Sunday, August 25, 2024

Are We Headed for Another Great Depression?


  • The current economic landscape shares striking similarities with the late 1920s,

  • marked by high debt, wealth inequality, and low energy consumption growth.

  • Historical data suggests a strong correlation between energy supply growth, economic growth, and income equality.

  • The world economy may be transitioning from growth to shrinkage due to declining energy resources, potentially leading to financial instability and political conflict.


Today, there is great wage and wealth disparity, just as there was in the late 1920s. Recent energy consumption growth has been low, just as it was in the 1920s. A significant difference today is that the debt level of the US government is already at an extraordinarily high level. Adding more debt now is fraught with peril.

Figure 1. US Gross Federal Debt as a percentage of GDP, based on data of the Federal Reserve of St. Louis. Unsafe level above 90% of GDP is based on an analysis by Reinhart and Rogoff.

Where could the economy go from here? In this post, I look at some historical relationships to understand better where the economy has been and where it could be headed. While debt levels and interest rates are important to the economy, a growing supply of suitable inexpensive energy products is just as important.

At the end, I speculate a little regarding where the US, Canada, and Europe could be headed. Division of current economies into parts could be ahead. While the problems of the late 1920s eventually led to World War II, it may be possible for the parts that are better supplied with energy resources to avoid getting into another major war, at least for a while.

[1] Government regulators have been using interest rates and debt availability for a very long time to try to regulate how the economy operates.

I have chosen to analyze US data because the US is the world’s largest economy. The US is also the holder of the world’s “reserve currency,” allowing demand for the US dollar (really US debt) to stay high because of its demand for use in international trade.

Figure 2. Secondary market interest rates on 3-month US Treasury Bills and 10-year US Treasury Securities, based on data accessed through the Federal Reserve of St. Louis. Amounts for 1940 through 2023 are annual averages. Amount for 2024 YTD is average of January to July 2024 amounts.

Comparing Figure 1 and Figure 2, it is clear that there is a close relationship between the charts. In particular, the highest interest rate in 1981 on Figure 2 corresponds to the lowest ratio of US government debt to GDP on Figure 1.

Up until 1981, the changes in interest rates were either imposed by market forces (“You can’t borrow that much without paying a higher rate”) or else as part of an attempt by the US Federal Reserve to slow an economy that was growing too fast for the available labor supply. After 1981, the same market dynamics no doubt took place, but the overall attempt at intervention by the US Federal Reserve seems to have been in the direction of speeding up an economy that wasn’t growing as fast as desired.

In Figure 2, the 3-month interest rates correspond fairly closely to government target interest rates. The 10-year interest rates tend to move on their own, perhaps somewhat influenced by Quantitative Easing (QE), in which the US government buys back some of its own debt to try to hold down longer-term interest rates. These longer-term interest rates influence US long-term mortgage interest rates.

Recent monthly data show that 10-year interest rates started rising very quickly after reaching a minimum following the Covid response in early 2020. The lowest 10-year average rates took place in July 2020, and rates started moving up in August 2020.

Figure 3. Monthly average secondary market interest rates on 3-month US Treasury Bills and 10-year US Treasury Securities, based on data accessed through the Federal Reserve of St. Louis.

This suggests to me that market forces play a significant role in 10-year interest rates. As soon as people started borrowing money to remodel or to move to a new suburban location, 10-year interest rates, and likely the related mortgage rates, started to drift upward again. If this observation is correct, the Federal Reserve has some control over interest rates, but it cannot adjust the 10-year interest rates underlying mortgages and other long-term debt by as much as it might like.

Related: UK Electricity Bills to Jump 10%

The apparent inability of the Federal Reserve to adjust longer-term interest rates to as low a level as it would like is concerning because the US government debt level is very high now (Figure 1). Being forced to pay 4% (or more) on long-term debt that rolls over could create a huge cash flow issue for the US government. More debt could be required simply to pay interest on existing debt!

[2] An analysis of actual growth in US GDP over time shows how successful the changing strategies in Figures 1 and 2 have been.

Figure 4. Three-year average US inflation-adjusted GDP growth rates based on data of the US Bureau of Economic Analysis.

In the 1930s, the US and much of the rest of the world were in the Great Depression. Interest rates were close to 0% (not shown on Figure 2, but available from the same data). Various versions of the New Deal under President Roosevelt were started in 1933 to 1945. Social Security was added in 1935. Figure 4 shows that these programs temporarily increased GDP, but they did not entirely solve the problem that had been caused by defaulting debt and failing banks.

Entering World War II was a huge success for increasing US GDP (Figure 4). Many more women were added to the workforce, making munitions and taking over jobs that men had held before they were drafted into the army.

After the war was over, the total number of jobs available dropped greatly. Somehow, private sector growth needed to be ramped, using debt of some kind, to provide jobs for the returning soldiers and others left without work. An abundant supply of fossil fuels was available, if debt-based demand could be put into place to pull the economy along. Programs were put into place to get factories running again making goods for the civilian economy. Additional jobs and energy demand were created by upgrading the electrical grid, increasing pipeline infrastructure, and (in 1956) starting work on an interstate highway system.

During the period between 1950 to 2023, the average growth rate of the US economy gradually stepped downward, despite all of the debt-based stimulus that was being added after 1981, as shown in Figure 5.

Figure 5. Average annual US GDP growth rates based on data of the US Bureau of Economic Activity.

[3] While growing debt is important for pulling an economy forward, a growing supply of energy is essential to actually produce physical goods and services.

