Wednesday, August 28, 2024

 ANARCHO GREEN FASCISM

Millenarian Insurrectionary Hail Marianism

Millenarian Insurrectionary Hail Marianism
Invecchiare Selvatico Reflects On
Warlike, Howling, Pure
by Areïon
(published by Contagion Press)

"The early anarchist movement was galvanized by its many martyrs…
the anarchist martyrs bore witness to the beautiful idea…
anarchic life is born from anarchic death.”
- Areïon, Warlike, Howling, Pure

“Another word for divine violence is anarchy.”
- Areïon, Warlike, Howling, Pure

“This is the Way.”
- Areïon, Warlike, Howling, Pure

The clock is winding down and there seems to be no path to “victory”, no chance of “winning” (concepts only relevant for those stuck playing Their games). But no, wait… Could it be? Religiosity, self-sacrificial martyrdom, and agenda-infused opportunistic historical re-readings (what the author would likely dismiss as historical revisionism)… that’ll get us to freedom, to anarchy! Awe, well, um, ok? Warlike, Howling, Pure feels like an act of desperation, a last-ditch effort at some sort of ending-times anarchist final triumph or last stand, one that hopefully will not pull other lost souls into its hallowed and insurrecto-thiestic void.

But, before we get ahead of ourselves, let’s take a step back and quickly trace the general path to this anarcho-rapture. First, many action-addicted and street-performing anarchists reconstituted their over-inflated revolutionary goals as insurrectionary (mostly a bad take on an earlier and more interesting Italian version), but most still believed in the inherently authoritarian project of Revolution and of transforming society to their particular idea of a “better world”. Then, some of the more sophisticated of the lot seemed to pay lip-service to criticisms by merely naming them and rebranding to “combative anarchy” and duped a new generation of wide-eyed pseudo-rebels and glorified activists to take to the streets for the “good fight” (a more edgy and militant front of the typical array of symptomatic left-oriented causes). And now, as a bleak darkness envelops, millennial-driven millenarian anarchism and the embracing of a religious warrior epic battle for anti-racist and anti-fascist glory is the latest vision in the desert of insurrectionary anarchism. Little has changed, except for the depth of depression, degree of delusion, grandeur in scope, level of exaggeration and bloated rhetoric. Like a divine message from the gods, Warlike, Howling, Pure opens up this new millenarian “cyclical phase”, which I would argue is actually sick-lical, monotonously repetitive, and spiraling downward.

Add to this bound text a disjointed, convoluted, and religiously-infused Forward by communist-flavored “insurrectionary” author Idris Robinson, someone who has written in previous work that they are apparently always in “pain” except when they are engaged in attack and who has continually pushed the idea of martyrdom. Now Idris’s “pain” is extended to everyone and everywhere with statements like “[Areïon]… demonstrates, incontrovertibly, that our everyday reality, is in fact, hell, in the most literal and concrete sense” and “what you are about to read is nothing short of a life or death struggle, over what is to live and what is to die”. Robinson goes on to further describe the righteous battle of heaven and hell (good and evil without being directly explicit), by offering what thirteenth-century mystic, Aziz O-Din Nasafi, supposedly “teaches us”, which when read through contemporary eyes follows a very similar march that Marx offers in which “all people must first enter hell to reach heaven”. Surprise! Surprise! Surprise!

In a moralistic millenarian-Marxism infused with hyper-religiosity and foaming-at-the-mouth fervor, Idris proclaims from the mount: “The directive is then as clear as ever: either burrow further into the deep recesses of yourself or the moment has arrived for the proletarians to finally storm heaven” and “as religious insight has repeatedly confirmed, hell is nothing other than individual torment without collective deliverance” and “whenever and wherever the exploited and the oppressed transform themselves into insurgents, rebels, and combatants, the gates are crashed, the oath is consummated, and all this is marked by the anointing of the messiah as the collective subject” and “the messianic is therefore a volatile tension constantly traversing the souls of the chosen”.

