Tuesday, August 27, 2024

 

Seaspan Unveiling of Names for the Canadian Coast Guard’s Polar Icebreakers

Seaspan Shipyards
As Lead Program Designer and Shipyard, Seaspan Welcomes Unveiling of Names for the Canadian Coast Guard’s New Polar Icebreakers

Published Aug 27, 2024 1:43 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

[By: Seaspan]

Seaspan Shipyards (Seaspan) welcomes the Canadian Coast Guard’s (CCG) unveiling of the names of its two new heavy Polar Icebreakers, the CCGS Arpatuuq and CCGS Imnaryuaq. These vessels will be the flagship vessels of the Coast Guard’s fleet – the first of which will be built at Seaspan’s Vancouver Shipyards beginning late this year.

Once built, the CCGS Arpatuuq and CCGS Imnaryuaq will be the largest vessels in the Canadian Coast Guard’s fleet. The CCGS Arpatuuq and CCGS Imnaryuaq will provide Canada with essential capabilities to enable the Canadian Coast Guard to operate in the Canadian Arctic year-round to support icebreaking and navigation, Indigenous Peoples and Northern communities, Arctic sovereignty, high Arctic science including climate change, security and emergency response.

Working closely with the Canadian Coast Guard, Seaspan’s engineering team, including its partners, has completed 80% of the functional design for the Polar Icebreaker and production design is on track to support cutting steel late this year.

“Seaspan is in the midst of building 21 icebreaker class vessels including the ‘Polar Class 2’ Polar Icebreaker, and 16 ‘Polar Class 4’ Multi Purpose Vessel icebreakers. This makes Seaspan one of the leading icebreaker builders in the world today and for decades to come,” said John McCarthy, CEO, Seaspan Shipyards. “Following our recent, successful launch of CCGS Naalak Nappaaluk, the Canadian Coast Guard’s most modern ice capable science research vessel, Seaspan is continuing to design, build and deliver highly capable Polar Class vessels which has us in an ideal position to play a major role in the ICE Pact program.”

In preparation for full-rate construction, Seaspan successfully completed construction of a Polar ‘Prototype Block’ earlier this year to ensure that our production teams are fully prepared to cut steel on the Polar Icebreaker. The process of building the Prototype Block resulted in learnings in three key areas: improvements in design for manufacturing; testing of new equipment, processes and procedures; and validation of first-time quality in manufacturing to form and weld this new, specialized and thicker steel.

QUICK FACTS

  • With a design displacement of 26,036t, the Polar Icebreaker will be 158 metres long and 28 metres wide, and able to accommodate up to 100 personnel. It will be able to operate farther north, in more difficult ice conditions and for longer periods than any icebreaker in Canada to date.
  • As part of Canada’s National Shipbuilding Strategy, Seaspan is tasked with designing, building and delivering 21 icebreaker vessels for the Canadian Coast Guard (CCG). As of today, we have already delivered three icebreaker vessels, and a fourth will be delivered early next year.
  • Under the NSS, Seaspan has become a major economic and job creation engine. According to an economic analysis conducted by Deloitte, Seaspan has contributed $5.7 billion to Canada’s GDP since 2012, while also creating or sustaining more than 7,000 jobs annually.

The products and services herein described in this press release are not endorsed by The Maritime Executive.

WWIII

China Blockades Sabina Shoal to Halt Supplies for Philippine Coast Guard

Sabina Shoal blockade
Courtesy PCG

Published Aug 26, 2024 6:37 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

On Monday, China Coast Guard and PLA Navy vessels blocked a resupply mission for the Philippine cutter BRP Teresa Magbanua, which has been deployed to Sabina Shoal in the Spratly Islands since April. The blockade is the second near Sabina Shoal in days, and it mirrors a long series of Chinese maneuvers to block supply deliveries to nearby Second Thomas Shoal, where the Philippine military maintains a small garrison. 

The Magbanua has anchored at the shoal in order to monitor Chinese activity in the Philippine exclusive economic zone. In May, the Philippine Coast Guard announced the discovery of crushed coral deposited atop the reef, a possible sign of Chinese island-building activity. China has already covered seven large reefs in the Spratly Islands with dredge spoils in order to build a series of military bases, complete with bomber-capable runways, air defense systems, long-range radars, and deep harbors to support its warships. 

In return, the China Coast Guard has kept close watch on the Magbanua. The world's largest armed coast guard cutter, the cruiser-sized CCG 5901, anchored just 800 yards away from the Philippine vessel in July. 

