PAKISTAN

Digital check-post

Farieha Aziz 

Published August 25, 2024 

 DAWN

THERE has been no let-up in the woes of digital users in Pakistan as the internet continues to operate at a snail’s pace. To add insult to injury, at a press conference, the state minister for IT, Shaza Fatima, attributed the slow internet speeds to a surge in Virtual Private Networks (VPN) usage affecting Content Delivery Networks (CDN), while claiming that the government had done nothing to cause this.

What the minister failed to say is why the need for VPNs arose. Typically, VPNs are used as a data privacy measure. In Pakistan, internet users have turned to VPNs primarily to circumvent the blockades they are experiencing, especially the inability to transfer and download media over WhatsApp.

A VPN masks a user’s Internet Protocol address. Think of it as your home address. When you connect to a VPN, rather than the IP assigned to you by your internet service provider, the VPN assigns you a new address, but in another country. This allows users to circumvent geographical blockades instituted at the IP level.

Cloudflare defines CDNs as a “geographically distributed group of servers that caches content close to end users”. It defines caching as “storing copies of files in a cache, or temporary storage location, so that they can be accessed more quickly”. Distance affects latency — the time it takes to get to you. Food delivery orders are usually made from the closest branch to your address. If the order is routed from a branch further away the time it takes to get to you will increase. Similarly, if you have placed an order for the delivery of a product from outside the country, shipping will take longer than to those in the geographical area the store is located in.


Faults in submarine cables and increased VPN usage don’t explain WhatsApp media disruptions.

Faults in submarine cables and increased VPN usage don’t explain WhatsApp media disruptions, which exist at an app functionality level. The chairman of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority conceded before the National Assembly’s Committee on Information Technology that the web management system, also called the national firewall system — in existence since 2019 — was being upgraded. There is no disclosure as to what this system upgrade entails.

A recent article in this paper by Ramsha Jahangir quotes industry sources hinting at “gateway-level deployment at the two largest CDN providers … to control and monitor internet traffic in Pakistan”. The internet gateway, ie the Pakistan Internet Exchange, is where all international internet traffic comes in from and goes out of the country.

It appears that since content on global platforms cannot be removed directly, the ability to block and/ or restrict access is being enhanced. One part of this is restricting access but the second component linked to VPN registration is to enhance the ability to trace the source from where it originates. Even if content data is protected thanks to encryption, traffic data provides a lot of information about a user. Section 32 of the Prevention of Elec­tronic Crimes Act, 2016, requires service providers to retain traffic data of subscribers for up to a year. Traffic data is defined in Peca as “data relating to a communication indicating its origin, destination, route, size, duration or type of service”.

It’s not merely about placing containers to create diversions along a route or setting up a check-post to bar entry to the Red Zone. Once the vehicle arrives at the check-post, the next step would be to make a note of the type of vehicle and its number plate, to identify who it belongs to and determine the route the vehicle took to get to the check-post and where it had embarked from, ie, its point of origin.

During advocacy against Peca, the retention of traffic data was flagged as a privacy concern. The example of a high court in the Philippines striking down similar provisions in their cybercrime law was cited. Pakistan enacted Peca soon after. Other than a portion of Section 20 being struck down by the Islamabad High Court (IHC), no significant reading down — forget striking down — of unconstitutional provisions has taken place.

The apprehension to take such challenges to court is also reflected in the recent order by a two-member bench of the Supreme Court, which has restored the surveillance regime under the Lawful Intercept Management System, which was stayed conditionally by the IHC. The privacy rights of citizens remain hostage to the doctrine of necessity routinely applied by the legislature and judiciary in response to unqualified claims of national security. There exists an acceptance of executive overreach, a view that the government ‘can’ do this without adequately subjecting executive power to scrutiny against the letter of the law or the constitutional scheme.

The ‘everyone does it’ argument is not tenable. Specifics matter. A search for countries with a national ‘firewall’ to information control throws up results such as China and North Korea. While the de facto here prevails over the de jure in practice, there still exists a Constitution, and on paper, Pakistan is still a democracy. Tech tools and regulations in a democratic dispensation versus those under an authoritarian regime chart a different path. Of course, it’s not always a neat divide; so-called large democracies have justified surveillance and policing regimes in the name of national security. However, these come with significant local critique, judicial checks and congressional oversight, which have led to reform, but this is never mentioned when the subject is brought up here.

The damage that has been done to individuals and businesses is irreversible. Pakistan is being viewed as an unstable, unviable market where investment will lead to losses and there is no guarantee of service or data privacy. Whether you are an individual or a business, the highest public officer-holder or an average citizen who does not participate in political activity, centralised network filtering and monitoring affects everyone — judges, politicians, journalists, entrepreneurs — personally and professionally. What’s at stake is the livelihood of citizens and their right to do business as well as the fundamental rights of expression, access to information, and privacy.

The writer is a co-founder of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights.

Published in Dawn, August 25th, 2024

KASHMIR

Election under occupation

Maleeha Lodhi 

Published August 26, 2024 

DAWN

INDIA’S election commission has announced that polls to elect the legislative assembly in Jammu and Kashmir will be held in three phases on Sept 18, 25 and Oct 1.

The Indian government is obliged to hold these by Sept 30 to comply with the supreme court verdict of December 2023, which had upheld Delhi’s 2019 abrogation of Article 370 of the constitution as “legal and constitutional”. The last assembly elections took place 10 years ago. After the assembly was dissolved in 2018 the state has been under direct rule by Delhi. In August 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government wrote another grim chapter in J&K’s tragic history by illegally annexing the state, bifurcating and absorbing it into the Indian union. This was in defiance of UN Security Council Resolutions that prohibit any material change in the state, which is recognised as an international dispute.