Then consider, for instance, Robinson’s glowing appreciation for and reprinting of Father George Willie Hurley’s adaption of the Ten Commandments with a list of “Thou shalls and shall nots…” which includes “Thou shall believe that the Ethiopians and all nations will rule the world in righteousness…”, and it is clear that Idris has a disturbing religious, communist, and insurrecto-messianic agenda. Combining Robinson’s forward with Areïon’s four essays which make up this short book, what you have is a recipe for something, in my mind, that is uninteresting, not very anarchist, and a little troubling. To be fair, Idris is far more troubled and troubling than Areïon, but still, Warlike, Howling, Pure appears to be a new depth of desperation and delusion from this particular camp, and comes regrettably from the otherwise provocative Contagion Press.

Obviously, there is an almost absolute and pervasive spiritual emptiness all around. Of course, this has been a deepening general crisis for over a century now (to some extent for multiple millennia), only magnified by science, rationality, politics, and most exponentially by technology, especially the virtual realm. But filling this hole with a millenarian religiosity of perpetual apostolic attack and endless rationales for martyrdom is just plain absurd. If this were a random wing-nut, or even a cute little cult, I could find some amusement in it all. I will admit that I appreciated early ITS and even found later “off-the-deep-end” and whacky incarnations (whether they actually existed or not) interesting on some perverse level. Hell, Charlie Manson gave me some chuckles from time to time and I must confess to a little crush on the bad-ass Sheela of Rajneeshpuram. The author of this book, however, is not some detached actor, but a long-term anarchist who is part of a developing sphere of theory and practice, which, for me, feels significantly different.

A Holy War, as detailed in the book or of any variety, is about as far from my reality as I can imagine. I am against civilization, not the projection and persecution of ideologically un-pure and politicized infidels within it. My spirituality feels unique and grounded in direct organic relations, not myopic thrusts of mythological chest-pumping warrior jiz. My shared spirituality feels intimate and penetrating, not rhetorical and opportunistic. My spirituality is the daily living of getting dirty. It is not removed, epically-driven, and merely metaphorically earthen. In my life, balancing and playing with belief, cynicism, uncertainty, and enchantment is essential in the way I relate to spirituality and is fundamentally at odds with any sort of Holy War.

Whether intended this way or not, Warlike, Howling, Pure reads like the beginnings of an anarchist holy scripture, despite any caveats or disclaimers. But anarchy is neither pious nor evangelical. It is heretical and dispersed. To try to convince others is already an annoying and conceited endeavor, but to suck people’s lives into a personal (or group) vision that is nothing more than another ideological and religious meat-grinding cause is atrocious. Why would we waste the precious little time we have being alive on the delusions of someone’s (or some group’s) desperate cause rather than figuring out, exploring, or remembering how to live freely?

Instead, I choose to carve out as much autonomy as I can outside, on the edges, and even amongst this messed up reality, on my own terms, with the people I love, anarchically not religiously. I’ll defend myself and our people and place on this earth to my last drop of blood, but I will never be a part of any righteous epic battle over what appears to me as another interpretation of good and evil, however its rationalized. Being willing to fight for our lives is much different than feeling an obligation to some larger struggle of cleansing the unrepentant in fire and blood.

It must be said, Areïon brings many important and interesting micro-histories to the table, and in a different context I would appreciate their sharing, but these stories tend to be used as historical fodder in the ultimate agenda of supporting their particular vision of insurrectionary anarchism. From various rebellious sects in ancient China to Spartacus in the Roman Empire to the Iron Column of The Spanish Civil War to a very opportunistic and thin painting of the Diocesan spirit (and animism for that matter), Areïon appears to have a clear goal in using these stories. This, of course, is always the case to some degree, we all do it, but I find their telling particularly manipulative, exaggerated, and predictable, as is the case with most would-be revolutionaries. For instance, just one of many over-stated claims is that the White Lotus Society “attempted to abolish distinctions between genders, and practiced mutual aid”, yet the only evidence of this in the book is the fact that, according to the sourced Elizabeth J. Perry’s “Worshipers and Warriors” in some factions “women were active fighters and group leaders” and “there is some evidence of cooperative economic activities… to aid the poorest participants in the struggles,” So, if that’s all it takes, I guess we are there?

