: “When I left, Venezuela was ready to collapse. We would have taken it over; we would have gotten all that oil.” Similarly, Biden’s four-star military commander for Latin America, Laura Richardson, opined: “…the importance of the region cannot be overstated enough, the proximity, number one, but all of the resources. This hemisphere is very rich in natural resources.” Venezuela has the world’s largest oil reserves.

US hybrid war against Venezuela is the biggest obstacle to free and fair elections

Venezuelans went to the polls with a gun pointed at their heads. This is because a vote for the Bolivarian Revolution’s socialist project would de facto mean a continuation and likely intensification of the US hybrid war. In other words, one purpose of the coercive measures is to incentivize Venezuelan voters to vote for the US-backed opposition and disincentivize them to vote for the Chavistas.

So hell-bent has Washington’s determination been to affect the outcome of the election that Venezuela now has some 930 unilateral coercive measures imposed on it by the US, making it the second most sanctioned country in the world after Russia.

The Washington Post carps about the “overuse of sanctions” because it “risks making the tool less valuable.”  Besides, “Wall Street power brokers started to grumble about the costs of complying” with the unilateral coercive measures. Further, “sanctions make it risky to depend on dollars.” Pity the poor banker, we are told, but damn the people of Venezuela.

While correctly labeling the US efforts as “economic warfare,” neither the WaPo nor the other media inform their readers that these unilateral coercive measures – euphemistically called “sanctions” – are illegal under international law, the charters of both the United Nations and the Organization of American States, and even under US domestic law.

Take, for example, a recent program on Amy Goodman’s Democracy Now! Ms. Goodman has come a long way from her humble origins as an alternative news source. She interviewed Jeff Stein with the WaPo about the efficacy of what is in effect collective punishment.

The thrust of the interview was the angst over the so-called sanctions not “working”; that is, not achieving regime change, despite the horrific toll they are taking on its victims. Goodman, for her part, was not so rude as to ask her guest whether the US should be in the business of overthrowing governments not to its liking or even query about the legality of sanctioning one third of humanity.

Throughout the interview, Stein used the term “we” to describe the actions of the US government. Any pretense of a separation between the reporter and the subject being reported is dropped by such stenographers for the State Department.

US planned to claim fraud all along

This election is far from the first time Washington has tried to interfere in Venezuela’s democratic processes. Nicolás Maduro won the Venezuelan presidency in 2013 in a constitutionally mandated “snap election” after the untimely death of his predecessor Hugo Chávez, founder of the Bolivarian Revolution. The US was the only country in the world not to recognize Maduro.

For the 2018 election, the US claimed fraud six months in advance. Washington ordered its Venezuelan collaborators to boycott the polls, going so far as threatening sanctions against a moderate opposition candidate for running anyway. Regime change could be accomplished, Washington reasoned, by the one-two punch of the impact of a collapse in international oil prices on the petro economy and US coercive measures designed to impede recovery.

But this time around conditions were different. Venezuela had reversed the economic freefall and begun to diversify the economy. GDP growth is projected to be amongst the highest in the hemisphere. Under such circumstances, boycotting was out of the question. Instead, Washington adopted a belt-and-suspenders strategy of contending in the presidential election while setting the stage to claim fraud if their preferred candidate did not prevail.

Given the pain of sanctions on the Venezuelans, Washington might have allowed a centrist opposition candidate to emerge and banked on a repeat of what happened in Nicaragua in 1990. The leftist Sandinistas were voted out of office then under the threat of a continuing US-backed contra war.

However, the US chose to promote the far-right Maria Corina Machado, who they knew had been banned since 2015 from running for office because of past misdeeds. Eventually, the completely unknown Edmundo González, who had no previous electoral experience, was chosen to run as Machado’s surrogate, given her electoral disqualification.

While the infirm González convalesced in Caracas, Machado barnstormed the country carrying his paper image. The campaign vowed to privatize the national oil company and promote a strongly Zionist foreign policy.

Foreign Affairs reported on how the opposition united around González; in fact, nine opposition candidates appeared on the ballot. You would also read that Machado “won the opposition primaries by a landslide.” You would not know that Machado circumvented the official electoral authority. Instead, she staged a private primary run by her own NGO, a recipient of US funds earmarked for regime change. Her 92% win in a field of thirteen candidates was highly suspicious. When other candidates called fraud, the ballots were destroyed.