The altercation Monday occurred when the cutters BRP Cabra and BRP Cape Engano attempted to reach BRP Teresa Magbanua to deliver food and supplies to the crew, including a cargo of "special" ice cream in honor of the Philippines' national heroes day. The Cabra and Engano encountered a flotilla of 40 Chinese vessels blocking the way, including 31 maritime militia trawlers, six China Coast Guard cutters and three warships of the PLA Navy. 

"We were boxed, we were surrounded and it was difficult for us to move forward," PCG spokesman Jay Tarriela told AFP. The two Philippine cutters did not proceed to the Magbanua's anchorage location, and the mission was temporarily halted. 

"We urge the China Coast Guard to abide with the international law and stop deploying maritime forces that could undermine mutual respect, a universally recognized foundation for responsible and friendly relations among coast guards," said Tarriela.

In response, the China Coast Guard said that the Philippine cutters had "illegally barged into" an area within the Philippine exclusive economic zone, and "continued to dangerously approach normally sailing Chinese Coast Guard ships." 

Last weekend, the Philippine Coast Guard released video footage of a China Coast Guard cutter ramming a Philippine fisheries vessel while it was under way with supplies for fishermen at Sabina Shoal. China described the interactions as "control measures."

Beijing claims sovereignty over the vast majority of the South China Sea, and cites historical Chinese navigation and trade in the region as a basis for ownership. The Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague dismissed these claims in 2016, but Beijing refuses to acknowledge the ruling.  


Chinese Spy Plane Violates Japan's Airspace Over the East China Sea 

FOR THE FIRST TIME

A Y-9DZ PLA Air Force surveillance plane near Japan, April 2024 (file image courtesy Japan Self Defense Forces)
A Y-9DZ PLA Air Force surveillance plane near Japan, April 2024 (file image courtesy Japan Self Defense Forces)

Published Aug 26, 2024 11:32 PM by The Maritime Executive


On Monday, a Chinese military surveillance aircraft transited into Japanese airspace off the Danjo Islands without permission, according to Japan's ministry of defense. It was the first time in recent memory that a Chinese aircraft has violated Japan's sovereign boundaries. 

A chart released along with the statement shows that the aircraft made two racetrack search patterns over open water, and it deviated from one of these tracks to cross over into Japan's airspace near Danjo. The Japan Air Self Defense Force scrambled fighters to intercept the intruder. The incursion lasted just two minutes, and the Chinese plane turned to the south and exited the area. The aircraft did not use any weaponry during the transit, the ministry emphasized.

Japan's foreign ministry summoned the Chinese charge d'affaires to lodge a strong formal protest. 

"This violation of Japanese airspace is extremely regrettable, and we have lodged a very strong protest to the Chinese government through diplomatic channels and strongly urged them to prevent recurrence," a spokesperson for the Japanese government told NHK. 

The aircraft was a Shaanxi Y-9 spy plane, according to the ministry. The Y-9 has more than a dozen variants, including an anti-submarine warfare version; an accompanying photo suggests that it was a Y-9DZ electronic surveillance aircraft, based on its distinctive antenna arrays and the long radar pod on the underbelly. The Y-9DZ is a new model and was first photographed in 2023 off the coast of Japan. 

According to Atlas News, possible surveillance targets for the flight could have included Japanese aircraft training or weapons testing activities off the west coast of Nagasaki prefecture. The area is also located just to the south of the joint U.S.-Japanese naval base at Sasebo, the home port for U.S. 7th Fleet's amphibious force. 

The U.S. Marine Corps, U.S. Navy and the South Korean military are currently undertaking a massive amphibious warfare drill in the Sea of Japan, Exercise Ssang Yong 24. The exercise involves no fewer than 40 warships, making it the largest iteration since these joint drills were relaunched in 2023.  

South Africa Winds Down Cleanup Opening Tender to Remove Ultra Galaxy Wreck

wreck off South Africa
Remains of the wreck of the Ultra Galaxy on August 19 after a further battering by winter storms (SAMSA)

Published Aug 26, 2024 12:11 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

The cleanup operation to remove oil and debris from the grounded bulker Ultra Galaxy is winding down while a tender was issued for the removal of the remains of the vessel. The South African Maritime Safety Authority reported at the end of last week that they would continue to monitor the beaches for additional oil washing up, but that they believe most of the fuel has been retrieved or lost in the ocean along with the fertilizer cargo.

“The P&I Club issued an invitation to tender to the industry in the last week, with interest from both local and international companies,” reports SAMSA to remove the wreck off South Africa’s west coast beach, as soon as possible. A survey of the area showed that salvage efforts of the wrecked Panama-flagged general cargo vessel, the Ultra Galaxy, was no longer feasible.

