Friday, August 16, 2024


Power to the Patients: the Navajo Nation vs. the Uranium Industry


 

August 16, 2024
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The Canyon Mine has  been renamed Pinyon Plain Mine. 

In a move triggering a new phase in the conflict between the Navajo Nation, a uranium mining company, and state and the  federal government, on July 30 a mining corporation began trucking radioactive ore 350 miles through the Navajo Nation. This violated an agreement the Navajos thought they had with Energy Fuels, Inc. (EFI), federal and state agencies that required a two-week advance notice before hauling uranium ore through the Nation. It also violated a Navajo law that denied any hauling of radioactive material through the Nation, but Arizona and the feds declared their control over the route.  On August 3, Navajo President Buu Nygren ordered tribal police to stop the trucks which had transported “dozens of tons” of radioactive ore according to reports from the Pinyon Plain Mine on the Kaibab National Forest immediately southwest of the Navajo Nation, to EFI’s White Mesa Mill, in Blanding, Utah,  just beyond the northern, San Juan River border of the Nation. Arizona Governor Katie Hobbs said she’d try to start “good faith negotiations” between the tribe and miners. Nygren produced an executive order stating that the Navajos and the mining company must reach an agreement on transporting radioactive material through the reservation, which may stop transportation for the next six months.  

Former Navajo President, Jonathan Nez put the case simply: “Prior to the arrival of uranium mining, Navajos had the lowest rate of cancer of all the tribes.” 

To take a statistical slice: in 2020 there were more than 40,000 cancer cases in Arizona and New Mexico, with a combined population of 9.5 million, while more than 20,000 occurred among 400,000 Navajos, less than half living on the Navajo Nation. That is why Navajos call cancer Yeetso, the Big Monster. Twenty thousand cases have a much greater effect on 400,000 people than 40,000 cases have on 9.5 million people.  

Protests broke out along the route: on Friday about 50 people in Cameron including President Nygren and his wife Jasmine Blackwater-Nygren; on Saturday, protesters gathered at the Flagstaff City Hall, including members of the Haul No! group; and on Sunday, more than 100 people, including Havasupai tribal members who live in Grand Canyon directly beneath the Pinyon Plain Mine, demonstrated at Grand Canyon Junction near the mine. Organizers are planning another demonstration on August 24 at Grand Canyon Junction.  

The tribes, Sierra Club, Center for Biological Diversity, Grand Canyon Trust and hundreds of other residents of the region fought the opening of this mine for years but were defeated by federal and state governments to which they had appealed.  

Recently, Congress has made three decisions that bear directly on uranium mining on the Navajo Nation: it banned the purchase of Russian uranium processed for nuclear power-plant use, except when no other suitable uranium is available; it discontinued the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA), which had provided funds to about 4,600 Navajos, nearly 90-percent of the “downwind” victims who produced 30 million tons of uranium from 1944-1986; and it approved $2.7 billion for development of the domestic uranium industry, most of which may well go into the pockets of EFI, a Canadian company that owns Pinyon Plain Mine and the White Mesa Mill, the only uranium mill operating at the moment in the US. In Wyoming, EFI has two other mines and one Republican senator, John Barrasso, who authored the bill to ban the purchase of Russian uranium.  

There is no mention in the bill that companies mining in the US, like the only uranium producer in the country, Canadian-owned EFI, will be required to sell only to US buyers. An oversight?  

The discontinuation of RECA is not so much a matter of saving public funds as it is a way to forget about miners, their families, and other residents mainly on the Navajo Nation who have suffered and continue to suffer from the health effects, mainly cancer, from prolonged exposure to uranium in mines and in mine tailings, and through lack of education about the danger of radiation. The DinĂ© College began its Uranium Education Program by producing a glossary of explanations in Navajo for  uranium-radiation terms in English. Neither the federal government nor mine owners had explained the dangers of working in their unventilated mines to Navajo workers; or the dangers of Navajos using material from mine tailings to build structures; or for their children to play in the tailings.  

The Union of Concerned Scientists reported on June 7: “’Speaker (Mike) Johnson not only has betrayed the veterans and the blue-collar uranium miners and their families but has really also profoundly impacted and wronged the Navajo people, said Navajo Nation spokesperson Justin Ahasteen, from his Washington, D.C. office. 

“Ahasteen said the tribe played a crucial role in World War II, from the Code Talkers to supplying the uranium used for the country’s nuclear arsenal.” 