Since 2019, the Modi government has carried out far-reaching changes — administrative, electoral, demographic and in domicile rules — to pave the way for elections with the aim of consolidating its 2019 action and claiming this has been ‘accepted’ by the people of J&K with ‘normalcy’ returning there. In fact, last month, before announcement of the election schedule, the government substantially increased the powers of the lieutenant-governor (LG), who is nominated by Delhi, to sharply limit the authority of the next ‘elected’ government. The Modi government has opted to maintain central control knowing that BJP or its proxies cannot win the election and being unwilling to cede authority to anyone else. The LG was given sweeping administrative and security powers — over the police, transfer and postings of civil servants, sanction for prosecution and other public order issues. His decisions will not be subject to review by the Council of Ministers, with his nominees authorised to attend cabinet meetings.

This provoked an uproar in J&K and was denounced by the national opposition as another move to disempower the people there. It was sharply criticised by both pro-India Kashmiri parties, National Conference and People’s Democratic Party. Former chief minister Mehbooba Mufti described it as reducing J&K to a municipality while Omar Abdullah said the chief minister’s office had been downgraded to “a powerless rubber stamp”. Congress condemned it as the “murder of democracy”. It was also critiqued in its latest report by the ‘Forum for Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir,’ an independent organisation comprising concerned Indian citizens.

This however was only the latest attempt to disempower the people of occupied J&K. Two key post-2019 actions aimed to reshape the electoral map and alter the state of play to the detriment of the Kashmiri people. In 2020 India’s Delimitation Commission carved out new electoral constituencies with Jammu given six more seats in the 90-member J&K Assembly while Kashmir was given only one more, even though Kashmir’s population far exceeds that of Jammu. This gerrymandering was designed to give Jammu greater representation to reduce the political weight of Muslims in the assembly and shift the balance to Hindus.


Polls for a toothless assembly cannot serve as a substitute for a genuine exercise in self-determination.

Demographic changes through new domicile laws also sought to disenfranchise Kashmiris. After abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian constitution, non-Kashmiri outsiders became eligible to domicile status and to enlist as voters. An indeterminate number of domicile certificates were issued over the past five years. In July 2022 even temporary residents were given voting rights. Again, this was decried in J&K as a brazen effort to change its demography.

Against the backdrop of such manipulative moves and gerrymandering what can be expected in the upcoming election albeit to a toothless assembly? What will the poll mean for the BJP government’s ‘consolidation’ aims? It is widely predicted that Omar Abdullah’s National Conference will emerge as the lead party in the election. In its election manifesto the party has pledged to fight for the restoration of Article 370, which gave J&K special status, repeal all post-2019 laws that eroded Kashmir’s autonomy and work for India-Pakistan dialogue. Abdullah also made it clear that NC’s first order of business would be for the assembly to adopt a resolution calling for restoration of statehood and rejecting Delhi’s decision to strip J&K of its special status. If this happens it will hardly advance the BJP’s agenda in the territory. In fact, a tussle between the ‘elected’ government and the LG will be inevitable, which far from establishing ‘stability’ will plunge the region into renewed political turmoil.

Then there is the engineer Rasheed factor and how it plays out in the election. Abdul Rasheed Sheikh won in the Lok Sabha elections from Baramulla. A fierce opponent of abrogation, he won from jail defeating former chief minister Omar Abdullah. Being incarcerated since 2017 on terrorism funding charges he has emerged as a symbol of defiance of Delhi. His election campaign made waves across the Valley and drew support across the board especially from youth. His victory reflected the depth of Kashmiri anger with Delhi in what was widely seen in the Valley as a vote against India. The question then is whether his Awami Ittehad Party can build on that momentum and make a significant impact in the assembly poll.

Arguably the most important factor will be whether people express their anger with Delhi and rejection of occupation through a protest vote. Over the decades elections in J&K have been seen by Kashmiris as a meaningless and illegitimate exercise under Indian occupation. This has been reflected in the abysmally low public participation especially in view of boycott calls by genuine Kashmiri leaders, denuding the polls of any legitimacy. However, the relatively higher voter participation in the recent Lok Sabha election suggests that casting the vote may become a ‘new’ form of resistance and expression of the Kashmiri aspiration for freedom.

All this indicates that not only is the Modi government unlikely to achieve its aim of securing endorsement of its 2019 action but may confront new challenges from an election which gives a fillip to the popular Kashmiri demand for ‘azadi’. Elections in J&K can never be a substitute for a genuine exercise of self-determination for the Kashmiri people, but the upcoming one may become a vehicle to express their rejection of occupation.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.

Published in Dawn, August 26th, 2024

Man and microbe

Naseem Salahuddin

Published August 27, 2024

DAWN

THE human body consists of trillions of individually living cells that breathe, fight, attack, die, rejuvenate, and replenish. The human cell is a world in itself, with a nucleus housing a DNA coil stretching out to construct protein-building enzymes, which are the building blocks of all organs. Each organ has a defined role and is responsible for its survival. The human body is a marvel of engineering and must be respected.

As an analogy, the microscopic bacterium is a single cell that, too, is a world in itself. Although it has no nucleus, it has its factory of particles whose primary function is to replicate by breaking itself into two, two into four, four into 16, and exponentially into millions — all within minutes. They inhabit our entire gut, from the mouth to the end of the five metres of convoluted intestine. The bugs live their own lives, not harming the host. But, if annoyed by unwholesome ingredients or unwanted competitors, they may revolt.

The battle between humans and microbes is an example of the arms race inherent in biological systems. If vandals threaten a household, the reaction will be to strengthen the walls and lock all entrances. If the intruders have guns, citizens will procure weapons. It is the hour of survival of the fittest.