SAMSA believes that all the oil aboard the vessel has been released and due to the breaking apart of the vessel in the unrelenting winter storms, there are no longer any intact fuel tanks aboard. Over 500 tons of oil and fuel, as well the fertilizer cargo was lost at sea due to stormy weather. At the time of the grounding, SAMSA reports in addition to low amounts of hydraulic and related oils, the Ultra Galaxy had 332 tons of VLSFO (very low sulfur fuel oil) and 180 tons of MGO (marine gas oil) in her tanks as bunker fuel. Before she started breaking, up salvors were able to remove eight tonnes of bunkering marine gas oil from the wreck.

“Inspections conducted by foot, drone, and helicopter on Wednesday, August 21, indicate that the oil on the mining beaches has been cleaned and that there is no visible oil slick or contamination along the beaches, extending as far down as the Olifants River mouth and five km north of the wreck,” said SAMSA. “With all the fuel presumed to have been released and collected on the nearby mining beach, the focus of the operation has now shifted to a monitoring and caretaking phase.”

 

Cleanup operations are winding down but SAMSA reports beach monitoring will continue (SAMSA)

 

SAMSA reports it has reduced the crews on the beaches but will continue to monitor for fuel coming ashore in case there are pockets of fuel still trapped in the wreck. The cleanup teams will remain on-site for at least the next two storm cycles as a precautionary measure.

The fertilizer cargo was released when the vessel’s hatch covers were dislodged due to the angle the wreck came to rest on the beach and the pounding surf. SAMSA believes the cargo dissolved in the ocean and has been conducting sample testing. To date, SAMSA says zero reports of a negative impact on the environment have been received.

The Ultra Galaxy (13,800 dwt) had been sailing from Spain bound for Tanzania when on July 9 it was caught in the strong winter storms north of Cape Town on South Africa’s Atlantic coast. The presumption is that the cargo sifted in the storm causing the vessel to take on a severe list. The 18 Filipino crewmembers abandoned ship and were rescued by a fishing boat. The Ultra Galaxy washed ashore on a remote section of the west coast coming to rest on its starboard side.

The plan had been to pump the fuel from the vessel’s tanks but a series of subsequent storms flipped the vessel from side to side. The deck house was ripped off and the hull broke in two. Additional storms continued to move the hulk further breaking it apart.

 

EU Says No Oil Spill (So Far) from Burning Tanker Sounion

tanker fires
Sounion remains anchored in the Red Sea with multiple fires burning (Aspides)

Published Aug 26, 2024 2:49 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

The EUNAVFOR operation Aspides issued an update on the burning oil tanker Sounion disputing rumors on social media of oil leaks, but repeated its warning of an “imminent environmental hazard.” There are no reports of any actions to possibly avert the potential disaster while the authorities warned of additional sightings today of unmanned and maned small boats in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

After the images released by the Houthi late on Friday of explosions and fires on the tanker, Aspides issued an update on the situation as of Sunday, August 25. They said that when the French frigate conducted the SOLAS operation on Friday there were no visible fires. Today, they are saying there are “fires on at least 5 locations,” aboard the Sounion.

 

Deck fires around the oil tank hatches (Aspides)

 

Aspides believes most of the fires are “around the hatches of the vessel’s oil tanks.” Sounion is laden with approximately 150,000 tons of crude loaded in Iraq. Aspides said that part of the superstructure is also on fire. The pictures show the bridge destroyed and the area behind the bridge on fire in an apparent attempt to disable the tanker or a potential salvage operation.

“So far there are no signs of an oil spill,” reports Aspides after pictures posted over the weekend online suggested the vessel could already be leaking. “The large volume of crude oil on board,” (up to four times larger than the Exxon Valdez), Aspides however warns, “could lead to a severe ecological disaster.”

The Houthis have been silent on the potential environmental issues only asserting that the vessel was attacked due to the company’s association with Israel. However, the prevailing currents mean the oil would likely destroy fishing grounds and the environment of Yemen.

 

Fires destroyed the bridge area of the tanker (Aspides)

 

Aspides contradicted reports from UK Maritime Trade Operations which suggested the Sounion is drifting. Aspides believes the vessel is still anchored in international waters. Early reports before Friday’s bombing to start the fires, said that Delta Tankers was arranging for salvage of the vessel. While emphasizing the environmental dangers, none of the authorities have suggested that a salvage attempt is now planned.