Most significantly, Foreign Affairs admitted that the far-right coterie is largely a Yankee astroturf operation: “In the absence of this sustained [regime-change] effort over successive US administrations, the Venezuelan opposition may well have boycotted the 2024 election entirely…Washington’s approach toward Venezuela furnishes a remarkable example.”

The author of the article should know. Jose Ignacio Hernández was Venezuela’s pretend attorney general under the now disgraced Juan Guaidó “interim presidency” farce.

US-backed candidate never agreed to be bound by the election results

While weary of the Yankee hybrid war, many Venezuelans also deeply resent the far-right, which had called for even harsher measures and military intervention. The massive outmigration from Venezuela, fueled by US coercive measures, had also disproportionately eroded the opposition’s political constituency, because the affluent have better means to leave.

Tellingly, the Machado/González campaign had, weeks before the election, signaled that they would not abide by the results if they lost. Upon announcement of the official election results, rampaging opposition elements, embolden by US support, killed Venezuelan security personnel and massively destroyed public property in what Venezuelan-Canadian sociologist Maria Paez Victor called an “attempted coup.”

The wave of violence has since largely dissipated in the face of huge demonstrations supporting Maduro. The government’s civic-military union held firm. Chastened by its failure to overthrow the Bolivarian Revolution by violence or by the ballot, Washinton as of August 6 supports negotiations with Maduro and will not call González “president-elect,” according to the Miami Herald. This is a sign that regime-change advocates have downgraded their objectives…for now.

So who won?

Edison Research’s election exit poll found 65% for the US-backed candidate and 31% for Maduro. An exit poll by Hinterlaces had the opposite results: Maduro 55% and González 43%; similar to the official results of 51% for Maduro and 44% González.

Hinterlaces is a long established and respected Venezuelan polling firm, whose owner has been critical of the Maduro administration. Edison, on the other hand, works for CIA-linked US government propaganda outlets such as Voice of America, which are operated by the US Agency for Global Media, “a Washington-based organ that is used to spread disinformation against US adversaries.”

The question remains, was the Venezuelan election free and fair? However you weigh the evidence, at least some skepticism is warranted regarding sources that brought us the Iraq War based on “weapons of mass destruction.” Moreover, we must ask whether anyone should look up the US as a good arbiter of electoral integrity when it has constantly intervened in other countries’ elections. As Mexican president-elect Claudia Sheinbaum has counseled: “We should…leave self-determination to the Venezuelans.”

Roger D. Harris was an international observer for Venezuela’s 2024 presidential election. He is with the US Peace Council and the Task Force on the AmericasPeter Bolton is a New York City-based journalist, activist and scholar. Read other articles by Roger D. Harris and Peter Bolton.

The US Has No Right to Interfere in Venezuela’s Election

On July 28, Venezuela held its national election. The most recent results released by Venezuela’s National Electoral Council say that the incumbent president, and successor to Hugo Chávez, Nicolás Maduro received 51.95% of the vote versus 43.18% for the opposition candidate, Edmundo González. The opposition has countered with the claim that Gonzales defeated Maduro by a margin of 67% to 30%. The U.S. response to the outcome has been disorganized and confused.

What the official U.S. position on Venezuela’s election is seems to depend on which official speaks for the United States. Vice-President and presumptive presidential candidate Kamala Harris appeared to quickly recognize Maduro’s victory when she said less than half an hour after the polls closed that “The United States stands with the people of Venezuela who expressed their voice in today’s historic presidential election. The will of the Venezuelan people must be respected.”

The White House was less certain about the official results. White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby told a press conference that “we have serious concerns that the result as announced does not reflect the will and the votes of the Venezuelan people.” He added that the White House would “hold judgement” until “the electoral authorities publish the full, detailed tabulation of votes.”

The State Department was less patient. Secretary of State Antony Blinken declared that “the announcement of results by the Maduro-controlled National Electoral Council (CNE) were deeply flawed, yielding an announced outcome that does not represent the will of the Venezuelan people.” He then concluded that González “received the most votes in this election by an insurmountable margin” and congratulated him on “his successful campaign.” Blinken then called for “respectful, peaceful transition.”