The bacterium has comparable prowess. If the common bacterium called Staphylococcus aureus penetrates the skin, it may cause boils, abscesses, or septicemia, and must be destroyed with antibiotics. In the 1940s, penicillin containing a chemical ring of beta-lactam eliminated the Staph. With prolonged use and under pressure, the Staph started to produce an enzyme called beta-lactamase that destroyed penicillin. Scientists strengthened penicillin by adding a radical, but the resilient Staph counteracted with protein PBP2a that resisted the robust antibiotic called methicillin. The battle between Staph and methicillin continues, but Staph is coming ahead.


Drug resistance is rising rapidly.

The same saga upends combat between antibiotics and the typhoid-causing Salmonella, the powerful E. coli, and its close cousins Pseudomonas and Enterobacter, that thrive in wet areas in hospitals and produce enzymes that destroy antibiotics. These tenacious bugs stick to equipment or the hands of doctors and nurses and are transmitted to sick patients, who get sicker with infection in the blood or internal organs. A few years back, infectious disease physicians could destroy bad bugs with conventional antibiotics and restore the patient’s health. Today, we play Russian roulette: if the lab reports resistant bacteria, new generations of antibiotics costing Rs5,000-20,000 a day for two to four weeks in a hospital may or may not save the patient’s life. No new drug molecules are in the pipeline in the world of pharmaceuticals. Treating deadly microbes is a game of thrones.

Other devious microbes that defy lifesaving drugs, like tuberculosis bacteria and fungi, invade an already weakened body and elude treatment with older drugs. Newer drugs are enormously expensive and toxic, and the humble sufferer has little choice between living and dying. As population and poverty increase in direct proportion, multidrug-resistant TB is spreading more fiercely than ever to the marginalised population who can hardly afford nutritious meals and drugs at a monthly Rs20,000 for nine months or longer, in addition to frequent expensive tests.

Sadly, the trend of irrational antibiotics use by doctors originates in medical colleges, where the professor teaches in overcrowded classrooms, wards and clinics, leaving no room for arriving at logical diagnoses, and doctors are left to be brainwashed by pharmaceutical reps who promote their products, offering incentives that influence prescribing habits. Diagnostic laboratories either do not exist or are inept; roadside stores sell medicines randomly. Self-treatment, driven by the desire for quick solutions and without proper medical guidance, is another significant factor. Consequently, drug resistance is rising rapidly and poses a serious public health threat.

Addressing antimicrobial resistance requires a multifaceted approach. Antimicrobial stewardship programs in hospitals and clinics are crucial in guiding the appropriate use of antibiotics. By avoiding antibiotics against viral infections and limiting their use to treat only disease-causing bacteria, we may prolong their effectiveness for many decades.

AMR is not just an individual, local, or national issue. It is a serious global threat. We can only hope to manage and mitigate its impact through concerted action at all levels — individual, institutional, and international. As part of this global community, each of us is responsible for stanching the tide of further resistance by exercising caution in using antibiotics.

The writer is an infectious disease specialist at Indus Hospital and Health Network in Karachi.

Published in Dawn, August 27th, 2024

PAKISTAN

Development first?

Syed Sikander Mehdi 

Published August 27, 2024

DAWN

EVEN a cursory review of discussions in Pakistan on the subject suggests that a desperate search for a shortcut to development has been going on for decades. How to attain fast-paced development seems to be the main concern of policymakers and institutions, and not what kind of development and development for whom.

Enthusiasts support the idea of ‘development first’ and ‘development at any cost’. Some suggest, directly or indirectly, that democracy and freedom can wait and a ‘transitional government’ — a sort of national government, a government run by technocrats, a strong autocratic government — should be established for a period of 10 to 20 years to deliver. The Chinese, Malaysian, Singaporean, South Korean, and, until recently, the Bangladeshi models of development have been cited to justify authoritarian governance and market the narrative of development without freedom.

In the case of Bangladesh, the events following the Dhaka University students’ protest against the quota system in government jobs, which led to the toppling of Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed’s government earlier this month, clearly show that development without freedom is no guarantee of political stability and sustainable development.

Since it emerged as a sovereign country in 1971, Bangladesh has passed through many storms and evolved like a number of other post-colonial societies. Pre-1971, the eastern wing struggled for equal rights and democracy. However, on attaining statehood, it drifted away from its cherished goals. By and large, its post-independence history remains overshadowed by authoritarian governance, mob violence, successful and unsuccessful military coups, the assassination of political leaders — including Bangladesh’s founder Mujibur Rahman along with most of his family members in August 1975 and Lt-Gen Ziaur Rahman, the sixth president of Bangladesh, in May 1981 — stifling of the media, rigged elections and rampant corruption. A country created in the name of democracy, freedom, and prosperity for all ended up as a typical Third World country.


Economic success is no guarantee of political stability.

However, the long and uninterrupted autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina Wajed from 2009 to 2024 did transform the country into a roaring economic success. Small wonder, then, that the rise of the country as one of the fastest-growing economies in Asia was noticed worldwide.

What was less noticed, however, was its mediaeval style of politics. The new history of Bangladesh, written on the premises of the universities, colleges and schools of Dhaka and other cities and towns, and on the streets and paddy fields of the country, has revealed that spectacular development without freedom is akin to building a gigantic building structure on a very weak foundation.

In less than a few weeks, the pyramid of power and economy was brought down by a popular uprising. This uprising was not led by any towering opposition leader, nor by the front-ranking, military-supported Bangladesh Nationalist Party, nor by prominent social reformers and civil society leaders, including Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, who now heads the post-Hasina Wajed government. Led by little-known student leaders, this historic movement rejected the idea of development without freedom.

Amartya Sen, leading Indian economist and Nobel laureate, published an important study in 1999. This study, which is titled Development as Freedom, exercised considerable influence on the international discourse on development and cha­­nge. In this study, he puts forward the idea that developm­ent is freedom, bec­ause it increases the freedom of choice.