UKMTO, however, warned today of two further sightings of small boats. An unidentified vessel approximately 61 miles southeast of Muka, Yemen in the Red Sea reported seeing an uncrewed vessel at a distance of one nautical mile traveling at 8 knots. They said there were also two other small boats, approximately two nautical miles north of the unmanned vessel. No approach was reported.

Earlier on Monday, UKMTO also received a report of a small boat approaching another merchant ship in the Gulf of Aden. This incident took place approximately 55 nautical miles southeast of Aden. The small boat approximately four meters in length (13 feet) had eight to ten people aboard and was “displaying a ladder but no weapons.” Security guards aboard the vessel “challenged the suspicious boat,” and UKMTO says the small boat departed the scene.

US Central Command has not provided updates since last week with unconfirmed reports that U.S. assets have been placed close to Iran to deter potential actions against Israel.


World's 1st Machine Room Safety Accreditation for Ammonia Gas Carrier

Realizing safe operation of ammonia-fueled ships through the highest safety measures

Published Aug 27, 2024 12:36 PM by The Maritime Executive


[By: NYK Line]

The world’s first accreditation* for “Machinery Room Safety for Ammonia” (MRS) will be granted by ClassNK for the ammonia-fueled medium gas carrier (AFMGC) currently being developed by a consortium that includes Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha (NYK) and Nihon Shipyard Co., Ltd. (NSY). MRS is Class notation demonstrating a ship is equipped with excellent ammonia safety measures for the machinery room. MRS also confirms the vessel meets the highest safety measures under the guidelines for ammonia-fueled ships.

Background

The consortium to which NYK and NSY belong is aiming for AFMGC delivery by the end of November 2026. The vessel development is under the Green Innovation Fund Project*** by Japan’s New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO). One of the biggest challenges in the ship’s development is to overcome toxicity in the machinery room. It is essential to have measures to keep the crew safe, such as a design to avoid ammonia leakage from piping and tanks. To overcome toxicity, the consortium has conducted a risk assessment reviewed by ClassNK, risk assessments and safety measures from a user’s point of view led by NYK’s engineers, and a study of the ship’s specifications to realize the world’s highest level of safety.

Overview of MRS Notation

The minimum design requirements for using ammonia safely on board are regulated in the ammonia-fueled ship guidelines issued by ClassNK. To receive an MRS notation, it is necessary to satisfy the optional functional requirement to minimize personal exposure to leaking ammonia in the machinery room. This notation shall be granted only to ships that meet the functional requirement and secure the highest level of safety.

Future Developments

The consortium continues vessel development, the creation of operation manuals for actual operations, etc., aiming for delivery by November 2026. Moreover, we aim to further improve safety for ammonia-fueled ships through technical know-how and achievements, including MRS accreditation, with the collaboration of consortium members.

The products and services herein described in this press release are not endorsed by The Maritime Executive.

Eidesvik, Equinor and Wärtsilä Pl Retrofit for First Ammonia-Powere OSV

OSV
Viking Energy is slated for conversion to ammonia in 2026 (Eidesvik Offshore)

Published Aug 26, 2024 4:05 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

In a pioneering project, Eidesvik Offshore as the vessel owner, Equinor as the charterer, and Wärtsilä will proceed with the conversion of an offshore supply vessel (OSV) to operate as an ammonia-fueled vessel. The companies believe it will become the first ammonia-powered OSV in the world when Viking Energy returns to service after the 2026 conversion.

Plans for the conversion were first announced in 2020 and were expected to proceed by late 2023. It is part of the Apollo Project funded by the EU’s Horizon Europe program designed to accelerate the transition toward a climate-neutral Europe by 2050. The companies report that in addition to the vessel conversion, the project will contribute to the preparation of regulations related to ammonia as a maritime fuel, as well as to establishing a value chain for ammonia bunkering.

The Eidesvik, Equinor and Wärtsilä Proceed with Retrofit for First Ammonia-Powered OSV was delivered in 2003 as the first LNG-fueled supply ship and has operated since its introduction for Equinor supporting its operations on the Norwegian continental shelf. The vessel is 6,000 dwt and approximately 95 meters (312 feet) in length. The vessel was fitted with a Wärtsilä battery system and in early 2026 they plan to begin the ammonia conversion. The conversion is projected to reduce emissions by at least 70 percent.

 In addition to the Wärtsilä 25 Ammonia engine, Wärtsilä will supply the complete ammonia solution, including its AmmoniaPac Fuel Gas Supply System, the Wärtsilä Ammonia Release Mitigation System (WARMS), and a selective catalytic reduction (SCR) system designed for ammonia. A service agreement, covering maintenance, is also included in the contract.