Economic growth involves producing physical goods and services. The laws of physics tell us that energy supplies of the right types, in the right quantities, are necessary to make the goods and services that the physical economy depends upon.

The rate of growth of world energy supply has been stepping down over the years, as the easiest (and cheapest) to extract fossil fuels tend to get extracted first. The average rate of increase of all energy supply (not just fossil fuels) is shown in Figure 6:

Figure 6. Annual rate of increase in energy consumption growth for the earliest grouping is based on data provided by Vaclav Smil in the Appendix to Energy Transitions. Average rates of increase for later periods are calculated from data of the 2024 Statistical Review of World Energy, by the Energy Institute.

Comparing Figures 5 and 6, we can see that average annual US GDP growth approximately matched growth in world energy supplies in the first two periods: 1950-1970 and 1971-1980.

In the period 1981-2007, average US GDP growth (of 3.2%) soared above world energy consumption growth (of 2.1%). I would attribute this primarily to outsourcing a significant share of the US’s industrial production as the economy shifted to becoming more of a service economy. There were multiple advantages to moving to a service economy. US oil supply had become restricted, and a service economy would use less oil. Also, the costs of imported goods would be much lower than those made in the US for several reasons, including more efficient newly built factories, lower-wage workers, and the use of inexpensive coal as a fuel instead of oil.

The encouragement of increased use of “leverage” under Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in the UK no doubt added to the effect of using more debt shown in Figure 1. The US government started borrowing more money, rather than increasing taxes. Businesses became larger and more complex. International trade started playing a larger role.

Related: Oil Prices Remain Vulnerable to Demand Fluctuations

Recent low growth in energy supplies has created an economic problem that added debt has only partially been able to hide. (In the latest period (2008-2023), both US average GDP growth (at 1.8%) and world energy consumption growth (at 1.5%) were very low.) Figure 1 shows that the US added huge amounts of debt, both after the 2008 financial crisis, and at the time of the Covid response in 2020. If it weren’t for these huge debt infusions, US GDP growth would no doubt have been much lower. GDP counts the quantity of goods and services produced, not whether added debt has been used to manufacture these goods, or whether customers have used debt to purchase these goods.

[4] In some ways, the world economy today is like the economy of the 1920s.

The 1920s were characterized by both the rising use of debt (especially consumer credit), and wide wage and wealth disparities. This was a time of innovation. Some farmers had modern new equipment that greatly enhanced efficiency, while most farmers could not afford this equipment.

Figure 7 shows a pattern of wage disparity that operates in precisely the opposite direction from the interest rate pattern shown in Figure 2. The lower the interest rates, the more the concentration of wealth among a very small portion of the population. The higher the interest rates, the more evenly wage and wealth is divided.

Figure 7. U. S. Income Shares of Top 1% and Top 0.1%, Wikipedia exhibit by Piketty and Saez.

A comparison of Figure 7 with Figure 6 and Figure 5 shows that (at least for the years since 1950), faster energy consumption growth seems to lead to faster economic growth. With faster economic growth, the economy can support higher interest rates and higher wages for lower-paid workers. There is less push for “complexity” to try to replace workers with machines.

When energy consumption growth is low, the economy tends to grow more slowly. The interest rates that corporations and individuals can afford to pay are relatively low. With low interest rates, asset prices of all kinds soar because monthly payments to buy these assets fall. The prices of stocks, bonds, homes, and farms tend to soar. The already rich become richer and richer, as the poor are increasingly squeezed out of the economy.

Physicist Francois Roddier has said that physics dictates the outcome of widely diverging incomes when energy supply is low. It takes much less energy to supply an economy of a few rich people and many poor people than it takes to support an economy with relatively equal incomes. The vast majority of the supposed wealth of the rich exists as promises that can only be fulfilled in the future if there is enough energy of the right kinds to fulfill these promises. Their promised future wealth does not affect today’s energy use. While the energy use of rich people is somewhat higher than that of poor people, much of the difference disappears when a person considers the fact that much of their wealth is essentially “paper wealth” that may or may not actually be present as the future actually unfolds.

Both the 1920s and the latest period (2008-2023) are very low energy-growth periods. The fact that (2008-2023) is a low energy growth period (at 1.5% per year) can be seen on Figure 6. Energy supply was growing even slightly more slowly in the 1920s (based on data from Vaclav Smil’s Energy Transitions). Population was growing by 1.1% per year in both the 1920s and in the latest period (2008-2023.) Net energy consumption per capita growth was slightly negative (-0.1%) in the 1920s and only a very small positive percentage (0.4%) in the 2008-2023 period. Per capita consumption had been growing much more quickly between 1950 and 1980.

[5] The economy becomes very fragile when the growth of energy supply is low, compared to the growth of the world’s population.

Hidden beneath the surface is the problem that there is not enough energy to go around. This problem doesn’t manifest itself in high prices; it manifests itself in unusually large wage disparities. Very rich individuals (such as Bill Gates and Elon Musk) gain excessive influence. Special interests and their drive for profits also become important. At times, this drive for profits can come ahead of the well-being of citizens.

Citizens become more quarrelsome. Differences between and within political parties become greater. Political candidates no longer treat other candidates with the respect we would have expected in the past. The problem is, in some sense, the problem of a game of musical chairs.

Figure 8. Chairs arranged for Musical Chairs Source: Fund Raising Auctioneer

Initially, the game has as many players as chairs. The players walk around the outside of the group of chairs as the music plays. In each round, one chair is removed and the players must scramble for the remaining chairs. The person who does not get a chair is eliminated from the game.

[6] It seems to me that major parts of the world economy are transitioning from a growth mode to a mode of shrinkage.