The idea of development at any cost, and the Chinese, Ma­­­-laysian, Singapo­re­­an, South Korean and, later, the Bang­ladeshi model of development, seem to have impressed many development experts and policymakers in Pakistan. The viewpoint is quite widespread that rapid development should be attained even if freedoms and rights have to be sacrificed. Being fascinated by the authoritarian brand, many pay little attention to the consequences of the rapidly spreading fascistic tendencies in various societies around the world.

Worse still, it is little noticed and much less appreciated that countries such as Australia, Canada, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and US, and several others, have been enjoying sustainable development because of the blending of democracy, freedom, rule of law and development in their political, economic and social system.

The writer, the former chairperson of the Department of International Relations, University of Karachi, is a leading peace scholar from Pakistan.
sikander.mehdi@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, August 27th, 202

 

Choosing or Settling for Local?

The BDS Movement has seen consumer spending on local brands surge, but will they be able to sustain it for the long term?

Alyan Khan-YusufzaiUpdated a day ago

Pakistan has recently witnessed a significant shift in consumer behaviour, marked by a surge in support for local brands. This change follows the widespread boycotts of international brands, particularly those perceived to be linked to Israel.

With hard-hitting messages such as “each rupee spent buying an American product is transformed into a bullet to kill our brothers in Palestine” or “they use our money to kill our children in Palestine,” consumers are increasingly inclined towards making a tangible difference in whatever capacity they can. They feel a sense of empowerment and solidarity by taking action, even if it means changing their shopping habits.

Since this is not the first time a boycott has taken place in the wake of this conflict and with the past trend of most Pakistani customers then reverting to purchasing their regular products, this shift begs the question of whether the latest boycott signals a fundamental change in buying behaviour for Pakistani consumers or is merely a temporary ‘compromise’.

The Context

The Israel-Palestine conflict has long been a catalyst for boycotts worldwide and Pakistan is no exception. Calls to boycott international brands associated with Israel have gained momentum several times in the past, fuelled by social media campaigns and public protests. These movements prompt Pakistani consumers to re-evaluate their purchasing decisions, leading to a noticeable, if temporary, pivot towards local brands.

According to Nielsen’s 2016 Global Brand-Origin Survey, 75% of consumers worldwide consider the country where a brand originates to be just as significant, or even more, than other factors influencing their purchasing decisions. On a regular day, imported products across many categories are considered to be of better quality in Pakistan and preferred by consumers who can afford them. However, this preference swiftly changes when the country of origin becomes a problem.

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In Pakistan, Pulse Consultants conducted a survey soon after the beginning of last year’s boycott and found that about 80% of consumers supported the boycott, while almost 70% actually stopped buying several multinational and western brands.

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Same Old Targets

Brands like Coca-Cola, McDonald’s, Nestlé, PepsiCo, P&G and Unilever almost always find themselves in the crosshairs during these boycotts because of their strong American ties or perceived pro-Israel stance. To counter this, these brands enter a communication phase to salvage the image they worked so hard to build over the years. The interesting aspect of this is that while people boycott these brands, they still acknowledge their product quality. For example, as a result of the boycott of Coca-Cola and Pepsi, local players such as Cola Next and Gourmet Cola found great opportunities. People shifted towards these brands and even acknowledged that they were ‘not so bad’, but they still have no reason to say that Coca-Cola does not taste better. While some consumers expressed a newfound appreciation for the quality of local products; for example, when Kababjees Fried Chicken entered the market upon KFC’s boycott – others admitted to a sense of compromise, particularly in categories where international brands have historically set higher standards.

Out of Sight, Out of Mind

Similar boycotts took place in Pakistan in 2009, 2014 and 2021 in the wake of escalations of the Israel-Palestine conflict. However, upon the announcement of ceasefires and when the noise regarding these events died down, a vast majority of consumers reverted to their usual purchasing habits. This is because people have an inherent tendency to return to familiar routines and behaviours, especially when the social and emotional triggers (media coverage and peer pressure) diminish. This is when the motivation to continue the boycott wanes. Furthermore, sustaining a boycott can become inconvenient and costly, prompting consumers to prioritise their own convenience and finances over a continued protest. Be it the inconvenience of travelling to alternative retailers, the higher cost of substitute products, or the lack of quality in local products, consumer commitment to a boycott starts to wane as practical considerations come into play. In Pakistan, it is often difficult to boycott certain brands when local alternatives do not exist (such as powder detergents or computer and software brands).

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After all, how can a Pakistani freelancer consider signing off from Fiverr, a Tel Aviv-based freelance platform that ensures bread and butter for their family?

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Where Do Local Brands Stand?

Despite the positive trends (even if temporary), local brands face several challenges in the face of well-established international brands. Ensuring consistent quality and maintaining supply chain efficiency is critical to sustaining consumer trust, while expanding market reach and competing with the extensive resources of global brands require significant investment in innovation and infrastructure. Nevertheless, the current surge also presents opportunities for local brands to establish a loyal customer base. By continuously improving product quality and aligning with consumer values, local brands can transform this temporary shift into a long-term change in consumer behaviour, provided they demonstrate the ability to consistently meet and exceed consumer expectations after the boycott enthusiasm wears off. Whether this represents a genuine change in lifestyle or a temporary trend remains to be seen this time around, but it’s very probable that history will repeat itself once more. The majority of people are likely to eventually revert to their original spending habits when the conflict goes out of sight, and as a result, out of mind.

Alyan Khan-Yusufzai is an advertising practitioner with over a decade of experience in multiple regional markets.

Pakistani Americans still divided over who to back in US polls

Anwar Iqbal 

Published August 26, 2024 

DAWN

WASHINGTON: At the 2024 Democratic National Conv­ention (DNC), Pakistani Ameri­cans made a notable debut by hosting a special luncheon for party delegates, marking their first significant attempt to assert their presence at a major party convention.