Even when Areïon attempts to move on from the heavily-handed propagandizing of their reading of certain more distant histories and comes closer to the American experience and present times, they fall into an all-too-politicized and sadly too-familiar over-simplistic axis of diametrics: “Whiteness” and “anti-blackness” vs freedom and liberation. As if that is the only choice, the only way to view things, the only way to be situated, the only tensions, the only histories, the only way to respond, or the dominant description of our time. And often when they do this, they intensely project a solidified rationale and reasoning on the players of both sides of this forced and fabricated equation.

If only it were all so simple. If only there were a good and bad, right and wrong, victim and oppressor, then Areïon’s grossly simplistic “Antiracist Holy War” and anarchist millenarian jihad might warrant a second look. But we all know, whether we admit to it or allow it to muddy lame politics or derail thesis projects, that this type of opportunistic over-simplicity only feeds the beast and becomes the negative of what we are against, not to mention the argumentation of “anti-Whiteness” is parallel (with basically the same critique, metrics, and language, just maybe slightly-skewed to account for criticisms) to most leftists these days on the subject of race. It all begins to sound too much like NPR with the volume turned up real loud. Too limited a perspective for anarchists, too trapped, too controlled.

It really starts getting creepy, however, when the author begins writing about taking “loyalty oaths” and “declaring allegiance to all of those excluded” and marginalized by their declared (and offered by academia and activists) enemy in society: “Whiteness”. Deep bonds of trust between our kin (of all sorts and combinations) is essential, but their’s is an overlaid and projected loyalty that rises up to ideology, politics, religion, warfare, and even society in strange ways, not the creative decentralized lives entwined together in the mud and seed that I sink deeper into. Ours is familiar and tribal and anarchistic, not some vague movement of the oppressed holding people accountable for previous sins carried down from generation to generation. Sound familiar? Areïon’s rhetoric and reasonings reflect the vanguardist populism draped in religiosity, as well as the religious fundamentalism that has stained history with the blood of the unbelievers. Areïon has provided a volatile and blood-thirsty religious component for the knuckle-headed, bruit, obtuse, and unsophisticated ideas and actions of Antifa and other uncritical players and activists to use. Luckily, many of them probably don’t read.

Then enters the fire and brimstone, divine vengeance, martyrdom and personal sacrificial duties, and literal sacrifices to gods. And, just like God said to Noah, “Won’t be water, be fire next time!” Areïon assures us without missing a beat of their war-drum that “The fire is here and there is no escaping it” and that “hopefully” the new resurgence in “Spiritualism… will finally spill the blood that the vengeful dead demand. If not, the Furies will hound this guilty land with madness until its crimes are purged.” Not what I am looking for when I engage in a spiritual realm. I look to connect, not project.

Again, if this were some rando on the street corner with snot in their beard holding an upside-down and (perhaps) misspelled placard reading: “God’s Cumming Again!”, I might buy them a cup of coffee and chat a bit for shits and giggles, maybe. Or, I would attempt to avoid the hell out of them. In this case, however, I would say Areïon appears (in the book) to be playing on the fads, trends, depressions, misconceptions, distorted emotions, and the bad takes of so many pseudo-anarchists who are playing games of performance and desperation, in their evangelical attempt to brand their “Antiracist Holy War” and “divine violence” as “anarchy”. It is not. Their explorations in anarchism, adventures in the streets, and excursions in the occult seem to have led them to a very strange and empty place of exaggerated conclusion and dramatic explanation. Violence is not the problem. I have no qualms here. My issues are how and why it is justified and proposed (and most likely will never actually be acted upon in this particular bloody-battled way, luckily I guess).

Even the list of quoted authors has become all-too-predictable. Walter Benjamin, James Baldwin, W.E.B. Du Bois, Ursula K. Le Guin, Diane di Prima, John Brown, Franz Kafka, Deleuze and Guattari, Fredric Nietzsche, etc. (I wonder where Georges Bataille is?) have all made interesting and important contributions (some more than others). But when they are combined in this way, in this type of proposal, it all begins to feel like one continual project of propaganda for a specific flavor of revolutionary struggle, oh, I mean, insurrectionary anarchism, um, sorry, combative anarchy, I mean millenarian anarchism, whatever.