"The offshore fleet on the Norwegian continental shelf is aging and needs renewal,” said Ørjan Kvelvane, Equinor's senior vice president for joint operations support. “Investing in new technology is expensive, and there are many uncertainties. At the same time, scaling up the use of operational technology to enable the necessary transformation is urgent.”

Equinor will contribute to the funding for the conversion to ammonia operation as part of its goal to halve maritime emissions associated with its Norwegian operations by 2030. The company also extended its charter for Viking Energy to run from April 2025 to 2030, with options for further extensions.

The project is at the forefront of the efforts to introduce ammonia as an alternative fuel for maritime operations. The companies highlight that the Norwegian government has announced that it will establish requirements for low-emission solutions from 2025, and zero emissions from new supply vessels from 2029.

The Apollo project aims to demonstrate the first full-scale ammonia engine operating in an in-service environment on board Viking Energy. Fortescue recently completed the first ammonia conversion on an offshore supply vessel and has been undergoing certification and demonstration testing in Singapore where the first bunkering was also completed. Last week, NYK announced the completion of the first retrofit of a tugboat previously operating on LNG to full-time ammonia operations. It will begin operating demonstrations in Tokyo Bay. Other vessels have been ordered to be ammonia-ready as the technology is perfected and introduced.


 

Port Strikes: German Union Rejects Deal, India Settles, US Seeks Mediation

Hamburg port
Union plan a strike in Hamburg over the proposed sale to MSC as port unrest continues around the world (Hamburg file photo)

Published Aug 27, 2024 4:03 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

Labor unrest continues at ports around the world during the newest rounds of contract talks and the first in many cases after the pandemic, surge in port volumes, and global inflation. Strikes or looming actions are impacting ports ranging from Germany where the union held day-long stoppages at the major ports, to Fremantle, Australia where pilot boat operators and traffic control personnel walked off the job for 48 hours and threatened more actions, and a nationwide strike was due to start tomorrow in India.

Indian officials are reporting it went down to the wire in a marathon meeting after more than three years of negotiations. The Shipping Ministry set up a Bipartite Wage Negotiations Committee in March 2021 but the country’s 12 major ports were on the verge of an “indefinite action” by around 18,000 employees affiliated with multiple unions.

Six Indian unions were demanding pay and benefit improvements backdated to January 1, 2022, and the expiration of the prior contract. Reports in the Indian media indicate an MoU was reached with an 8.5 percent basic pay increase and a 30 percent consideration for holidays. Also, there is a monthly special allowance covering the period between 2022 and the end of 2026.

The same basic issues of pay, benefits, and work rules are cropping up in the negotiations in all parts of the world. Germany’s Ver.di union reports that voting on two options presented by the Central Association of German Seaport Companies (ZDS) was rejected as “completely inadequate” by its 11,500 members. At the fourth round of negotiations in July, ZDS put forward its final offers which included a 12-month option or a 16-month variant.

The union said voting concluded on August 23 and the offers were rejected. Officially they are calling for ZDS to return to the negotiating table and improve the offers. Ver.di had staged rolling strikes between Hamburg, Bremerhaven, Bremen, Wilhelmshaven, Brake, and Emden coinciding with the prior rounds of negotiations. No strikes have yet been scheduled for the contract, but Ver.di did announce plans for an August 31 action in Hamburg ahead of the scheduled vote to approve MSC’s deal to acquire half of Hamburg container terminal operator HHLA. 

The deal for the port is bad for Hamburg says the union and in addition the wage offer they said has fallen short of members’ expectations. They note members have for two years worked hard maintaining the supply chain in Germany. 

Vessel traffic personnel and the operators of pilot and other small boats in Fremantle, Australia however reported successful negotiations. They had paralyzed the port with their first walkout, and planned to stage a second 48-hour stoppage on August 25-26 but canceled it. Terms of the agreement were not announced but officials hailed the success of the negotiations and said there would be no further disruptions in Australia’s key western port.

Looming though is still the unsettled dispute for the U.S. East and Gulf Coast ports which has the greatest potential to disrupt global supply chains. A local issue over automation stalled the efforts to proceed with master contract negotiations. There is little more than a month till the September 30 deadline with the International Longshoremen’s Association saying it will not extend past the deadline. Last week, the ILA and the U.S. Maritime Alliance (USMX) each filed with the Federal Mediation & Conciliation Service (FMCS). The ILA has refused talks for the master contract as part of its stance against port automation. USMX says it is ready to resume talks.