But then, four days later, a confused State Department walked back Blinken’s recognition of González. Responding to a question at a press conference for clarification on whether the U.S. was recognizing an interim president or just not recognizing Maduro, State Department Spokesperson Matthew Miller walked back the Secretary of State’s prior declaration, saying instead that “That’s not a step that we are taking today.”

The U.S. position is not only disorganized, it is overreach. Though the results of the election are of primary importance to the people of Venezuela, and though the determination of those results is an essential responsibility of the Venezuelan people, it is not the responsibility of the United States. The U.S. has not been handed the role of global election arbiter by anyone. The U.S. has no role to play in the Venezuelan people’s sovereign determination of the outcome of their election.

Nor has the U.S. earned the right to judge or comment on election interference. Not just because of their appalling record of regime changes globally, nor even because of their horrific history of coups in Latin America, but because of their long record of election interference and coups in Venezuela and, most relevantly, in the current Venezuelan election.

When Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez was briefly removed in a 2002 coup before the people of Venezuela reversed it and reinstalled him, “individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved in the brief ouster of the Chávez government” were admittedly receiving “training, institution building, and other support” from the United States. Officials in the Bush administration acknowledged that “they had discussed the removal of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez for months with military and civilian leaders from Venezuela.” And officials from the Organization of American States have revealed that “the US administration was not only aware the coup was about to take place, but had sanctioned it.”

In 2019, when Maduro easily won re-election to a second term, the U.S. side stepped the result and recognized Juan Guaidó as the leader of Venezuela.

There is a difference in judgement on whether the current Venezuelan election was conducted fairly. Some independent observers, like the U.S.-based National Lawyers Guild, have called the election a “transparent, fair voting process with scrupulous attention to legitimacy;” others, like the Carter Center, have said that the election “did not meet international standards of electoral integrity.”

Again, deciding between the two is not America’s place. But the U.S. also not an objective observer. The U.S. has been a continuous and persistent bankroller of the Venezuelan opposition and influencer of the Venezuelan media. But most importantly, the U.S. has collectively held the people of Venezuela hostage. U.S. sanctions on Venezuela have played by far the largest role in interfering in and influencing Venezuela’s election. Mark Weisbrot, the co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, told me that the sanctions “prevent the country from having democratic elections, because there is overwhelming evidence that the harsh collective punishment of the sanctions will continue until Venezuela gets rid of its current government.”

Those sanctions, to be kept in place until Venezuela meets the American criterion of democracy, ousting the followers of Chávez from government, are “by far the most important cause of the depression in Venezuela,” according to Weisbrot and have led to the deaths of tens, and probably now hundreds, of thousands of people.

The blackmail of sanctions has been the largest interference in, and influencer of, the current election. How, Weisbrot asks, can fair elections “be held under a state of siege of this magnitude, with a foreign power exercising so much control over the state of the economy, and damaging it so immensely, along with threats; and therefore potentially affecting voters’ choices.”

Nicolás Maduro has asked the Venezuelan Supreme Court to review the voting data and validate the results. He has promised to provide all the voting totals they have. The court accepted the request and summoned all the candidates to appear before it. All the candidates appeared in the session except González who did not show up.

Venezuela’s National Election Council has now confirmed that the National Electoral Council has delivered all the election evidence requested by the court, including detailed voting records and totals. The court now has fifteen days to review the data and question the candidates. Then it is time for Venezuela to determine who won the election.

Ted Snider is a regular columnist on U.S. foreign policy and history at Antiwar.com and The Libertarian Institute. He is also a frequent contributor to Responsible Statecraft and The American Conservative as well as other outlets. To support his work or for media or virtual presentation requests, contact him at tedsnider@bell.net.

 Venezuela

“Everyone knows what happened”

For a left-wing approach to the Venezuelan elections



Friday 9 August 2024, by Yoletty Bracho




Yoletty Bracho, a Venezuelan activist and researcher living in France, has devoted her research to the relationship between popular neighbourhood organisations and the state born from the Bolivarian revolution. Present in Venezuela in the weeks leading up to the elections, she was able to meet with representatives of various components of the left and of Chavismo. Here she gives her impressions of the current situation and the conduct of the elections, based on the testimonies she gathered, and calls for internationalist solidarity with the Venezuelan people

“Everyone knows what happened” is the phrase that was in the mouths of Venezuelans just after midnight on 28 July 2024 when the results of the presidential election were announced. It was then 29 July, and we learned from Elvis Amoroso, President of the National Electoral Council (CNE), that President Nicolás Maduro Moros had been re-elected with 51.2% of the votes cast, while the candidate of the traditional opposition, Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia, had obtained 44.2%. However, this announcement contradicted a series of indications to the contrary: during the day, results unfavourable to Maduro seemed to be emerging from the old bastions of Chavismo, particularly in the popular urban districts. So what happened? What can the left make of this latest Venezuelan presidential election? And how can we imagine a way out that respects democracy and the votes cast by the Venezuelan people?