Yes, this world is ending, but to propose that people throw their bodies, hearts, minds, and spirits into its gears is absurd. To ask people to spend their lives preparing for an insurrectionary and apocalyptic bloody wave which will almost definitely never come (especially based on the current crop of hyper-domesticated cyber-humans) is infuriating. But, to attempt to convince people of the heroic value and necessity of martyrdom is inexcusable. Your Black Flame is another con job, another surrogate cause, another guilt-release valve, another act of posturing that will waste precious time, energy, and lives for nothing. Fiction is great, but that’s not how this is presented or intended. Odd, irrational, and even disturbing beliefs can be important, even much needed at times, but this comes off as all-too predictable chest-beating bombastic nonsense mixed with performative spirituality (the kind that religions are built on).

Then we get to the final chapter of Warlike, Howling, Pure, the one that ties it all together, what this was all leading up to, feeding into, Their Way Forward: The Black Flame. We are told that “Anarchy is a spiritual practice, whether its practitioners understand it as such or not. We may distinguish three interwoven currents within it: the devotional, the ancestral, and the initiatory.” First, thanks for defining anarchy for us; funny how it is explained exactly the way you sell it in your book. Oh wait, that’s how propaganda works, it binds things too tightly and grafts ideas, events, and situations to agendas for utilization. And again, spiritual emptiness is a no brainer, especially in this appallingly alienated techno-post-modern nothingness age. Atheism has always been an unfulfilling half-step, rejecting the ideological, moralistic, and authoritarian mindset of religion (a system that enslaves our spirit) but never filling that void with a uniquely individual or tribally-shared spiritual relationship of people and place. So yes, spiritual emptiness is a colossal problem, but stuffing it with this religious garbage seems highly opportunistic.

As with much of the book, there are nuggets, statements, and thoughts that resonate with me in isolation, that I even agree with, but they almost always direct us towards a place I abhor, and this final section is certainly no exception. For instance, I would agree with Areïon, that anarchy is “a force within the world—a spirit.” I often describe it this way, yet to call it “devotional” both traps it and forces us to submit to it, rather than it moving in us. It is not something to serve. It is not something to kill and die for (specifically). It is not a practice or a religion. It is an agent of chaos and freedom that cannot be reified. It is life itself: undefinable, unmolested, unrestricted, uncontrollable.

Even to talk of anarchy in historical terms, as is often the case with certain insurrectionary types like Areïon, seems opportunistic, for we know not, nor live in, those contexts. How it flowed within those anarchic moments and people is purely speculation and often later agenda-derived for propagandistic purposes, not for anarchy. And while I gain personal strength from the written histories and statements of rebellious anarchists like Giuseppe Fanelli, Louis Lingg, or Emile Henry (all mentioned in the text), they are of certain situations and mostly not very transferable or fully understandable to us, especially in regard to martyrdom (of which Emile Henry was absolutely opposed to). This making of propagandist lore is littered throughout the book.

As far as Areïon’s claim that “to name oneself an anarchist is to situate oneself within an ancestral lineage, of all those who have named themselves anarchists before.” Well, yes and no. Intergenerational honoring and exchange is sorely missing in most people’s lives, but this relationship is most potent closer to home, outside of identity, politics, or ideas than most anarchists are willing to reach and is more meaningful in more selective and situational ways than most anarchists move in regard to other self-declared anarchists. If we lined up most people who have called themselves anarchists throughout history, I would have very little to do with most of them, and the closer one comes to our current pathetic subcultural manifestation, the less so. I don’t relate to people who primarily identify with what has become (and in many ways unfortunately always has been for most) a political identity or ideology. My grandmother—riddled with many problems from my perspective—had more to teach me and was more deserving of my love and remembrance than most anarchists.

True rebels, outlaws, drop-outs, deviants, and creative spirits warrant more respect from me and more to pass on than puffed-up play-warriors in some imagined struggle for liberation, and definitely much more than the millenarian insurrectionary religious zealots of this type. The parts of anarchist history that most anarchists fail to remember are the endless repeated mistakes both in theory and practice or the marginally-known exceptions to this norm (see the publishing project Enemy Combatant for some insights here). In the digital age, when every previous anarchist’s thought and action is supposedly at one’s fingertips, why do most continue to skip over the vital parts, have lame generalized and superficial takes, sink deeper into collectivism and leftism, play political games, promote reform, or even worse, martyrdom?