Congressman Tom Suozzi, chair of the Pakistani Cong­ressional Caucus, addre­ssed the attendees, advocating for the luncheon to become an annual tradition with a broader scope. Despite its modest scale, the event was viewed by organiser Rao Kamran Ali as “the first step toward encouraging the community to engage more in American politics, rather than solely focusing on Pakistani issues”.


Tahir Javed, a Texas Demo­crat and another organiser, highlighted the importance of engaging with American political parties. “While staying connected with Pakistani political parties reflects our nostalgia, it is the Democrats and Repub­licans in the US who can address our issues, not any Pakistani party.”

Many in political milieu believe diaspora’s conservatism will cause them to gravitate towards Trump

This sentiment is shared across the political spectrum.

Sajid Tarar, founder of the American Muslims for Trump group, observed, “Pakistani Americans can play an effective role in American politics too, but only if they move beyond their PTI-PPP mindset.”

Fayyazul Hassan, a Texan Democrat and veteran party delegate, agreed. “We need to accept the reality that there’s no going back. Even if we did, our kids won’t,” he said. “We must participate in American politics if we want to have a say.”

The role of delegates is crucial, as they elect the president, even if their choice diverges from the popular vote, as seen in 2016 when Hillary Clinton received more votes than Donald Trump but lost the election.

Despite increasing involvement, many Pakistani Americans remain undecided about their choices for the November 2024 elections. Both Democrats and Republicans lament the community’s deta­ch­ment from US politics.

“Most of them don’t even register to vote,” Tarar noted. “And only a few engage in meaningful political discussions.”

Fayyaz shares these concerns but he’s hopeful that attitudes will shift by November. “There’s so much at stake in this election,” he said. “The outcome will affect everyone, and Pakistani Americans are aware of that too.”

Ayesha Khan, who ran for Congress from Maryland in the 2024 Democratic primary and finished fourth out of 22 candidates, is optimistic about the younger generation driving change. “This generation celebrates August 14th with their parents but is more focused on American Independence Day because this is their country. They were born and raised here,” she said.

Dr Asif Mahmood, a Commissioner on the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, highlighted the influence that small groups like Pakistanis and other Muslims can have in the 2024 presidential election. He noted that the race is expected to be tight, with key battleground states such as Virginia, Michigan, and Wisconsin likely to be decisive. “Muslims, including Pakistanis, have significant populations in each of these states,” he noted.

He also emphasised the importance of fundraising. While the American system doesn’t encourage large donations from individual donors, it allows groups to collectively raise substantial amounts for their preferred candidates. He has already hosted three fundraising events for Kamala Harris at his California home, the most recent of which Harris personally attended and publicly acknowledged. Mahmood’s contributions have earned him the position of co-chair of the presidential fundraising campaign.

“There is no need to be discouraged. We may be small, but we are definitely useful,” Dr Mahmood said.

Both Mahmood and Fayyaz acknowledged that many Pakistanis and Muslims were initially upset with President Biden’s stance on Palestine, but the latter’s decision to step back from the election has shifted the situation.

“Kamala Harris’ acceptance speech at the DNC had a major impact on many Pakistanis,” Fayyaz said. “Those who were considering voting for Trump because of Biden’s pro-Israel policies are now returning to the Democratic camp.”

In her speech, Harris reassured pro-Palestinian groups within the Democratic Party of her commitment to the two-state solution, promising to use her influence to persuade Israel to embrace it.

However, some Pakistani and Muslim supporters of the Palestinian cause were disappointed by her unequivocal support for Israel, including her pledge to further strengthen its defence.

“But Trump’s recent statements on Israel are even more concerning for Pakistanis and Muslims, who fear Trump would allow Israel to force all Palestinians out of Gaza,” Ayesha Khan said.

She hopes this will persuade Pakistanis to vote for Harris. But Tarar, a Republican supporter, believes a significant number of Pakistanis will vote for Trump. “Pakistanis are generally conservative, so they align with Trump’s views on issues like LGBTQ+ rights, abortion and religion,” he said.

On the other hand, Mahmood argues Pakistanis are also concerned about Trump’s reported plans to increase education and healthcare costs and to use troops for deporting immigrants. “What worries other immigrants, worries Pakistanis too,” he said.

Tarar contends the mainstream American media is engaging in unsubstantiated propaganda against Trump, including reporting fake opinion polls that show Harris leading Trump. “This is also influencing Pakistani American voters,” he said, though he is confident that such tactics won’t stop Trump. “He is our next president. Nobody can stop him.”

“Not so fast,” Fayyaz said. “Harris is already ahead in the polls. She will win the election too.”

Published in Dawn, August 26th, 2024

Pakistan’s rare wild pheasants being pushed to the edge

Anadolu Agency 

Published August 26, 2024

Pakistan is fast losing several rare wild pheasant species due to a string of threats including habitat degradation, hunting, climate change and human intervention, with wildlife experts warning that their extinction would be “disastrous” for ecosystems and biodiversity.

Due to increasing habitat loss driven by climate change, deforestation and poaching, the population of wild pheasants in the country is under persistent threat, according to Mohebullah Naveed, a wildlife expert in Islamabad.

“Pheasants cannot thrive without their habitat,” Naveed, associated with a pheasant conservation project, told Anadolu.

He said that deforestation of forest cover due to climate change and increasing housing and agriculture needs are the primary reasons for the wild bird’s dwindling numbers.

While all native pheasant species are protected under local wildlife laws, hunting and poaching are an equally major threat to two main pheasant species, he said.

“Poaching and hunting are mostly done by locals living close to the [pheasant] habitats. They enjoy this as a sport, although hunting pheasants is illegal,” said Naveed, who serves as a wildlife conservation officer with the Himalayan Wildlife Foundation, an Islamabad-based wildlife group.

He said that another motive behind the poaching and hunting of pheasants is their prized bush meat and beautiful feathers that are used in traditional hats in parts of the northern areas.