Doubts and demoralisation: the left divided under Madurist pressure

Identifying with the left in Venezuela while opposing Nicolás Maduro’s government is no easy task. The accounts I was able to gather during a month of discussions with various left representatives, including people who still claim to be members of the Chavista movement, show how difficult it is to organise when you are the target of the government’s political and social repression. This was all the more obvious during the election period. A former Chavista minister told me: “It’s impressive to see that the right has been able to have its candidate, but that it’s us on the left who are not allowed to have a candidate. We have no representation in these elections”. [1]

Indeed, many people have told me of their concerns about the decision to be taken on election day. For these left-wing activists, members of grassroots organisations, many of whom had also been intermediaries in public action under the Chavista governments, the question was whether or not to go and vote on 28 July. On the one hand, because voting for Edmundo González Urrutia seemed impossible. There was no way these people could vote for María Corina Machado, the leader of the traditional opposition, who in the past has been able to forge alliances with such repulsive figures as Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro and Javier Milei. But what about voting for Nicolás Maduro? The man who for years has kept the popular left out of government? The man who has managed the economic crisis by making the poorest people pay for the corruption within the oil company and the effects of US economic sanctions? He who repressed the popular classes during the People’s Liberation Operations (PLO) between 2015 and 2017, which left thousands of young black men from the neighbourhoods dead? [2] No, that wasn’t possible either. So, for some of these activists, the only option seemed to be abstention. A solution that contrasts with years of claims by Chavismo that the vote is a fully-fledged political tool for resolving conflicts between Venezuelans.

There are also some divergent positions: among the people I spoke to, one decided to vote for González Urrutia to “block” Maduro. The other said that it was his duty as a Chavista to vote for the opposition, to show the president in power that he no longer represented the ideals of this political movement. There are still other options: among the trade union, Trotskyist and Communist forces that have had more or less close relations with Chavismo, the blank vote seems to be the most popular. This requires voters to make a little technical effort. Let’s not forget that voting in Venezuela is electronic. It is done by machines installed in polling stations, which both transmit the votes to the National Electoral Council (CNE) and issue a voting receipt which is deposited in a ballot box. The only way to obtain a blank vote is to initiate the voting process on the touch screen, wait the three minutes given in total to vote, and collect a “voto nulo” receipt. The machine does not immediately offer an option for expressing this choice.

But beyond the electoral choice, there is the question of the collective and unitary organisation of leftists who oppose the Maduro government. Divided between political parties, trade unions, social movements and other plural spaces (think-tanks, literary reviews and so on), the convergence of struggles seemed difficult before the election, when the various parties criticised each other for their divergent positions with regard to the history of the Bolivarian Revolution. Questions of language are becoming central strategic issues: at a general meeting that was seeking to build an alliance between organisations for the post-election period, it was surprising to see that certain words had been dropped from the everyday vocabulary. We no longer speak of “people power” or “the people”, but rather of “workers” and “elite pacts”. It’s a sort of victory for the trade union forces and certain Trotskyist parties, who can boast that they never joined the ranks of the Chavistas.

In this context, a well-known activist and researcher working on issues of violence and the popular neighbourhoods told me: “It will be the moment after the elections that will bring us together. With just a few days to go before the election (19 July), we can still talk about reclaiming the oil company by making it work through cooperatives, or nationalising the private clinics... but after the election we’ll know whether we’re going to have the space we need to fight for our social and collective rights, or whether we’re going to have to fight simply for the right to exist politically”.

This opinion converges with that of a leader of a major organisation defending the right to housing for the popular classes: “Nicolás can’t win. They don’t have the votes. And if Nicolás takes the election by force, we’ll have nothing left to do but defend our ability to engage in politics”. According to conversations and political expressions from these same players since the election, they seem to agree that it is the second option that is gaining ground.