National Longshore Strike May Hit All of India's Major Ports on Wednesday

Container terminals at Jawaharlal Nehru Port (file image)
Container terminals at Jawaharlal Nehru Port (file image)

Published Aug 26, 2024 8:29 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

After nearly three years of wage negotiations, India's longshore unions are on the verge of a strike, and they could stage a walkout as early as 0600 hours Wednesday morning if last-ditch talks fail to produce a compromise. 

On Tuesday, the Centre of Indian Trade Unions will meet with the state-run India Ports Association for a final round of discussions. If the talks do not work out, strikes could hit all 12 major Indian seaports, including Kandla, Jawaharlal Nehru, Kochi, Kolkata, Visakhapatnam, Tuticorin and Mumbai. 

The walkouts will cover about 20,000 longshoremen and harbor tug operators, the union consortium said. The participation of tug crews in the strike means that even privately-operated, non-union terminals in the 12 affected ports may not be able to dock and undock vessels.

A full-scale strike would shut down about 2.3 million tonnes of cargo movement every day, Water Transport Workers' Federation leader T. Narendra Rao told Hindu Business Line. Rao called the ports association's approach to talks "lethargic and cruel," and said that 32 months was too long to wait for a new contract. "We are not begging for anyone's generosity or for alms, but struggling to keep our rights and privileges upright," Rao said. 

Indian shipping interests have expressed dismay at the prospect of a major port shutdown, especially since the disruption in the Red Sea has already affected the shipping routes to and from the subcontinent. However, ships' agency GAC advised that the strike might not be quite as severe as forecast. The agency believes that tanker and LNG terminals will probably not be affected, and it says that only four ports - Tuticorin, Chennai, Ennore and Vizag - have actually been served with  strike notices so far. 

"[The strike] will lead to severe delays and congestion, extended turnaround time for vessels. Prolonged disruption will also result in higher operational costs like demurrage, detention, and re-routing expenses," GAC advised. 

What happened in Venezuela’s presidential elections? An interview with human rights activist Antonio Plessmann (SurGentes)


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protest tally sheets Venezuela

In an interview by Federico Fuentes for LINKS International Journal of Socialist RenewalAntonio González Plessmann breaks down the country’s July 28 presidential election and its fallout from an anti-capitalist perspective. Plessmann is an activist with Venezuelan left-wing human rights collective SurGentes.

What is your assessment of the July 28 presidential election?

These elections took place within an exceptional context of political conflict with minimal constitutional and institutional mediation. Since 2016, the political class — which includes both the opposition and pro-Maduro sector — has resorted to operating outside the constitution and democratic framework. This has occurred amid the US’ unilateral coercive measures that have wreaked chaos on the economy and fuelled a political crisis.

These elections failed to offer full political rights for parties, candidates or voters. The government restricted electoral options by using the courts to intervene into right-wing opposition parties and former left-wing allies, taking control of their leaderships and decision-making processes. The Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) is the most emblematic example of this on the left: denied the right to defend itself, the party’s electoral registration was usurped by a court and handed to a group of activists from the governing party posing as PCV members. As a result, no left-wing party was able to stand a candidate in the July 28 elections.

Despite these obstacles, people felt an enormous need to vote and determine their country’s future. All polls indicated more than 70% of the population intended to vote. And turnout was indeed very high. The official turnout was 59%, but this does not take into account that more than 4 million voting age Venezuelans live outside the country and were prevented from voting. If we only count those that could vote, then turnout was more than 70%. Venezuelan people have a strong culture of electoral participation. This was particularly the case during Hugo Chávez’s presidency (1998-2013). During those years, the number of voting centres expanded, voter turnout increased (especially among the poorest sectors) and an automated voting system was created, with protocols for transparency and auditing processes of the highest quality and reliability. Under Chávez, elections were important moments of popular protagonism that channelled political conflict and determined the continuity of the process of change. Unfortunately, this changed under Nicolás Maduro, especially after 2017.

On July 28, the majority of the population voted against Maduro. But this majority was not recognised by the heads of the National Electoral Council (CNE). Given the automated nature of the voting system, which includes numerous verification mechanisms, the CNE had to bypass certain audits, hide tally sheets, remove opposition observers for the tallying process, fake a cyber attack and refuse to publish booth-by-booth results — all in order to hide the actual result. The automated system did not fail; rather, CNE heads chose to bypass the system during the tallying, auditing and transparency phase.

The majority did not vote in favour of the opposition’s program, but to punish Maduro. One argument in support of this thesis is that three weeks prior to the election, a national poll asked people whether they would vote for Chávez on July 28 if he was still alive: more than 50% answered “yes”. For almost a decade now, Maduro has been forging a program and class alliance different from Chávez's, one that has severely impacted people’s lives. That is what the population voted against.