This idea that in “understanding anarchy as an ancestral lineage… anarchic life is born from anarchic death,” follows and promotes this lame logic of intrinsic lineage and martyrdom. Perhaps Areïon is most direct here: “The willingness of the anarchists of old to kill and die — to be martyred — for the beautiful idea enters the realm of the religious, or more properly the devotional, from Latin devotio, to “vow downwards,” originally a battlefield vow to gods and spirits of the underworld of one’s own life in exchange for victory.” So the one thing that is truly our own, our life, we sacrifice for a victory we cannot share in—except in the spilling of our own blood which is promised to the gods? (What about the 72 virgins?) No. The spirit of anarchy does not ask such a sacrifice (or offer empty rewards). It is not a god. If it were, I could only have a heretical and adversarial relationship with it.

To risk our lives for freedom or defense of autonomy or even as some night-time anonymous attack against specific parts of the machine’s apparatus (including individual actors), for sure, but that is very different than the religious martyrdom of some sort of notion of eternal glory and righteousness, I leave that for the multitude of fundamentalists and their endless wars. This all reminds me of a horrible take on the war in Palestine called “Gods Of Gaza”. It had very similar language and ideas as Warlike, Howling, Pure. It glorified Hamas and considered them part of a righteous “Axis of Resistance” (of which the authors situated themselves and anarchists within) which will eventually prove victorious across the globe, and soon! There was so much to criticize in the piece that it overwhelmed me. I burned it during a spontaneous pyre while the eclipse was occurring this past Spring, not as a sacrifice or offering, but as a heretical show of disgust for this type of thinking. My black sun and theirs seem to mean very different things, but that is another story.

The book continues on with Areïon’s faithful cult-like ideas on so-called “anarchist initiation”, filled with “secret rites and symbols, whose mystical significance can only be truly understood by the initiated.” I would agree, anarchy is not for most domesticated humans, but not because they are not anointed in some holy fluids or not in possession of the sacred and ordained black mask that is suggested. Despite its relative simplicity, anarchy is sadly over most people’s slavish heads (situationally not inherently). We are not proselytizers, we live anarchy, but we also are not a cult of those who hold the true wisdom either, mystifying the profane for only the high priests and prophetesses to comprehend and disseminate, making it sacred and removed from the dynamic elements of life. We are not the divine keepers of the holy Black Flame, nor carriers of the corny black and red banners, we are anarchists. We live anarchy, here and now.

As the book concludes with “Eternal Fire”, even when they describe interestingly immoral and more deviant historical (or possibly mythical) situations, martyrdom, self-sacrifice, and dutiful offerings of our blood for what Areïon has turned into a crusade of purity and righteousness is once again the main point, including very loaded and laughable statements like “May Day, the greatest of anarchist holy days”. May Day has never been that important of a day for me, no matter how hard I tried or it got pounded into me. The workerist and martyr angles never got me off. I suppose I can appreciate Beltane a little more, but still, it is not my holy day. I am left to pick through the detached and discarded refuse and make my own micro-cultural points of meaning with people I love.

I want to be absolutely clear: violence, revolt, belief, and spirituality, are not my problem here at all. In fact, they all are important elements to my very being and my relationship to anarchy. Even elements of myth-making, cult-like affinity, and ceremony can be interesting at times in certain ways. It is the “why” and “how” that I take issue with Areïon’s offering of Warlike, Howling, Pure. In times of deep desperation, millenarian, apocalyptic, and martyr-fueled ideas and actions are not uncommon, but as anarchists, they offer absolutely nothing but cautionary lessons. They are only relevant to religious zealots, political opportunists, or hyperbolic rhetorical posturing. “Warlike” is for people fighting for power, “Howling” can be authentically wild, but for most domesticated humans is usually just a bunch of self-aggrandizing hot-air, and “Pure”, well, this is the no-brainer concept anarchists should run from or attack.

So, the clock is ticking, all odds are stacked against us (especially if your lame goal is to transform society into your self-righteous vision of it, rather than fight for your autonomy and freedom from society and for those you care about), Areïon goes back to throw a last-ditched attempt at a millenarian insurrectionary hail Mary pass made of morality, religion and ideology, proposed with fiery rhetoric and opportunistic readings of history and myth, and filled with martyrdom, convoluted ceremony, and your anarchist blood…. Hmmm. Can you say blitz!