28 July: the end of revolutionary democracy?

On the eve of the election I went to visit community leaders in a popular district in the west of Caracas, a historic bastion of Chavismo. Their positions had changed from those I had been told a month earlier. They were convinced that the maquinaria electoral, in other words, the electoral mobilisation structures of Chavismo, could win the day. After a month of discussions with various sectors of the Venezuelan left, this was the first time I had heard such a statement. Even more astonishing, a Chavista activist told me: “and even if we don’t win, we have to win. The danger is too great”. These people, identified in their neighbourhoods as Chavista activists, are afraid of what might happen if the traditional opposition wins. In fact, another expression runs through the streets of Caracas and social networks: ahora vamos a cobrar, “we are going to make them pay our dues”. The traditional opposition seems to be referring to what they see as a new strategy that should enable them to claim this election, unlike what Henrique Capriles Radonski did in 2013 against Nicolás Maduro, an election they see as having been stolen even though the CNE audit confirmed Maduro’s victory.

But for the historic activists of Chavismo it sounds different: cobrar would be more like a material and physical attack on where they live, their activism, themselves and their families. A well-known researcher who has been involved in negotiations in Venezuela for many years understands these fears: “Unfortunately, the discourse of the most radical traditional opposition does not reassure the Chavistas, which prevents progress from being made, including in the highest negotiating bodies”.

On 28 July, the day of the election, Caracas and the rest of the country were calm. Even though irregularities were reported when the polling stations were set up, Venezuelans had been queuing up to vote since the evening before. Nor was it the “electoral fiesta” that Chavismo has historically claimed. In a country where election days have always been days of strong movements, of citizen mobilisation, of family reunions, friendships and activism, this time everything seems strangely calm, certainly too calm. It was hard to find people to spend the day with and wait for the results, apart from the closed meetings organised by NGOs on their premises to monitor the technical aspects of the election. In the east of Caracas, in an upper-middle-class neighbourhood, the absentees are making themselves felt: the older generations are voting, but their young people, who have been living abroad for years, are not present. With over seven million Venezuelans living abroad, representing a third of the country’s population, it is now the popular neighbourhoods that are being emptied of their middle generations.

The announcement of the results came late. Very late. On 29 July. This is not exceptional in itself, but one detail casts doubt. Since the end of the afternoon, when the polling stations closed, we understand from various accounts that the results were not being transmitted to the CNE, or that the witnesses authorised by the same council and representing the political parties were encountering difficulties in obtaining the minutes recording the results in their respective polling stations. What is more, we understood from various sources that González Urrutia’s representatives were forbidden to enter the CNE’s tabulation office, where the general election results are printed and validated by the members of the Council and the representatives of the political parties.

After midnight, the president of the CNE announced Nicolás Maduro’s victory, after denouncing a terrorist attack on the results transmission system. The attack was overcome, allowing the electoral authorities to issue results after obtaining, according to them, 80% of the reports from the polling stations. In Venezuela, only the CNE has the right to announce results. These are announced once they show a so-called irreversible trend, i.e. one that cannot change even after the arrival of the missing results.

The difference announced by Amoroso between Maduro and González is 700,000 votes. The 20% missing votes represent more than 2 million votes. Reversing the results was still mathematically possible. And the testimonies from the polling stations and the popular mobilisation that followed say a great deal.

Popular and citizen’s mobilisation: democracy in the face of repression

At 7 am on 29 July, Caracas was still asleep. Having crossed the city from west to east, I was surprised to see how empty it was, whereas the capital usually wakes up with the sun, between 5.30 and 6 am. A few hours earlier, a friend of mine, an ecologist and feminist activist, was worried: “Six more years of this is too much! What are we going to be able to do?”. [3] She and her mother, who had worked at the CNE in the past, had no explanation for the supposedly distant terrorist attack. According to their knowledge, it’s not possible. But even more important is the conclusion drawn by this activist who fights for ecofeminism in an oil-rich country where the right to abortion is still penalised by law: “The only thing I still trusted was the electoral system. But now it’s like with the apagones (widespread power cuts that took place in 2019), then it was an iguana that came and cut everything off, and now we have no proper explanation, only results that we have to take at their word”. [4]