Today, we have a weak government because everyone in Venezuela knows Maduro did not win. The government lacks legitimacy and therefore has to rely on force. It resorts to repression and institutional manoeuvres to cover up for the fact that it has ridden roughshod over popular sovereignty.

Why do you think the CNE and the government have so far refused to release the voting tally sheets?

The reason is simple: the results show Maduro lost. They are manoeuvring to keep those results hidden. The big problem they face is that the automated system is very good: it has numerous backups and controls that make it practically impossible to falsify tally sheets. Every machine at every polling station produces a tally sheet with a unique encrypted code. This tally sheet is then signed by party observers and polling station authorities. The CNE, the Armed Forces, observers and voters who participated in the tallying process are all given a copy. Also, all the data is transmitted to the national tallying centre and stored in the machine’s memory, with a digital copy handed to party observers on a USB. To carry out fraud, they have had to keep the tally sheets hidden and bypass audits required by law.

What is your opinion of the Supreme Court (TSJ) ruling? Does it change anything?

The ruling by the TSJ’s Electoral Chamber is part of their strategy to cover up the vote. Contrary to its own jurisprudence, the TSJ has delivered a ruling on an electoral result, thereby usurping the CNE’s own functions. Meanwhile, the CNE has failed to complied with its own legal obligations, that include: tallying all the data in the presence of party observers; carrying out a telecommunications audit, a citizen audit of 1% of ballot boxes and an audit of the electoral data (fingerprint database); publishing the booth-by-booth results; and accepting administrative appeals lodged by candidates challenging partial or total results. Not only has the CNE failed to do all this, for the past two weeks it has kept its offices closed.

Instead of forcing the CNE to fulfil its legal obligations, the TSJ claims to have done the CNE’s job for it. It claims to have carried out an audit and found that the tally sheets correspond to the results announced by the CNE. But no experts or witnesses from political parties participated in this audit, as required by law. In other words, Maduro has still not proven he won. The TSJ’s ruling states that its decision cannot be appealed, thereby violating the right to appeal a court ruling.

Although Maduro hopes this ruling will allow him to turn the page on the election and concentrate energies on recuperating some legitimacy, in reality it has only further demonstrated that he has no way to prove he won. Inside and outside Venezuela, there is an ongoing debate about what really happened. This ruling has only convinced those who were already convinced, or those who have economic or geopolitical interests in Maduro staying in government.

What can you tell us about the nature and composition of the protests that occurred after the results were announced?

These protests mainly took place in working-class and poor areas. They largely represented a spontaneous reaction of indignation, given many people felt that their lived experience at the polling booth did not correspond with the CNE’s announcement. Maduro lost in areas that have historically been Chavista. There is no doubt that a very important segment of Chavistas, or people who used to be Chavista, voted against Maduro. Indignation was greatest in those areas. People knew what had happened and were reacting against the televised lie told by electoral authorities.

One Venezuelan organisation counted 915 protests across the country over just two days, July 29-30. The vast majority were peaceful, though some were violent, including attempts to lynch government party activists. As SurGentes, we condemned this political violence against rank-and-file PSUV [United Socialist Party of Venezuela] activists. We have demanded these crimes be investigated and those responsible punished. We also demand that the lives and physical integrity of these comrades be protected. But this violence does not represent the majority who mobilised over July 29-30. There are hundreds of videos on social media showing the mostly peaceful nature of the protests throughout the country. Those few violent protests have served as an alibi for the government to criminalise en bloc the protests of the majority.

The government used security forces and parapolice groups to repress these demonstrations. Since July 29, it has initiated a process of arbitrary selective arrests targeting opposition politicians, dissidents, critics, journalists, members of social organisations, officials who refused to repress protests, and even religious figures. There has also been a process of arbitrary mass arrests. Maduro says that 2229 demonstrators — he publicly labelled them “terrorists” — have been jailed. Of these, at least 126 are adolescents, 185 are women, 14 are indigenous people and 17 are people with disabilities. Those jailed are being held incommunicado, have been prevented from accessing a lawyer of their choice, and are being charged collectively, rather than having the facts of their cases and judgments dealt with individually.

Given all this, would you call what we are dealing with a case of fraud, an attempted coup or something else?