Figure 9 gives a representation of how the world’s growing economy can be visualized, and how it may change in the future.

Figure 9. Representation of an economy that is growing up until not long after 2020, and shrinking thereafter, by Gail Tverberg.

The fact that growth in the consumption of fossil fuel energy supplies has been retreating to lower levels should be of concern (Figure 6). At some point, the world economy will be in a situation in which the amount of fossil fuels we can extract is falling. While we have some add-ons to the fossil fuel system (including hydroelectric, nuclear, wind, and solar), they are all manufactured using the fossil fuel system and repaired using the fossil fuel system. These add-ons would stop producing not long after the fossil fuel system stops producing. They need fossil fuels to make replacement parts, among other problems.

The amount of growth in energy supply determines the growth in physical goods and services that can be produced. In periods of rapid growth, borrowing from the future, even at a high interest rate, makes sense. In periods of low growth, only loans with a very low interest rate are feasible. When the economy is shrinking, very few investments can repay loans requiring interest.

Needless to say, repaying debt with interest becomes much more difficult in a shrinking economy. In the US, our underlying problem is that since 1981, the US’s financial policy has been “throw every tool in the tool box” at stimulating the economy. We are now running out of tools to stimulate the economy to grow faster. Adding more debt isn’t likely to work very well, or for very long.

At this point, the many government-funded investments aimed at providing green energy and offering transportation by electricity are not paying back well. Citizens are repeatedly being told that there is a need to move away from fossil fuels to prevent climate change. But world CO2 emissions continue to rise. They simply moved to a different part of the world.

Figure 10. Carbon dioxide emissions for Advanced Economies (members of the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development) versus all others, based on data of the 2024 Statistical Review of World Energy published by the Energy Institute.

[7] What does history since 1920 say may be ahead?

It is hard to see that things will turn out well, but we do know that historical civilizations have collapsed over a period of many years. We can hope that if we are facing the collapse of at least part of the world’s economy, this collapse will also be slow. Some intermediate steps along the line likely include the following:

(a) Stock market collapses. After excessive speculation in the stock market in the late 1920s, the stock market collapsed on October 29, 1929, starting the Great Depression. Another major crash occurred in 2008, during the Great Recession. Both of these speculative bubbles seem to have been fueled by low short-term interest rates.

(b) Drops in the prices of homes, farms, and other assets. The Great Depression is noted for major drops in the prices of farms. The Great Recession is known for major drops in the prices of homes. We are now facing a situation with far too much Commercial Real Estate. Its price logically should fall. Farmers are also having difficulty because wholesale food prices are too low relative to the various costs involved, including interest payments relating to equipment purchases and mortgages. The problem is especially acute if farm property has been purchased at currently inflated prices. The prices of farms logically should fall, also.

(c) Debt defaults, related to asset price drops. Banks, insurance companies, pension plans and many individuals owning bonds will be badly affected if defaults on loans or bonds start increasing. (In fact, even if the market interest rates simply rise, the carrying value on financial statements is likely to fall.) If commercial real estate or a farm is sold and the sales price is less than the outstanding debt, the bank issuing the loan will be left with a loss. This debt is often resold, with credit rating agencies falling short in indicating how risky the debt really is.

(d) Failing banks, failing insurance companies, and failing pension plans. Even bankrupt governments defaulting on their loans.

With failing banks, there is less money in circulation. The tendency is for commodity prices to fall very low, putting farmers in worse financial shape than before. They cut back on production. Food production and transport use considerable amounts of oil. Reduced food production leads to less need for oil consumption and thus, falling oil prices. With low oil prices, production tends to fall.

(e) If a government survives, it may try to issue much more debt-based money to try to raise prices. This might work if the country is able to produce all goods locally. But the huge amount of new money (and debt) will not be honored by other countries. The result is likely to be hyperinflation, and still no goods to buy.

(f) Persecution of the wealthier people blamed for society’s problems. If people are poor, and there aren’t enough goods to go around, there is a tendency to find someone to blame for the problem. In Europe, prior to World War II, the Nazis persecuted the Jews. The Jews were often rich and worked in finance or the jewelry business.

(g) War. War gives the possibility of obtaining resources elsewhere. Figure 4 shows that going to war can greatly ramp up GDP. It is a way of putting laid-off workers back to work. It is an age-old solution to not-enough-resources-to-go-around.

[8] Can any political approach put off the bad impacts suggested in Section [7] above?

A country that can provide complete supply chains based on its own resources, completely within its own borders can be somewhat insulated from these problems, as long as its resources are adequate for its population. I don’t think that any of the Advanced Countries (members of the OECD, which is similar to the US and its allies) can do that today. The US is closer to this ideal than Europe, but it is still a long way away. The central and southern part of the US, which is where Donald Trump’s support is strong, is closer to this ideal than elsewhere.

Trump is advocating adding tariffs on imported goods. Such tariffs would work in the direction of independence from China, India, and other industrialized nations. Trump also seems to advocate staying out of wars, wherever possible. If an area is doing well in terms of energy supply (including food supply), this would be a good strategy.

Kamala Harris is advocating capping today’s food prices. This would please city-dwellers, but it would encourage farmers to quit farming. Capping today’s food prices would also discourage the importation of food from elsewhere, leaving many empty shelves in grocery stores. Indirectly, it would also have an adverse impact on the world’s oil production and the quantity of food grown elsewhere.

Giving more money to poor people would almost certainly lead to more government debt. If countries in Europe were to do this, it would almost certainly devalue their currencies. They would find it harder to import goods from anywhere else in the world.