(Sorry for the sports reference,cI actually loath most forms of professional competition, but it seemed fitting.)

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* Invecchiare Selvatico was a primary editor and writer for Green Anarchy magazine and is the author of Black Blossoms At The End Of The World available from: www.underworldamusements.com or from the author: nazelpickens@gmail.com or PO Box 316 Williams, OR 97544

 

The Sicilian Soldier by Elsa Morante

From The Transmetropolitan Review

Click here for the short story The Sicilian Soldier

The Andalusian Shawl can be found at local bookstores

INTRODUCTION

Elsa Morante was an anarchist. However, this simple fact is constantly obscured by the literary establishment of the United States, for a variety of reasons. For example, in 2023 the New York Review of Books published a new English translation of Elsa Morante’s first novel Lies And Sorcercy, finally allowing US readers access to the full 1948 text. This monumental translation by Jenny McPhee, totaling 775 pages, was the occasion for numerous positive reviews by mainstream literary critics. Unsurprisingly, these critics do their best to neutralize and erase the anarchism of Francesco di Salvi. a major character in Lies And Sorcery, given he is the father of the book’s narrator, Elisa.

Despite delivering a page-long discourse on anarchism to the narrator’s future guardian, Francesco is described in The Wall Street Journal simply as an impoverished student. Likewise, the New York Times called Francesco a university student who leaves school and takes a civil service jobNot to be outdone, The Washington Post described Francesco as a poor student who has been posing as the son of a wealthy landowner. Had the Post replaced the word student with anarchist, they would have come close to expressing the central tension Elsa Morante deliberately placed within the novel: the desire to be an anarchist vs. the desire to be someone in class society.

To be fair, the Washington Post got closer than the WSJ when it explained that there is a gentle social consciousness at the heart of “Lies and Sorcery,” embodied by Francesco, who dreams of social reform and is deeply moved by only two things, “wine and utopias.” However, once again, the Post could have replaced the phrases social consciousness and social reform with anarchism, but clearly some ideology is at play in these reviews. While this might be expected from capitalist outlets like the WSJ and NYT, the most shocking summation came from the New York Review of Books itself.

As their reviewer explained, the character in Lies and Sorcery whom Morante appears to judge most severely is Elisa’s father, Francesco, though he is also probably the most heartrending. She is pitilessly satirical in describing the way he thrashes about to shore up his embattled self-respect—his eloquent Marxist diatribes to bored drunks in a bar, for instance. Despite the fact that Francesco gives clearly anarchist speeches, this reviewer claimed he was Marxist, followed by the observation that presenting himself as a baron (a vague title, but a title) does violence to his own principles of social justice. It’s almost as if these people are afraid of the word anarchism, and will engage in untold literary contortions to erase it from existence.

To be clear, on page 250 of the 2023 edition of Lies And Sorcery, this impoverished student is hanging out with a sex-worker named Rosaria, and he readily quoted his favorite prophet’s maxims; for instance, “property is theft,” and in a lofty voice he repeated this prophecy: “The day will come when owning a piece of land will seem as absurd and sacrilegious as the once condoned practice of owning a slave seems to us today.” As is well known, property is theft is the anarchist slogan of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, while the second quote is the beginning of Francesco’s page-long anarcho-communist rant.

Elsa Morante wrote Lies And Sorcery during the Italian Fascist dictatorship, and the word anarchism itself does not appear in the text, likely in fear of repression. However, it is all but spelled out, like when Francesco confirmed that marriage marriage would be abolished in his future ideal society; a mutual declaration of affection and intention would be enough to unite two free lovers without the necessity of contracts and benedictions. In regards to Rosaria and her profession as sex-worker, he explained to her that she was a victim of bourgeois society, a monster feeding off the likes of her only to then spit her into the garbage. Elsa Morante had very much been a sex-worker in Roma during the 1930s, and she portrays Rosaria falling in love with Francesco for his anarchist beliefs.