Fraud is an action that is contrary to the truth; it is cheating. Evidently, the official results are fraudulent because they seek to erase the will of the majority and cheat the Venezuelan people of their right to self-determination and decide their fate. In this sense, we can also describe the situation as an autogolpe en proceso [self-coup in process], in that we are transitioning from a constitutional government to a de facto government. I say “in process” because although the elections were held on July 28, the presidential inauguration will not take place until January 10, 2025. For now, Maduro remains a president who was democratically elected in 2018. Things could change between now and January, but if the current course continues, then we are experiencing the birth pangs of a dictatorship. From January 10, Maduro would become the first Venezuelan dictator of the 21st century — the head of a dictatorship of capital, not of the proletariat.

How do you view the role being played by Latin American governments?

Most of the governments in the region have refused to recognise the election as legitimate. But we can divide between those that simply refuse to recognise the election and denounce the existence of a de facto government, and those that favour pursuing some kind of negotiation. The latter includes Colombia, Brazil and, initially, Mexico. These countries, which are governed by politically experienced leftist leaders, continue to call on the Venezuelan state to make the tally sheets public, carry out the required audits and publish results broken down booth-by-booth. At the same time, they have proposed different mechanisms to facilitate a political negotiation. These range from a government of national unity with the participation of opposition forces, to the holding of new elections. The aim is to offer Maduro a way out that could allow him to leave government in a more favourable scenario. While these proposals have not been accepted by either side, facilitating a political negotiation to save Maduro from becoming a dictator and prevent the possibility of a rise in political violence seems correct to me.

Taking a step back, how did we get into this situation? In particular, how would you characterise the course that Maduro’s government has taken in recent years?

To survive the impacts of US sanctions and his own economic incompetence that led to the collapse of the economy, Maduro implemented a neoliberal adjustment. This included: privatising state enterprises and assets; radically deregulating labour relations, resulting in the lowest minimum wage in Latin America (US$3 a month) and the disappearance of other wage-related rights such as seniority and severance benefits and vacation and wage bonuses; mass indirect layoffs in the public sector; tax exemptions for investments and imports; price liberalisation; de facto dollarisation of the economy; and an open and public political-economic alliance with business owners. To circumvent the sanctions, Maduro used economic operators that covertly bought and sold goods on the international market. This led to a corrupt capitalist sector emerging that has amassed huge fortunes by “providing a service to the homeland”. Alex Saab is the best example, but there are dozens of operators associated with different power blocs.

All this resulted in a rise in inequality, social rights violations and class conflict in Venezuela. Faced with this, the government began restricting democratic spaces, both in terms of representative and participatory democracy, the latter including communal councils, communes and other direct expressions of popular sovereignty. We have witnessed a radical mutation away from Chavismo, which was characterised by its national, popular, radically democratic and post-capitalist vocation, and the emergence of something new: Madurismo, an authoritarian and right-wing government, which can hardly be labelled Chavista, even if it continues to use symbols associated with it.

What is the current situation of Chavismo, and the popular movements and sectors that traditionally constituted its base? What is their relationship with the Maduro government?

In terms of social composition, the majority of Chavismo has become politically disaffiliated or migrated [to other political options]. It is focused on resolving everyday issues of survival and, if they are living in Venezuela, voted against Maduro. Organisationally, there is still a section of Chavismo in the PSUV that defends Maduro’s government, whether based on fear that “the right is coming”, for geopolitical reasons, or simply because they are tied up in clientelistic networks. Another section of left-wing Chavismo has broken with these structures but is fragmented into hundreds of organisations within the working-class camp. It has so far been unable to develop organisational forms that could allow it to express itself politically at the national level.

What position(s) have political forces of the radical left taken towards the election? What options exist for strengthening the left in the current context?

The Venezuelan anti-capitalist left can be divided into three blocs: those still in the PSUV; those Chavistas who have broken with the PSUV and Madurismo; and those who do not identify as Chavistas. All three are very weak.

The first bloc finds itself trapped. Prioritising its particular understanding of the contradiction between imperialism and the nation, it omits any criticism of Madurismo’s rightward and authoritarian drift. It knows that fraud occurred but keeps silent, justifying this with the argument that it cannot “hand power to the right”. It basically does not do politics. The other two left blocs have been very critical of Maduro’s government and have denounced the radical expropriation of popular sovereignty that occurred after the July 28 elections.

At the moment, there are various attempts to bring different sectors of the left together, including those that have not openly broken with Madurismo but are moving in that direction. These are very embryonic processes. The context favours united work to expand democratic spaces. This could allow left forces to do politics, fight for labour and other social rights, and accumulate strength in order to push for deeper changes. In any case, the forms of doing politics are currently in flux, and will depend on whether a dictatorial government is consolidated.