In fact, the US would likely also encounter difficulty in importing as many goods from elsewhere, if it chooses to give more money to poor people (and fund this generosity through more debt). China and Russia would have even more motivation to abandon the US dollar for trading purposes than they do today. The US, Europe, and other Advanced Economies would increasingly find imported goods unavailable.

Wind, solar, and electric vehicles are not fixing the economy now. Adding more debt to subsidize these efforts would likely have the same bad effects as adding more debt to subsidize poor people.

[9] A guess as to what could be ahead for the US, Canada, and Europe.

Donald Trump is suggesting tariffs and other policies that might be helpful for the parts of the US, Canada, and Mexico that think they might have enough resources to more or less get along on their own in the near future. This includes much of the central and southern part of the US. Central Canada would fit into this pattern, as well. Mexico is connected by pipeline to this area, too. At least in the US, Trump is favored in these areas.

In the highly populated areas along both US coasts, the debt-based policies of Kamala Harris will seem more reasonable because these sections have limited resources to rely on, but lots of population. The only solution they can imagine is more debt. I expect that Europe and the coasts of Canada will follow Kamala Harris’s strategies, but with their own leaders.

I can imagine a scenario in which after the US election, the US will break apart into two sections: a Trump section in the center of the US, and a Harris portion consisting mostly of the two coasts, and perhaps a few northern states. The Trump section will band together with Central Canada and Mexico and try to keep operating for some years longer. The Harris portion will join together with the coasts of Canada and most of Europe to get into war with Russia and China. The Harris portion will issue lots more debt. The Harris group will forget that their areas cannot really make many armaments without a huge amount of international trade. As a result, the Harris group will have great difficulty in being successful at war.

By Gail Tverberg via Our Finite World

Is China's Demand for Oil Nearing Its Peak?

  • China's oil imports in July were down 12% from June and 3% from July 2023, raising concerns about the country's economic health and future oil demand.

  • Factors such as the rise of electric vehicles, the shift to LNG in trucks, and a slowdown in manufacturing and real estate are contributing to this trend.

  • While some analysts believe the slowdown is temporary, others argue that China's oil demand may have already peaked, with significant implications for global oil markets.

Uncertainty about Chinese oil demand has become the single most important bearish factor for oil. Every time analysts cite lower prices it is because of uncertainty about Chinese demand—or the potential certainty that this demand is not going higher.

As the world’s largest importer of oil, the Asian powerhouse has pretty understandable significance for oil markets. The players in those markets may need to start adapting to the idea that China will not continue to consume ever more crude oil far into the future.

The latest import figures for China and crude oil disappointed many of those who had made the above assumption. In July, China imported 12% less oil than it did in June and 3% less oil than it imported in July 2023. The figures, as usual, spurred comments that China’s economy was slowing down—and so was oil demand—and international prices fell.

In further potentially bearish news, India just surpassed China as the biggest buyer of sanctioned Russian crude at a rate of close to 2.1 million barrels daily, which represented a 4.2% monthly increase and a 12% annual increase. 

Along with the oil import figures, economic data on China has fueled a lot of the demand uncertainty gripping traders and analysts alike. A slowdown in manufacturing growth and a real estate crisis are pretty solid reasons to worry about demand for oil in a country known for its manufacturing industry and once booming real estate sector.

It appears that this uncertainty has now reached its culmination: Reuters columnist Clyde Russell this week posed the question of whether China’s demand had not already peaked. Russell noted China’s record import rate for crude oil last year and the perception that most analysts and traders appear to believe that this year’s slowdown is a temporary thing. And then he asked the question: what if it isn’t?

It is easy to see why so many market participants expect the demand wobble to be a temporary problem. As Russell pointed out, China’s oil imports have been on a straight upward trajectory for 19 years in a row before plummeting in 2020 and 2021 because of the pandemic lockdowns. Then they started recovering, to reach an all-time high of 11.29 million barrels daily last year.

It was China’s post-pandemic recovery that many oil bulls pinned their hopes on. After all, it only made sense that the country that had been importing ever-growing volumes of oil would return to this growth trend after the end of the lockdowns. It appears this group of market players ignored other processes, such as the real estate industry’s troubles after years of growth on government steroids and the manufacturing slowdown in a global economy where many big players are still struggling to get back on their feet after the pandemic.

Then, of course, there is the electric vehicle story. China set out to become a leader in electric vehicles, and it did. The country is currently the biggest EV market in the world. And it is a market that continues to grow, unlike the EV market in Europe, for instance, where EVs are still struggling to compete with internal combustion engine cars.

This is not the case in China, where sales of plug-in hybrids and battery electric cars represented over 50% of all car sales, at a total of 853,000, per figures from market research company Rho Motion as cited by Reuters earlier this month. It was this trend in EV sales growth that prompted Sinopec, the state oil major, to predict that oil demand in China would peak before 2027.

A contributing factor to the expectation of peak oil demand is the replacement of diesel with liquefied natural gas as fuel in trucks. With LNG getting cheaper and burning more cleanly than diesel, industrial machinery operators are switching, with demand destruction for diesel topping 200,000 barrels daily last year, according to Wood Mackenzie.

Some of these factors that play a part in determining China’s oil demand are consistent trends, such as EV growth. Others are market-determined, such as the replacement of diesel with LNG. The moment LNG prices jump, the switch will slow down. There is also the manufacturing and real estate factor, where the slowdown is unlikely to be permanent. Yet, given the overcapacity that China has built in both sectors, the recovery may be more modest than bulls might hope.