Energy Fuels, Inc. CEO Mark Chalmers holds the opposite view. There is no history, no cancer epidemic, and the health damage from 1,500 uranium mines – 500 still not reclaimed – cannot be obliterated by his spell-binding narrative of wealth, health, and triumph of the American Way. Just buy EFI “clean energy” and you’ll be all right.  

“The U,S. should not rely on bad international actors to supply the fuel that powers our homes and workplaces with carbon-free nuclear energy,” Chalmers said in a company press release. “We applaud senators Barrasso and Manchin, Representatives McMorris Rodgers, Latta, and congressional leaders and the president for coming together in a bipartisan effort to resist foreign interests that are funding the war in Ukraine.”  

Chalmers began his career in Australia and is a dual citizen of Australia and the US. Just a few years ago, Energy Fuels, Inc. described itself as “a Toronto-based uranium and vanadium mineral exploration and development company with more than 30,000 acres of highly prospective uranium and vanadium property located in the States of Colorado, Utah and Arizona.” These days, the EFI pitch is that it is All American All the Time, with an American office in Lakewood CO, where Lockheed Martin dwells.  

The Guardian reported last week that, “At Cop28, the US endorsed an agreement to triple nuclear energy production to combat climate change, boosting the demand for uranium.” 

Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs is not going to bar any doors to mining interests that might do harm to Native Americans’ environments or health. Her Department of Environmental Quality has consistently approved the water pumped out of the Pinyon Plain Mine, despite its high content of uranium and other heavy metals, due to how it flows into its ponds.  

Amber Reimondo, Grand Canyon Trust energy director, reported in July: 

All told, more than 66 million gallons of precious Grand Canyon region groundwater have been pumped out of the mine shaft as of December 31, 2023. And water loss isn’t the only concern. 

“Water pumped out of the mine shaft has shown high levels of heavy metals that could spell disaster if they ever leached into surrounding groundwater aquifers, including uranium, lead, and arsenic. In the last quarter of 2023 (remember, the mine began extracting ore in December 2023), levels increased dramatically. Uranium levels reached six times the Environmental Protection Agency’s maximum contaminant level for safe drinking water, lead reached 243 times the maximum contaminant level, and arsenic reached a whopping 812 times the maximum contaminant level. 

“At times, the mine’s owner has struggled to get rid of all this water. It pumps the floodwater into a large open-air pond inside the mine fence, where birds often alight to drink and bathe. Visitors to the mine site have spotted burrows and tufts of fur caught in the chain-link where thirsty animals appear to have tunneled under the fence to reach the pond. On windy days, the misted water blows through the chain-link into the surrounding national monument lands.” 

The White Mesa Mill recently received a large quantity of nuclear waste. Grand Canyon Trust staff described the event: 

Bills of lading recently uncovered in a shipping database reveal that Energy Fuels Resources imported more than 275,000 pounds of radioactive materials from the Japan Atomic Energy AgencyThe materials appear to have been trucked to the company’s controversial White Mesa uranium milla mile from Bears Ears National Monument and just up the road from the Ute Mountain Ute Tribe’s White Mesa community.  

The materials arrived in the port of Everett, Washington on January 16, 2024. Aerial photos taken of the mill on May 16, 2024 reveal numerous shipping containers believed to hold materials from Japan’s nuclear energy program, including uranium ores used in testing, uranium-loaded resins, filter-bed sands, and uranium-loaded carbon, which Japanese regulators view as waste.  

“’While the mill may extract a small amount of uranium from these materials, more than 99% of them will likely end up buried in the waste pits at the White Mesa Mill along with the more than 700 million pounds of radioactive waste already there,’ said Tim Peterson, cultural landscapes director for the Grand Canyon Trust. ‘This latest shipment from Japan shifts the burden of Japan’s radioactive legacy from Japanese citizens to the people of White Mesa.’ 

“Information about how much the Utah mill might have been paid to process and dispose of the materials has not been made public. Normally, a uranium mill would pay for uranium ore, but for decades the White Mesa Mill has instead earned millions in fees to process and discard radioactive materials from across North America and the world. 

“’If the mill’s operators are getting paid to receive this shipment from Japan, it’s not for processing uranium, but for disposing of waste the Japanese people don’t want near their communities,’ said Peterson. 

“This is the second time in 19 years that the Japan Atomic Energy Agency has shipped radioactive materials to White Mesa. In 2005, the agency paid the White Mesa Mill $5.8 million to unload 1 million pounds of radioactive soils.  