In addition, he said that disturbances caused during the collection of medicinal plants in the summer are also a factor.

Endangered and vulnerable

Pakistan is home to six pheasant species: the western horned tragopan (Tragopan melanocephalus), Himalayan monal (Lophura impejanus), koklass pheasant (Pucrasia macrolopha), white-crested kalij (Lophura leucomelanos), Indian peafowl (Pavo cristatus) and cheer pheasant (Catreus wallichii).

Sprawling forests in Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Gilgit-Baltistan are home to wild pheasants.

Cheer pheasants and western horned tragopans are the rarest and most threatened species in the country while others still have viable populations, Muhammad Naeem Awan, director of research and conservation at the World Pheasant Association’s Pakistan chapter, told Anadolu.

These two species have been classified as “endangered” and “vulnerable” and are on the Red List of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), according to Awan, who is also a member of the IUCN’s Species Survival Commission.

“The population of these two species is on the decline and the situation demands urgent measures,” he warned, asserting that they should be declared “priority species” by the government to bolster efforts to revive their population.

Public awareness and engagement in conservation efforts are also essential for “long-term success”, he said.

Supporting the argument, Naveed called for habitat preservation and restoration to be a top priority.

“To protect and revive wild pheasant populations, conservation efforts should focus on habitat preservation and restoration, ensuring diverse and natural environments for feeding and breeding,” he said.

“Implementing sustainable agricultural practices, creating protected areas and planting native vegetation will support their habitats.”

Additionally, he said, strict control on poaching, managing predator populations and breeding pheasants in captivity for reintroduction into the wild could help boost their numbers.

Extinction will be ‘disastrous’

There have been no detailed surveys recently to ascertain the current population status of wild pheasant species, according to Jamshed Iqbal Choudhry, an official at the World Wide Fund for Nature-Pakistan (WWF-Pakistan).

However, he said, four species still have “viable” populations, especially in protected areas such as Ayubia National Park and Margalla Hills National Park.

“There is a need to conduct detailed surveys in known potential sites and to explore new areas for their conservation,” he said.

Supporting the view, Naveed said some surveys have been carried out in a few selected areas for certain species, but in the context of the whole of Pakistan, “it’s hard to estimate their current numbers.”

The extinction of wild pheasants would be “disastrous” because they play a crucial role in maintaining the balance of ecosystems, he said.

“Pheasants help control insect populations, disperse seeds and provide food for predators. Their loss could lead to imbalances in food webs, reduced biodiversity and altered vegetation growth, negatively affecting both wildlife and the health of their habitats,” he said.

As part of a larger ecosystem, pheasants help sustain the ecological stability of the areas they inhabit, he added.

Improving India-Pakistan ties

Ashraf Jehangir Qazi

Published August 27, 2024

DAWN

NEVER have India-Pakistan relations been so bad for so long. They barely exist today. In a polarised but interdependent world, with the Doomsday Clock tick-tocking towards midnight, this is an unfortunate situation, to put it mildly.

The need for improved relations between these neighbouring nuclear weapons countries, one with the largest population in the world and the other with the fifth largest, should be obvious.

Pakistan, as the smaller of the two countries, has a relatively greater interest in restoring at least a minimum of exchanges and cooperation, and the restoration of informal or indirect discussion on how to address the more serious differences in a mutually acceptable manner.

India, on the contrary, has evinced a more or less complete lack of interest in any substantive interaction with Pakistan. It sees Pakistan as a failing terrorist state with few, if any, options from which it merely needs to protect itself. Accordingly, it sees no point in entering into discussions with such a state.


How can discussions between the two countries be more fruitful?

Even in Track 2 meetings, these attitudes prevent any serious discussions which could feed back into official policies of the two countries towards each other. Discussions, even when friendly and polite, tend to degenerate into accusations and counteraccusations reflecting official, indeed national, attitudes towards each other. They tend to become zero-sum point-scoring, which eventually becomes uninteresting and a waste of time.

The question arises: how can a broader spectrum of people from both countries, including officials, intellectuals, journalists, business people, all kinds of professionals and specialists, cultural representatives, students, tourists, etc, have greater interaction with each other which could, over time, feed positively into political attitudes towards each other?

In the absence of such a process, discussions on any issue, whether Kashmir, terrorism, water issues, treatment of minorities, increasing trade and investment, confidence building measures or other items on the agendas of past dialogues, become infructuous.

So, how can discussions between the two countries be more fruitful? Two conditions need to be met. One, the interlocutors must share an objective which they believe is attainable. And two, the interlocutors should have the capacity to introspect and acknowledge the need to address the concerns of each other.

This is not easy. Recently, when an Indian acquaintance asked how India-Pakistan relations might move forward, I suggested Pakistan might ask itself what it might do to address some Indian concerns, and India needed to similarly ask itself what it might do to address Pakistani concerns. He responded saying India needed to tell Pakistan to forget Kashmir, stop its terrorism, accept it had lost its contest with India, accept India’s dominance in South Asia, and accordingly disband its nuclear arsenal. I suggested he may have articulated India’s goals but did not seem motivated by any desire to address Pakistan’s concerns. Instead, he was likely to elicit a matching response that India refrain from policies of hegemony, interference, assassinations, genocide, etc. That would, of course, end the discussion.

So, can we move beyond such barren exchanges? To the extent that some accusations may be justified, they should be addressed, even unilaterally. Accordingly, can we fashion a substantive statement on some of the outstanding issues between our countries, including those of core concern, along with agreed recommendations which we might refer to our respective governments for consideration?

Given mutual empathy, not just personally, but also as citizens of estranged neighbouring countries which share so much in common, we might begin to make progress towards overcoming the obstacle of a common but turbulent history which has ‘over-shaped’ our attitudes towards each other. Instead, we might allow more room for what we share in common to inform and broaden our attitudes towards each other.