What this means is that China may not return to its path of consuming ever-growing volumes of crude oil. To be fair, however, it was unrealistic to expect it would. China relies on imports for close to 60% of its consumption, and China doesn’t like to rely on imports so much. It makes sense to do everything to reduce this dependence by encouraging alternative energy solutions. In other words, China’s peak oil demand may be here, or it may be around the corner—but it is only a matter of time before that peak comes. The sooner the market adjusts, the sooner it could start paying attention to other factors determining global prices, such as supply.

By Irina Slav for Oilprice.com

CAPITAL STRIKE THREAT

Labour's North Sea Windfall Tax Sparks Industry Backlash


  • Over 40 energy sector companies have voiced their concerns over Labour's proposed windfall tax increase, warning it could lead to significant job losses.

  • The tax hike, intended to fund green initiatives, has been criticized for potentially hindering investment in both fossil fuels and transition technologies.

  • While the government argues the tax is necessary for the UK's clean energy transition, industry leaders believe it will have a detrimental impact on the economy and energy security.

The government’s plans for North Sea oil and gas are a “blunt response” that could jeopardise hundreds of thousands of jobs not just in the energy sector, several of the industry’s leading figures have warned.

In an open letter to the Treasury, over 40 companies with operations in the North Sea voiced their “grave concern” with the new government’s plans for the Energy Profits Levy, which include raising the headline rate of tax to 78 percent and removing the allowance for investment and exploration.

The signatories—comprising engineering companies like Wood Group, tech firms like 3t, and catering specialists Sodexo—warned that the levy risked jeopardising investment in fledgling transition technologies, such as floating offshore wind and carbon capture technologies.

However, the firms’ main concern was the negative impact the plans would have on jobs, not just in the energy sector but also in industries and communities that support it.

Windfall tax will hit jobs

The North Sea energy industry is believed to support 200,000 jobs, with most of these roles in supporting sectors like catering, transport and infrastructure, Offshore Energies UK – the industry body that choreographed the letter – said.

Entire communities in Aberdeen and much of North East Scotland are dependent on the industry, which is believed to support 30 percent of the city’s jobs.

The letter said: “For our companies, [the tax plans] risk operators – big and small – further scaling back or postponing their investment plans in response. The ramifications will be felt throughout the supply chain, through jobs, and the communities this industry supports, both directly and indirectly.”

But the government has argued its reforms would create “thousands” of jobs in the same part of the UK thanks to offshore workers having the “vital” skills to help build Britain’s renewable capabilities.

GB Energy, the state-owned renewable energy firm that will form the foundations of Labour’s clean energy industrial strategy, will be headquartered in Scotland when it is formally established in the coming months.

The letter also claimed the current plans would widen the country’s energy trade deficit, saying: “The UK spent almost £27bn on imports of crude oil and over £21bn on gas imports last year.

“This is £6bn more than receipts from UK crude oil exports and £17bn more than gas exports. The measures as announced risk both the net import gap for fuels, and the emissions footprint of fuel imports, growing long before the UK can deliver reliable, affordable, alternative energy sources.”

The firms dubbed Labour’s plans a “surprise” despite them having been a core part of the party’s manifesto.

Making Britain a “clean energy superpower” is one of the government’s five core “missions”, which Keir Starmer unveiled in February 2023 – nearly 18 months ago – when his party Party was in opposition.

The government announced the reforms to the energy levy in the run-up to the election, claiming they will help fund approximately £23.7bn in green spending.

The tax was first announced by the previous administration after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine led energy firms’ profits to skyrocket.

It was originally levied at 60 percent, which was then raised to 75 percent, and also contained an allowance for investment and exploration.

But as oil and gas prices have returned to more regular levels, the tax has eaten into the profit of many of the North Sea’s key players; a fact further hampered by the region being one of the world’s most mature, and thus leas profitable, oil fields.

North Sea producers curtail output

On Thursday, Ithaca Energy – one of the region’s biggest players – posted a major dent to profit in its half-year results, which it claimed were in part down to the windfall tax.

And earlier this year, Harbour Energy announced it was cutting 350 UK jobs, blaming the tax after the had said had “all but wiped out” the firm’s profit in 2022.

The letter added: “The Prime Minister has reassured the sector that the North Sea will be managed in a way that does not jeopardise jobs. 

“The Treasury has been tasked with being the most pro-growth in our country’s history, and the Chancellor has committed to ‘working hand-in-hand with business’. Ministers have spoken of working in partnership, of the critical role of the people whose jobs are supported by our offshore energy sector, but we need those commitments to be honoured.”

A spokesman for HM Treasury said: “We are strengthening the previous government’s windfall tax to ensure North Sea oil and gas producers contribute their fair share towards our energy transition.

“Our plans for a new National Wealth Fund and Great British Energy will create thousands of new jobs in the industries of the future.”

By City AM







Global Offshore Wind Installations Projected to Exceed 520 GW by 2040

  • Global offshore wind installations are expected to surpass 520 GW by 2040, driven by strong growth in Europe and Asia.

  • Floating wind technology will play a crucial role in expanding offshore wind capacity, particularly in Europe.

  • Supply chain constraints pose challenges to the growth of both bottom-fixed and floating offshore wind, necessitating increased government support.

Global offshore wind projects have faced significant headwinds due to recent inflationary pressures and supply chain disruptions, exemplified by postponed permitting processes, delayed auctions and slow supply chain build-ups. Despite these challenges, the sector staved off challenges in 2023, seeing a 7% increase in new capacity additions compared to the previous year. This momentum is expected to accelerate this year, with new capacity additions expected to grow by 9% to over 11 gigawatts (GW) by the end of the year. Rystad Energy expects this growth for the offshore wind sector to continue at a steady pace, and estimates that global installations, excluding mainland China, will exceed 520 GW by 2040.