‘There’s no easy way for the public to track how much radioactive waste is being sent to the mill, where it’s coming from, and when. This should be a concern for anybody who drives along Utah’s highways,’ said Chaitna Sinha, staff attorney for the Grand Canyon Trust. ‘If the mill is going to function like a radioactive waste disposal business, it should be regulated like one, including obtaining the licenses and permits a commercial waste-disposal facility would have to secure to operate.’ 

“The Ute Mountain Ute Tribe and community members in White Mesa are concerned that the mill’s radioactive waste processing and disposal business has created a de facto radioactive waste dump in their backyard, threatening public health, water, and air quality in White Mesa. The tribe and the grassroots group, White Mesa Concerned Community, will host a spiritual walk to protest the mill on October 12, 2024.” 

These are the kinds of prices Navajos, Havasupai, Utes, Hopis, Paiutes, and others who live on the Colorado Plateau are paying and will pay for the new campaign for domestic uranium mining to produce “clean energy.”  

Navajo Nation Attorney General Ethel Branch’s response to EFI’s unnotified transportation of radioactive ore through the reservation (called “smuggling” by President Nygren) was to insist that Navajo law be obeyed in the Nation. 

“’Particularly with something as sensitive as uranium, where there is a long legacy of contamination and disproportionate impact to the Navajo people,’ she said. “’Anyone bringing those substances onto the Nation should undertake that activity with respect and sensitivity to the psychological impact to our people, as well as the trauma of uranium development that our community continues to live with every day.” 

EFI can get away with this lawless behavior and will get away with more of it because the federal and state governments are themselves out of control. Wild tales are spinning through the minds of leaders of the Indispensable Nation – the narratives of limitless Hegemony, National Security, Monopoly Capitalism, Clean Energy, Racism, Sunbelt Growth, and Christian Fundamentalism. 

At the end of this survey, I turned to a quote of anthropologist Gladys Reichard, which appears at the conclusion of Navajo Symbols of Healing, by Donald Sandner, M.D.: “Navajo dogma connects all things, natural and experienced, from man’s skeleton to universal destiny, which encompasses even inconceivable space, in a closely interlocked unity which omits nothing,  no matter how small or how stupendous, and in which each individual has a significant function until, at his final dissolution, he not only becomes one with the ultimate harmony, but he is that harmony.” 

The Navajos’ struggle against Yeetso, the Big Monster, is also our struggle, because in defending themselves they are also defending all of us facing the growing risk of exposure to radioactivity  as “perfectly safe” nuclear power plants proliferate throughout the nation.  

In connection with EFI’s declaration that mines are safer these days due to new federal laws, residents near Gallup NM remember the Church Rock Spill, the worst radiation accident that ever occurred in the US, worse than Three Mile Island. It happened seven years after passage of the federal Clean Water Act but not many of us outside of the Southwest have ever heard about it. In 1979, the United Nuclear  Corporation‘s tailings disposal pond at its uranium mill in Church Rock breached, releasing more than 1,100 tons of solid radioactive mill waste and 84-million gallons of acidic, radioactive water into the Puerco River, the residues of which traveled 80 miles onto the Navajo Nation. The river was used widely for drinking water and for watering stock. People were not notified of the spill for several days and the New Mexico governor refused to request by the Navajo government to the declare a disaster. Five years later the New Mexico Environmental Improvement Department declared the river was still unsafe for human or stock consumption. 

The people of the Colorado Plateau have suffered enough from government dominated by a narrow clique of billionaires invested in national security anxiety, salvation through technology, and real estate growth in the Southwest, land of senior residential facilities and air-conditioning, where each summer sets a new heat record. Air-conditioning already takes 19 percent of our electricity. This can only increase with the growth of the Sunbelt and global warming.  

Bill Hatch lives in the Central Valley in California. He is a member of the Revolutionary Poets Brigade of San Francisco. He can be reached at: billhatch@hotmail.com.

 

Tactical Paranoia: Peter Dutton’s Palestinian Problem

The philosophy of the dunce, and the politics of the demagogue, often keep company.  And Peter Dutton has both of these unenviable traits in spades.  The Australian opposition leader, smelling weakness in his opponent, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, has again gravitated to something he is most comfortable with: terrifying the kaka out of the Australian public.