Such conversations will need to be progressively elevated to Track 2, Track 1.5 and official levels. Can we agree that such a process should get started as soon as possible? If so, can we agree on reviving Saarc, which currently is moribund? Can we revive confidence and security building measures which have been agreed upon, implemented, and cancelled or allowed to fall into disuse? Can we, in today’s circumstances, summon the political will, despite the risks, to seriously probe the possibilities for an improvement in relations? Or are countervailing forces just too strong and the will to overcome them just too weak?

A whole new generation of Indians and Pakistanis need to know more about each other and why they feel and think about each other the way they do. They may discover they agree on much more than they thought. Should that happen, addressing each other’s concerns may become much less intractable than it seems today.

With exchanges of all kinds, lobbies for mutual understanding and mutual profit can emerge, especially in bordering regions. Such lobbies are likely to have far more influence than academics, experts and intellectuals in the politics and government decision-making of their countries. Apart from the potential of cross-border trade and other exchanges, Indians and Pakistanis, no matter what the state of their diplomatic relations, remain incorrigibly interested in each other as people — in their art, entertainment and sports.

Coke Studio Pakistan, for example, seems to have more fans in India than in Pakistan. Javelin throwers Arshad Nadeem and Neeraj Chopra momentarily brought our two people closer not just with their outstanding performances in the Paris Olympics, but with their mutual friendship and support — and topping them were their mothers, who described the two champion athletes as their sons.

Unfortunately, politicians and governments of both countries, as well as specific interests, are less large-hearted and are more obstacles than facilitators. This is an initial and understandable given. But people of goodwill, imagination and determination must begin to make a difference if India, Pakistan and South Asia — home to a fourth of humanity — are to move from conflict management to dispute resolution — and collectively help bring about a safer, more prosperous and happier world.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, India and China, and head of UN missions in Iraq and Sudan. The article is a slightly revised note prepared for a recent meeting of concerned citizens of India and Pakistan.

ashrafjqazi@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, August 27th, 2024

As Modi tries to disown Nehru

Jawed Naqvi 

Published August 27, 2024 

DAWN

A CURSORY glance at Wikipedia shows that Pakistan has had as close a relationship with Uk­­raine as India ever had, or possibly better, including vital defence ties. In fact, in the late 1990s, shortly after gaining independence, Ukraine sold Pakistan 320 Ukrainian T-80UD main battle tanks in a deal worth $650 million. According to the Kyiv Post, the deal literally saved Kharkiv Malyshev Tank Factory from bankruptcy.

According to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute databases, from 1991 to 2020, Ukraine completed arms contracts with Pakistan with a total value of nearly $1.6 billion. After war broke out between Ukraine and Russia, Pakistan continued to support Ukraine’s “sovereignty and territorial integrity”, which is the precise phrase Prime Minister Narendra Modi used as he hugged President Volodymyr Zelensky in widely televised images on India’s behalf in Kiev on Aug 23. On the other hand, Ukraine’s foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba, during an earlier visit to Pakistan, thanked the country for supporting Ukraine’s stance on its sovereignty and security. India’s ace TV journalist Karan Thapar has quoted a host of things that Zelensky told Modi or said of him that breached diplomatic courtesy.

As with India, Pakistan has also been mostly consistent in abstaining on UN resolutions on Russia and has avoided criticising Moscow. So what did Modi do or say in his much-hyped meeting with Zelensky which takes the story forward? What was the point of departure?

In the absence of a clearer official explanation, one is tempted to see the tight hug of Zelensky as a sweetener for the following day’s defence talks with the Pentagon team in New Delhi. The two sides upgraded their defence ties on Aug 24, with China in the crosshairs. The package of deals, including intelligence and surveillance support, would have perhaps looked rather odd in the backdrop of the globally watched embrace Modi was locked in with President Vladimir Putin in Moscow.


Modi has been slammed at home by political critics for allegedly posing for photo-ops dressed as diplomatic gain.

In this context, recent events may be deemed instructive. Regardless of the explanation available in official quarters in Pakistan — and allowing for accepting that two events that otherwise looked intertwined were not actually linked, as is so unremarkably claimed — Imran Khan was forced out of power after meeting Putin in Moscow after Russia attacked Ukraine. Likewise, in Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina Wajed was evicted from power and luckily found sanctuary in India days after visiting Beijing.

Another foreign trip of Modi that raised eyebrows in Delhi, although it went largely unnoticed elsewhere, was when he was barely sworn in for a third term. Inexplicably, he dashed off to Rome. The ostensible purpose was to join an audience of Global South invitees to watch the spectacle of a G7 summit. Of the other invitees, not everyone found the time or saw the need to show up.

There were two clips from the Modi visit that offer a telltale record of the spectacular non-event. One was shown by TV channels close to the prime minister. The other found its way to regale followers of YouTube news channels. The clip played on TV showed a selfie of Modi and his Italian host, Prime Minister Georgio Meloni, in which he grinned from ear to ear with a likeness to Peter Sellers playing Hurundi Bakshi in The Party. Meloni, on the other hand, had the time of her life by inventing a name for the clip — “Melodi”.

The other video showed Modi looking impatient behind a screen, waiting alone to be escorted to his car. Busy Italian officials appeared more focused on the arriving and departing G7 leaders. Here, too, an explanation for the visit has not been easy to figure out. The last trip to Rome by a Pakistani leader shows up a troubling fact for India. It was president Pervez Musharraf in 2004, who signed off the trip to Rome with a declaration with the host, both agreeing to oppose the expansion of the UN Security Council membership, a not so oblique reference to India’s aspirations. If Modi succeeded in changing the Italian stand before or after the Meloni clip, he would deserve to be applauded for a diplomatic breakthrough.