Europe will play a crucial role in this growth, relying heavily on floating wind to meet ambitious national targets and make the most of its abundant offshore resources. By 2040, the continent is expected to account for more than 70% of global floating wind installations. Although some project delays beyond 2030 are anticipated, there will likely be a strong push to accelerate deployment. As a result, floating wind capacity is projected to approach 90 GW by 2040, with the UK, France and Portugal at the forefront of development. Asia will also be key in advancing floating wind as a mature technology, and the region – excluding mainland China – is expected to capture a share of 20% of global installations by 2040.

While the floating wind sector has seen a recent rise in project announcements, it currently grapples with supply chain constraints similar to the bottom-fixed segment, where wind turbines are installed on fixed foundations in shallow waters. These challenges could hinder the advancement of floating wind technology in the short term, with capacity estimates of less than 7 GW by 2030. To overcome these hurdles, increased government support is crucial.

The global offshore wind sector is experiencing robust growth, fueled by increased investment and auction activity. However, supply chain bottlenecks present significant challenges to the industry's further expansion. While ambitious targets boost investor confidence, it is crucial to address logistical issues to ensure that offshore wind can successfully take a key role in the energy transition. This will not only help the technology mature, but also foster a supportive ecosystem that inspires investor reliance,


Petra Manuel, Senior Offshore Wind Analyst, Rystad Energy

Learn more with Rystad Energy’s Offshore Wind Solution.

In the bottom-fixed market, we expect the UK, Germany and the Netherlands to emerge as the three dominant players. The countries’ proximity to the North Sea and extensive maritime areas provides a strong foundation for success in offshore wind, bolstered by their installation and net-zero targets. Together, these three countries are projected to account for a total of 150 GW of installed capacity by 2040, followed by the US with less than 40 GW. The future of the US market is contingent on its political landscape, with concerns that if presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump were to win, his administration might significantly impede offshore wind development.

Between 2025 and 2030, the Americas, led by the US, will experience significant growth, beginning with close to 2 GW of installed capacity in 2025. Asia, excluding mainland China, will follow, with 7 GW in 2025 and reaching nearly 28 GW by 2030, with Taiwan (China), South Korea and Vietnam emerging as major markets in the region. Europe is projected to have 41 GW of installed capacity by 2025 and more than 112 GW by 2030, driven by a steady stream of projects awarded through competitive auctions.

Looking ahead to between 2030 and 2035, an increase in growth is anticipated in Asia, excluding mainland China, followed by the Americas and Europe. During this period, Latin America, particularly Brazil and Colombia, is also expected to begin contributing to offshore wind capacity in the Americas.

Rystad Energy’s long-term forecast for the floating wind sector differs significantly from the upward trend observed in the bottom-fixed market. From 2025 to 2030, we anticipate that only Asia and Europe will be actively installing floating wind capacity. By 2030, we expect Europe to have installed almost 5 GW of floating wind, while Asia, excluding mainland China, is projected to add 2 GW.

In the following five-year period from 2030 to 2035, we foresee a substantial ramp-up in installations. Europe is expected to add 20 GW of floating wind capacity, and Asia, excluding mainland China, up to 5 GW. We do not expect floating wind projects to be installed in other regions until the period of 2035 to 2040 period, when we anticipate the technology to advance toward maturity. By 2040, we predict that Europe will have installed more than 65 GW of floating wind capacity, while installations in Asia, excluding mainland China, will have reached 17 GW.

By Rystad Energy


 Billions Pouring into U.S. Offshore Wind Despite Setbacks


By Felicity Bradstock - Aug 24, 2024,

The US has ambitious plans to significantly expand its offshore wind capacity, backed by substantial investments and government support.

However, the industry has faced numerous setbacks, including project cancellations,
 delays, equipment failures, and financial difficulties for major companies like Orsted.

Despite challenges, foreign investors like Equinor and Vestas remain committed to US offshore wind projects, attracted by the potential for growth and government incentives.


As part of government plans for a green transition, the U.S. has been rapidly developing its renewable energy capacity in recent years. While several sectors have taken off, the offshore wind industry has faced several challenges in establishing wind farms off coasts around the U.S., largely due to financial issues in the wind sector and equipment failures. So, with massive financial incentives coming from the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and other climate policies, will the U.S. be successful at establishing its offshore wind industry?

There are ambitious plans to grow the offshore wind capacity of the U.S. significantly in the coming years, with several international wind energy majors announcing investments in the sector. The U.S. is expected to invest around $65 billion in offshore wind by the end of the decade, which would support the creation of approximately 56,000 jobs. There is around 56 GW of wind energy currently under development across 37 leases, which could power around 22 million homes. Around 14 GW of this offshore wind capacity is expected to be up and running by 2030, 30 GW by 2033 and 40 GW by 2035. Several states have plans to develop offshore wind farms, including New Jersey, New York, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Virginia.

In addition to state investment in the wind sector, since the creation of the IRA climate policy, the U.S. has attracted high levels of foreign investment in the sector. Norway’s Equinor is developing the two-part Empire Wind project in New York State, aimed at establishing 810 MW of power in phase one and 1,260 MW in phase two. Empire Wind 1 will be the first offshore wind project to connect to the New York City grid. Equinor is also investing in the South Brooklyn Marine Terminal, to establish New York’s first offshore wind hub. The Norwegian firm was also selected in the first-ever U.S. floating offshore wind auction to develop a 2 GW wind farm on the Outer Continental Shelf offshore California. Once operational, it could power as many as 1.7 million homes in the state.