If at 7 am everything was calm, a few hours later the city began to move. And not just in Caracas, but in the rest of the country. A popular revolt swept through the streets. The cacerolazos (saucepan concerts) turned into street mobilisations. These mobilisations go beyond political organisations, beyond the binary divide that has historically been at the heart of analyses of Venezuela. Women and men from the popular classes, many of whom were undoubtedly supporters of Chavismo, were taking to the streets and demanding that their votes and their right to live in a democracy be respected. These mobilisations were not being led by the Venezuelan right or by US imperialism. In many ways, they go beyond them, and the leaders of the traditional opposition are finding it hard to channel them. [5]

The same applies to the Chavista government, whose response was very quickly one of repression. In just three days, more than a thousand people were imprisoned. There have already been more than twenty deaths and a number of people have disappeared. Maduro announced the construction of new high-security prisons where forced labour and re-education would be used “as in the old days”. [6] Back then, it was during the last military dictatorship of the 20th century, that of Marcos Pérez Jiménez who, as the current president of Venezuela recalled in his speech, put prisoners to work building roads.”Let them go and build roads”, he said. One of my acquaintances, a researcher, is sheltering in her home a woman whose child was a victim of the PLOs and who was an observer at her polling station. [7] The police search the neighbourhoods for observers and take them to the prisons. Testimonies are multiplying about the repression and the control by the security forces and paramilitary organisations of the neighbourhoods from which the demonstrations originated. We are witnessing the criminalisation of popular revolt and its relentless repression.

A way out through Latin American diplomacy and internationalist solidarity

The Venezuelan political conflict is being mediated by various international players. The role of Latin American diplomats is central. Countries governed by the left, such as Brazil, Colombia and Mexico, have called on the Maduro government in a press release for a public audit of the votes cast on 28 July, as the only institutional tool that would enable a sovereign exit from the tensions, doubts and repression that are weighing down the Venezuelan people. Far from Anthony Blinken’s assertions that the United States directly recognised González Urrutia as the winner of the elections, thereby provoking even more tension, Latin American diplomats are doing the hard work of maintaining channels of dialogue with the parties involved in the conflict and seeking to build negotiations between these players.

The international left can play their part. Our comrades and the Venezuelan people as a whole need our support. Calling for respect for democracy is undoubtedly the best way forward in this situation. “Everyone knows what happened”, including our comrades who are now seeking to build a political space worthy of the name. We owe it to the popular struggles of which they are the spokespersons.

P.S.

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Footnotes

[1I’m paraphrasing. In general, the political situation in Venezuela prevents interviews from being recorded out of concern for the safety of both the interviewer and the interviewee.

[2This was a security programme implemented by the Maduro government, which took the form of militarised interventions by the Special Security Forces (FAES), a police force whose masked members intervene in neighbourhoods in search of so-called criminals. Fieldwork, both quantitative and qualitative, shows that these PLOs are responsible for thousands of deaths of young black and poor people from popular urban neighbourhoods.

[3This account echoes the press release issued by the feminist organisation Las comadres púrpuras, which is concerned that post-electoral repression could make life even more difficult, forcing women to develop new care practices and strategies. See “Prácticas que buscan embrutecer y promover la mediacridad del pensamiento crítico.Pensamiento absolutista gubernamental que busca un orden dependiente del terror, miedo y subordinación”. Las comadres púrpuras, 31 July 2024 [online].

[4At the time of the widespread power cuts in 2019, various explanations were put forward by the authorities, including fires and cyber attacks. These were circulating alongside more unlikely ones, such as the effects of iguanas on power stations. The iguana attacking the electricity system has become a common image, used ironically to criticise the Maduro government’s failure to explain its actions.

[5Dissident leftists and local researchers working among the popular classes show how, on 29 July, the traditional opposition did not have the means to take strategic advantage of these mobilisations. The demonstrations did not respond to any call from a political organisation. The geographical and social origins of the demonstrators, as well as their political codes, were very different from those of traditional opposition supporters. See Rebecca Hanson and Verónica Zubillaga, “Massive protests erupt again over disputed Venezuela elections - but they look different this time”, The Conversation, 31 July 2024 [online].

[7Observers are people accredited by the CNE on behalf of the political parties taking part in the election, with the right to monitor the electoral process in their respective offices, and to take part in the counting and final verification of the results. At the end of the count, these observers are expected to obtain copies of the minutes from the voting machines.