The method of doing so is always unimaginatively dull and almost always inaccurate.  Select your marginal group in society.  Elevate it as a threat, filling it with a gaseous, nasty fantasy.  Condemn said group for various fictional and misattributed defects.  When all is done, demonise its members and tar any alleged supporters or collaborators as foolish at best, unpatriotic at worst.

The group of late to rankle Dutton and his front bench of security hysterics are Palestinians, notably those fleeing the odious war in Gaza and seeking sanctuary in Australia.  Since the October 7 Hamas attacks on Israel, only 2,922 visas have been granted to those possessing Palestinian Authority travel documents, with roughly 350 being visitor visas.  Much larger total of 7,111 visa applications have been refused by the federal government.  So far, a mere 1,300 of them have made it to Australia, placed on temporary visitor visas that do not enable the holders to receive government aid or engage in meaningful employment.  The Albanese government is ruminating on whether to create a new category of visa that would lift such impediments.

On such figures, Dutton has little to work with.  Undeterred, he has spent the best part of a week playing the role of the tactically paranoid. “If people are coming in from that war zone and we’re uncertain about their identity or allegiances,” he told Sky News on August 14, it was “not prudent” to let them in.

Education Minister Jason Clare, who represents an electorate in Western Sydney with a sizeable Muslim population, mockingly invited Dutton to pay a visit.  “There are people from Gaza here now, they live in my electorate, I’ve met them, great people.”  They had “had their homes blown up, their schools blown up, their hospitals blown up, who have had their kids blown up.”

The Shadow Home Secretary James Paterson has also drummed up the concern that the government has simply not convinced “us and the Australian people that the security and identity checks that they’re doing are sufficiently thorough and robust to protect the Australian people”.  While Australia had an “important role to play” in confronting “a very serious need,” safety and security of the Australian populace came first.

What constitutes a satisfactory measure for Paterson?  A blanket refusal to grant visas to any supporters of Hamas would be a start.  “We are several days now into this debate, and they still have not clearly said whether they will or whether they won’t accept someone who is a supporter of Hamas into our country.”  All applications from Palestinians fleeing Gaza had to be referred to the domestic intelligence service, ASIO and “robust in-person interviews and biometric tests” conducted.

In comments made to The Australian Financial Review, Paterson revealed the true intention of this dash into demagogy’s thicket.  “Governments make choices all the time about who they prioritise to bring to Australia.  If the Albanese government picks this cohort ahead of others it will be a revealing choice.”

These objections have an air of stifling unreality to them.  For one thing, they are scornful of the views of Mike Burgess, the current ASIO director general, who, on August 11, stated that “there are security checks” or “criteria by which people are referred to my service for review and when they are, we deal with that effectively.”

Burgess, showing uncharacteristic nuance, drew a distinction between the provision of financial or material aid to the organisation, something which might tickle the interest of a screening officer, and that of “rhetorical support”.  “If it’s just rhetorical support, and they don’t have an ideology or support for a violent extremism ideology, then that’s not a problem.”

The logic of preventing individuals coming to Australia purely because of a supporting link with Hamas shows a dunce’s principle at work.  It falsely imputes that the individual is a potential terrorist, eschewing any broader understanding.  Immature and unworldly, such a perspective ignores the blood-spattered political realities of the conflict.  The insinuation here is that the only acceptable Palestinian is an apolitical one mutely acknowledging the primacy of Israel power, humble in expressing any claims to self-determination.

The Coalition opposition to granting visas to Palestinians voicing support for Hamas is also implausible in another respect.  While claiming to be defenders of that most weaselly of terms, “social cohesion”, Dutton and his stormtroopers seek to demolish it.  Manufacturing insecurity, much like the mafia’s credo, becomes the pretext for battling it.

Boiled down to its essentials, the views of Dutton and his colleagues, wholly picked from the cabinet of Israel’s security narrative, is that any support for Palestinian autonomy and independence, manifested through any political or military arm, must be suspect.  You had to be, as Paterson put it, “a peaceful supporter of Palestinian self-determination” and an opponent of “using violent means”.  Be quiet, remain subservient, and wait for the oppressor’s good will.FacebookTwitter

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.comRead other articles by Binoy

 

Restoring Fear – Why Israeli Soldiers Rape

On October 25, Israeli politician Moshe Feiglin told Arutz Sheva-Israel National News that “Muslims are not afraid of us anymore.”

It might sound odd that Feiglin saw the element of fear as critical to Israel’s well-being if not its very survival.