The Danish wind turbine manufacturer Vestas will supply the equipment needed to run Equinor’s Empire Wind project. The firm already has a strong foothold in the U.S., having supplied much of the equipment for the country’s onshore wind farms. Josh Irwin, the Senior Vice President of Offshore Sales at Vestas North America, stated “Ensuring the long-term viability and sustainability of the U.S. offshore market relies heavily on the safe, timely and successful execution of the first wave of projects and this landmark project is a crucial step towards putting turbines in the water… We look forward to delivering an existing, reliable product and partnering with Equinor to help New York achieve its ambitious offshore wind energy goals and provide resilient wind energy to its communities”.

While there is strong interest in the development of the U.S.’s offshore wind capacity, the industry has faced several hurdles in getting projects off the ground. The U.S. was a slow adopter of offshore wind, developing just four wind farms with a total capacity of 242 MW by 2024. In 2023, inflation, supply chain issues, and other macroeconomic problems resulted in the cancellation or renegotiation of around half of all proposed offshore wind projects in the U.S., despite strong support from the government to develop the sector. There are also concerns lingering over the industry in the run-up to the presidential elections, as former President Donald Trump has said he will bring an end to offshore wind if elected.

The Danish wind operator Orsted, which was an early investor in U.S. offshore wind, announced this month that it would be delaying its 704 MW Revolution Wind project off Rhode Island and Connecticut from 2025 to 2026, following poor quarterly earnings results with $575 million in impairment losses. Orsted decided to delay the project because of soil contamination at an onshore transformer station.

Within the last month, the U.S. government also called off a planned Gulf of Mexico offshore wind auction due to a lack of investor interest. Meanwhile, construction on the country’s first major offshore wind project was halted because of a shattered turbine blade that led pieces of fibreglass to wash up on nearby beaches. Vineyard Wind, jointly by Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners and Iberdrola-controlled Avangrid, reported on 13th July that a blade on one of its 13.7MW GE Haliade X turbines was damaged, sending debris into Massachusetts' coastal waters, which led to beach closures. This has prompted greater scepticism around the potential for the U.S. offshore wind industry, with several challenges continuing to plague the sector.

As a late adopter of offshore wind, the U.S. has faced a plethora of challenges in developing its wind power capacity in recent years, despite the favourable climate policies and financial incentives in place. Rising inflation and other economic issues, as well as supply chain disruptions, have interrupted development since the Covid-19 pandemic, challenges which were further exacerbated by the poor performance of several international wind majors and equipment failures. Now, with uncertainty surrounding the upcoming presidential elections, it is unlikely that the country’s offshore wind sector will thrive until greater stability is assured.

By Felicity Bradstock for Oilprice.com


Regulatory Challenges Force Equinor to Halt Offshore Wind Project in Vietnam

Norway's state-controlled energy giant Equinor ASA (NYSE:EQNR) has abandoned plans to invest in Vietnam's offshore wind sector, dealing a significant blow to the country's green energy ambitions. 

According to the World Bank, over the past couple of years, Vietnam has attracted plenty of interest in its clean energy sector thanks to the country's strong winds in shallow waters near coastal, densely populated areas. Unfortunately, recent political turbulence in the country has paralyzed regulatory reforms and discouraged investors. For instance, last year, Danish offshore wind giant Ã˜rsted A/S (OTCPK:DNNGY) paused its multi-gigawatt offshore wind plans, again due to regulatory challenges.

"We have decided to discontinue our business development in Vietnam and to close our office in Hanoi," Magnus Frantzen Eidsvold, an Equinor spokesperson, said in an interview.

This marks the first time Equinor has abandoned offshore wind development; in contrast, the company has previously exited more than a dozen fossil fuel projects to focus on renewables and low-carbon systems.

Currently, Vietnam has no installed offshore wind capacity but plans to install wind farms for 6 gigawatts (GW) by 2030, equal to 4% of its planned capacity. The offshore wind push is part of the country's goal to cut reliance on coal generation and reach net zero carbon emissions by the middle of the century. The communist government is pushing to assign to state-owned companies the first pilot project on offshore wind, a move that investors are opposed to because the domestic sector does not have enough capacity.

Currently, 40% of the global population lives within 60 miles of the ocean, making offshore wind an attractive clean energy alternative. Unfortunately, in recent years, dozens of offshore wind projects around the world have been delayed or canceled as costs have skyrocketed and supply chain disruptions have swelled.  Last year, Ørsted canceled its highly anticipated Ocean Wind 1 and Ocean Wind 2 projects in the U.S., citing rising interest rates, high inflation, and supply chain bottlenecks. The two projects would have supplied just over 2.2 gigawatts to the New Jersey grid--enough energy to power over a million homes. 

By Alex Kimani for Oilprice.com


Wind Turbine Blade Fails on GE Vernova Turbine at UK Dogger Bank Wind Farm

offshore wind farm
Dogger Bank A marked its first power generation in October 2023 (Dogger Bank)

Published Aug 23, 2024 5:24 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

A blade on one of the wind turbines at the under-construction Dogger Bank wind farm off the coast of England failed yesterday, August 22. Details on the incident are sparse at this point and neither GE Vernova, manufacturer of the blade, nor SSE Renewables the spokesperson for the consortium behind the project are commenting.