Modi has been slammed at home by political critics for allegedly posing for photo-ops dressed as diplomatic gain. Adding to the problem is the towering presence of his bête noire, Jawaharlal Nehru, on the diplomatic firmament. Modi was hosting senior African leaders at the start of his first tenure as prime minister. He gave them a long spiel about India’s historical ties with Africa. It was left to the visitors to remind him of Nehru’s legacy in befriending and embracing newly independent countries everywhere.

It was thus that Modi’s party manufactured a TV ad promoting him as a diplomatic heavyweight during the parliamentary polls. A girl, overwhelmed by the alleged return of Indian students from Ukraine, confides to her father: “Usne jang rukwa di, Papa!” (Modi managed to stop the war, father — to pull out the stranded Indian students from Ukraine.)

The video was an unwitting reminder that it was not Modi who had the confidence of warring rivals to suspend hostilities, but Nehru who had successfully, and creditably for India, helped end the Korean war. India Today magazine went gaga recently. “The crucial role played by the country’s first PM is an interesting chapter to revisit as Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine amid the devastating Russia-Ukraine war. The world has expectations that India, an assertive and diplomatically mature nation, could play a role in bringing about an end to the Ukraine-Russia war.”

In the early 1950s, the magazine recalled, “India played a crucial role in the peaceful resolution of the repatriation of prisoners of war, addressing a big humanitarian challenge in the armed conflict in the Korean peninsula. Seventy-five years later, an Indian Prime Minister is visiting a war-torn nation at their invitation — this time, it’s Ukraine in the West.” Well!

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.

jawednaqvi@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, August 27th, 2024

 Africa to Receive First Mpox Vaccines Amid Global Inequity Concerns

Africa's first batch of mpox vaccines is finally arriving this week, much later than in other parts of the world where the vaccines have been available for weeks.

While over 70 countries outside Africa have had access to these vaccines for weeks, the continent is just now receiving 10,000 doses, donated by the United States government.

ALSO READ: WHO seeks mpox vaccine manufacturers for emergency evaluation amid surging outbreak

This delay, which comes even after the lessons of the COVID-19 pandemic, highlights the persistent global healthcare inequities, public health officials and scientists warned.

The 2022 outbreak of mpox, formerly known as monkeypox, raised the global alarm, particularly with the emergence of a new variant, clade Ib, which began spreading from DR Congo into neighboring African countries.

The World Health Organization (WHO) declared the mpox outbreak a global health emergency on August 14.

It was only recently that the WHO started the process to provide African countries with access to vaccines through international agencies, despite the disease being endemic on the continent for years.

Dr Richard Mihigo, Senior Director at Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, pointed out that global efforts to combat the outbreak have been hindered by a severe vaccine shortage. He said only 200,000 doses are available worldwide, despite the millions needed to address the emergency.

Dr Mihigo called for increased collaboration between nations, the private sector, and research institutions to boost vaccine accessibility, especially in low-income countries.

Mpox is a potentially deadly infection that spreads through close physical contact, causing flu-like symptoms and pus-filled lesions. With only 10 million doses estimated to be needed across Africa to manage the outbreak, the slow vaccine rollout poses risks.

The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) had to rely on donations from wealthier nations due to the lack of international vaccine distribution.

ALSO READ: Africa CDC, Bavarian Nordic to boost mpox vaccine production in Africa

Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa CDC, in a letter to African Union Member States on August 23, highlighted several challenges, hindering the continent's response to mpox emergency.

Among these challenges, he said was the fact that only three African countries, Nigeria, South Africa, and DR Congo, had approved the use of mpox vaccines. He urged other African nations to approve the vaccine's initiation.

ALSO READ: Africa CDC warns countries to be vigilant as mpox spreads to 13 countries

Dr Kaseya also stressed the scarcity of domestic resources in African countries, limited public awareness efforts, and the dominance of Western nations in the demand for and production of mpox vaccines.

"There is a serious risk that Africa will not be considered in the distribution of vaccines and other medical countermeasures if African leaders do not unite and assert their presence in the fight against this disease," Dr. Kaseya warned.

The cross-border spread of the virus remains a threat, especially in countries previously unaffected by mpox.

Africa's limited diagnostic and testing capabilities, and weak surveillance systems have led to underreporting and under-detection of cases, with testing rates standing at 18% in some countries, according to Africa CDC.

New Times.

Mpox: Germany to give Africa 100,000 doses of vaccine

Berlin has said it will donate almost all of its reserve of mpox vaccines to the DRC and other African nations. The WHO says the spread of the disease "can be stopped."

Germany on Monday announced that it would donate 100,000 doses of mpox vaccine to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and other African nations in hopes of getting an outbreak of the disease under control.

The gift will all but wipe out the German military's reserve of roughly 118,000 doses.

Berlin will also lend financial support to its effort, providing funding to the World Health Organization (WHO) as well as supporting partners in Africa through the Gavi Vaccine Alliance.

Government spokesman Steffen Hebestreit said Berlin's aim is, "to support in solidarity the international efforts to contain mpox on the African continent."

Hebestreit, noting that these were immediate-term measures, added that Berlin would also work alongside the African Union (AU) to foster local vaccine production.

New mpox strain is deadlier, more transmissible

The World Health Organization (WHO) this month declared a recent mpox outbreak in the DRC a global public health emergency when cases began showing up outside the country.

The WHO claims the disease "can be stopped" but notes that this will require a comprehensive and expensive global effort.

France last week announced that it would donate 100,000 doses and the US, too, will donate 50,000.

Mpox, previously known as monkeypox, has been around for decades, yet a new, more virulent strain is thought to be behind its recent spread.

Deadly and communicable, the Clade 1b strain has killed more than 570 people this year. The disease has spread across the DRC, Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda. The first European fatality was registered in Sweden.

The mpox virus can spread from animals to humans but also between humans through close physical contact, most often through kissing or sexual contact.