In actuality, the fear element is directly linked to Israel’s behavior and fundamental to its political discourse.

Historically, Israel has carried out massacres with a specific political strategy in mind: to instill the desired fear to drive Palestinians off their land. Deir Yassin, Tantara and the over 70 documented massacres during the Palestinian Nakba, or Catastrophe, are cases in point.

Israel has also utilized torture, rape and other forms of sexual assault to achieve similar ends in the past, to exact information or to break down the will of prisoners.

UN-affiliated experts said in a report published on August 5 that “these practices are intended to punish Palestinians for resisting occupation and seek to destroy them individually and collectively.”

Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza has manifested all these horrific strategies in ways unprecedented in the past, both in terms of widespread application and frequency.

In a report entitled ‘Welcome to Hell’, published on August 5, the Israeli rights group, B’tselem, said that Israel’s detention “facilities, in which every inmate is deliberately subjected to harsh, relentless pain and suffering operate as de-facto torture camps”.

A few days later, the Palestinian rights group, Addameer, published its own report, “documented cases of torture, sexual violence, and degrading treatment”, along with the “systematic abuses and human rights violations committed against detainees from Gaza.”

If incidents of rape, sexual assaults and other forms of torture are marked on a map, they would cover a large geographical area, in Gaza, in the West Bank, and Israel itself – mostly notably in the notorious Sde Teiman Camp.

Considering the size and locations of the Israeli army, well-documented evidence of rape and torture demonstrates that such tactics are not linked to a specific branch of the military. This means that the Israeli army uses torture as a centralized strategy.

Such a strategy has been associated with the likes of Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s national security minister. His aggressive statements, for example, that Palestinian prisoners should be “shot in the head instead of being given more food”, are perfectly aligned with his equally violent actions: the starvation policy of prisoners, the normalization of torture and the defense of rape.

But Ben-Gvir did not institute these tortuous policies. They have predated him by decades and were used against generations of Palestinian prisoners, who are granted few rights compared to those enshrined by international law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention.

But why does Israel torture Palestinians on such a large scale?

Israeli wars against Palestinians are predicated on two elements: a material and a psychological one. The former has manifested itself in the ongoing genocide, the killing and wounding of tens of thousands and the near destruction of Gaza.

The psychological factor, however, is intended to break the will of the Palestinian people.

Law for Palestine, a legal advocacy group published a database of over 500 instances of Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, inciting genocide in Gaza.

Most of these references seem to be centered on dehumanizing the Palestinians. For example, the October 11 statement by Israeli President Yitzhak Herzog, that “there are no innocent civilians in Gaza”, was part of the collective death sentence that made the extermination of Palestinians morally justifiable in the eyes of Israelis.

Netanyahu’s own ominous biblical reference, where he called on Israeli soldiers to seek revenge from Palestinians, stating “Remember what Amalek has done to you”, was also a blank check for mass murder.

While choosing not to see Palestinians as humans, as innocent, as worthy of life and security, Israel has granted its army carte blanche to do as it saw fit to those, in the words of Israeli Defense Minister, Yoav Gallant, “human animals”.

The mass killing, starvation and widespread rape and torture of Palestinians are a natural outcome of these shocking dialectics. But the overall purpose of Israel is not simply to exact revenge, though the latter has been quite important to Israel’s desire for national recovery.

By trying to break the will of the Palestinians through torture, humiliation and rape, Israel wants to restore a different kind of deterrence, which it lost on October 7.

Failing to restore military or strategic deterrence, Tel Aviv is invested in psychological deterrence, as in restoring the element of fear that was breached on October 7.

Raping prisoners, leaking videos of the gruesome acts, and carrying out the same horrific deed, again and again, are all part of the Israeli strategy – that of restoring fear.

But Israel will fail, simply because Palestinians have already succeeded in demolishing Israel’s 76-year matrix of physical domination and mental torture.

The Israeli war on Gaza has proven to be the most destructive and bloody of all Israeli wars. Yet, Palestinian resilience continues to grow stronger, because Palestinians are not passive, but active participants in the shaping of their own future.

If popular resistance is indeed the process of the restoration of the self, Palestinians in Gaza are proving that, despite their unspeakable pain and agony, they are emerging as a whole, ready to clinch their freedom, no matter the cost.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan PappĂ©, is Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out. His other books include My Father was a Freedom Fighter and The Last Earth. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net