This is the second failure of a blade at the UK wind farm although the companies blamed the prior one on a problem during installation. The wind farm however is also using the 13 MW GE Halidale-X turbines, the same manufacturing that confirmed a “manufacturing deviation,” causing a blade at Vineyard Wind 1, a U.S. offshore wind, to break apart in July.

SSE issued a brief statement saying “We are aware of a blade failure,” which it said occurred on an installed turbine at Dogger Bank A, which is located approximately 80 miles off the northern English coast. The company’s statement says there were no injuries at the time the damage was sustained and that it is working with the turbine manufacturer GE Vernova, which initiated an investigation.

A spokesperson for GE Vernova told The Maritime Executive today that the wind farm “experienced an isolated blade event that occurred during commissioning.”

It is unclear at this time if the blade fractured in a fashion similar to the one in the United States which was also undergoing commissioning when it broke. The U.S. blade broke with a small portion according to Avangrid which is developing the project falling into the ocean. Pieces of the blade and fiberglass began washing up on beaches in Massachusetts and then additional pieces of the blade broke off. More sections fell into the water, some of which sank and others were floating while additional pieces were caught on the foundation. U.S. regulators ordered all work stopped while an investigation got underway.

Vineyard Wind and GE Vernova recently reported that they had the approval to remove additional sections of the damaged blade. The operation was completed while they were also working on a recovery plan for the pieces on the tower and that sank.

GE Vernova told investors last month that it had determined the problem on the U.S. blade was a “manufacturing deviation” in the bonding of the blade during manufacture at its plant in Canada. They said it should have been caught by quality checks and they were instituting checks on all the blades from the facility. High-tech “crawlers” with cameras were being deployed into the blades at the Massachusetts wind farm while the company was reviewing all the imaging made of the blades during manufacturing.

GE Vernova declined to confirm any details about the blade that failed at the UK wind farm and if it came from the same manufacturing facility. Sources with knowledge of the situation stressed that safety is a top priority and that the company was starting an in-depth investigation while having also informed the appropriate authorities.

The May incident at the Dogger Bank wind farm was believed to be isolated to the individual blade and issues during the hoisting and installation. Work quickly resumed at the wind farm which is the first of three phases, each to have a capacity of 1.2 GW.  Dogger Bank marked its first power generation in October 2023.

U.S. regulators last week approximately a month after the incident revised their order to permit the wind farm to resume the installation of towers and nacelles but the order does not enable further blade installation or power production at this time. Vineyard Wind started power generation early in 2024 and had become the largest operating U.S. offshore wind farm. Construction was proceeding on the project which is located 15 miles off the coast of Massachusetts with plans calling for a total of 62 wind turbines with a total capacity of 800 MW.



Naming & Delivery Ceremony of China’s 1st Two Offshore Wind Power SOVs Held

Schulte Marine Concept
China is undergoing a transformative shift in its energy landscape. According to latest data from the country’s National Energy Administration NEA, renewables have surpassed coal in capacity as of June this year. With the delivery of China’s first two SOV

Published Aug 24, 2024 5:34 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

[By: Schulte Marine Concept

On 16 August 2024, the naming and delivery ceremony of the first two China-built offshore wind power SOVs (Service Operation Vessels) ‘ZHI ZHEN 100’ and ‘ZHI CHENG 60’ was held in Qidong, China. The two SOVs were delivered by Shanghai Zhenhua Heavy Industries Co., Ltd. to Shanghai Electric Wind Power Group Co., Ltd., with Schulte Marine Concept (SMC) being responsible for plan approval and vessels’ construction and commissioning supervision.

Mr. Krzysztof Kozdron, Managing Director of SMC said: “We are very proud to have been part of this historic project. The two SOVs are the first offshore wind power operation and maintenance vessels built in China giving a testimony to the impressive capability and capacity of the shipbuilding industry in China. These state-of-the-art vessels will form a strong and reliable foundation in the operation and maintenance of the domestic distant offshore wind parks, while further promoting sustainable development of the Chinese offshore wind power generation industry.”

Basic design for the vessels was developed and provided by the Norwegian company Ulstein, detail design and production design were developed by Shanghai Zhenhua Heavy Industries Co., Ltd. The ‘ZHI ZHEN 100’ has an overall length of 93.4 metres, a beam of 18 metres, a depth of 7.6 metres and can accommodate 100 persons on board, while the ‘ZHI CHENG 60’ has an overall length of 72.76 metres, a beam of 17.5 metres, a depth of 7 metres and is designed for a complement of 60 persons on board.

The ULSTEIN’s X-BOW® hull form concept featured by the vessels ensures exceptional performances in both calm seas and rough weather, including enhanced station keeping, wave
response, crew and technicians’ comfort and safety onboard while in high seas as well as stern-to-weather operations capability and capacity boosting vessels’ both ahead and astern operability.

Both SOVs are equipped with technologically advanced battery and DC electric propulsion system as well as high capability DP2 dynamic positioning system. Further, vessels are fitted with sophisticated walk-to-work motion compensated gangway, offshore crane and high-speed daughter craft, to ensure safe and efficient transfer of personnel and spares for wind turbines overhaul and components replacement.

Before delivery, the vessels were subject to a very rigorous and exhaustive commissioning program, covering specialized offshore trials formotion compensated gangway, offshore crane and DP system, including demanding Failure Mode and Effects Analysis tests. Both vessels have been registered with China Classification Society.

China is presently the global leader in offshore wind power generation, continuously developing its potential, the country aims to achieve a capacity of 55 GW by 2030.

The products and services herein described in this press release are not endorsed by The Maritime Executive.