However, as Elsa Morante made clear, Francesco, who was considered one of the wealthier villagers, realized that in the city, he was one of the poorest. And so he had a choice: he could serve those who humiliated him with their wealth, or he could rebel and defend his own kind. Since our first encounters with him, we’ve already seen which choice he made; having discovered in a book a science and a faith that reconciled many of his conflicting ideas, he fell in love with a fascinating and legitimate idea that was able to destroy evil empires; at the same time, he became a disseminator of lies, an architect of evil empires. And together with his revolutionary faith was born his fictitious barony. In very clear terms, his anarchism is meant to destroy evil empires, or reami falsi, but as Elsa points out, these reami falsi exist inside the heart and mind of Francesco, a theme Elsa would explore in the years to come.

Napoli, 1943

She finished Lies And Sorcery towards the end of WWII, when the Nazis had invaded Italy, and she hid the text in Roma while she and her partner hid near Napoli, given he would have been deported to a Nazi death-camp if found. While they were in hiding, Elsa made a solo trip to Roma so she could check on her manuscript, and during this trip, while she was hiding in a barn, she met an anti-fascist partisan who also needed to hide that night. Rather than tell Elsa a tale of heroic dedication to anti-fascism, this soldier described the reami falsi that dwelt inside him.

Elsa would soon write this all up into a story simply titled Il Soldato Siciliano, or The Sicilian Soldier, which is reproduced in English below. According to Elsa, this story, which appeared after the war in the magazine “L’Europeo” (later in “L’espresso”), belongs to a group of three war stories, of which the other two are lost. Given the unfortunate loss of the other texts, The Sicilian Soldier is the last story Elsa Morante wrote during wartime, and she would later publish it in the 1963 collection Lo Scialle Andaluso, or The Andalusian Shawl, which has recently been translated into English and can be found at local bookstores.

In these dark times of reami falsi, Elsa Morante’s story The Sicilian Soldier is a brutal reminder that fighting against one evil empire does not erase the evil empire inside of us, and unless both are defeated, we will remain stuck in what Elsa referred to as a scandal that has lasted 10,000 years.


Black Rose/Rosa Negra 10th National Convention Report

From Black Rose Anarchist Federation

Introduction

Every year, Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (BRRN) holds a national Convention in a different city somewhere in the United States. Delegates from Black Rose Locals gather to debate and deliver the votes of members on proposals that would substantively change the structures or direction of the organization; collectively reflect on our past year’s organizing failures and successes; and deepen crucial relationships among our militants from Locals spread across the country’s wide geography. Since adopting our first comprehensive political program Turning the Tide in 2023, our Convention has also served as the venue for revisiting certain elements of this core document.

From August 9th through 11th, the Bay Area Local hosted militants from across the country in Oakland, CA for our 2024 proceedings that marked a particularly important milestone: a decade since our organization’s founding. 

To offer a lens into our organization’s internal life and share some of the lessons we learned during this landmark Convention, what follows is a brief summary of each day’s proceedings.

Day One

Our tenth national Convention was opened with remarks from the federation’s outgoing secretary. Following this, attendees read aloud greetings received from our sibling organizations across the globe, including:

Our comrades’ celebratory messages not only heartened us but reminded us that Black Rose / Rosa Negra is part of a living, vital, and growing worldwide current of organized anarchism inspired by the Platform and especifismo.

Next up was an organizational history panel, where former members of California-based Amanacer, Miami Autonomy and Solidarity (MAS), Northeastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (later, Common Struggle), Workers Solidarity Alliance, and Common Action recounted their experiences in these regional anarchist organizations during the rapprochement, or unification, process that established Black Rose/Rosa Negra. Veteran militants explained how our history begins from a culmination of a years-long process spurred by invitational Class Struggle Anarchist Conferences (CSACs). 

Beginning amidst the 2008 financial crisis, CSACs intended to cohere an anarchist strategy and practice beyond the limits of the period’s summit-hopping protests. Conference coordinators did not set out to forge a national organization, but by the close of the 2010 proceedings in Seattle it became increasingly clear that the basic level of unity between participating organizations warranted a serious exploration of the question. Buoyed by 2011’s surge of social movement activity in the Wisconsin Capitol protests and the Occupy Movement, as well as the popular social explosion in reaction to the racist vigilante murder of Trayvon Martin in 2012, members of MAS strongly appealed for national organization at what would become our inaugural Convention in 2013. After many years of careful construction, BRRN would publicly debut in 2014.

More than just a trip down memory lane, the panel emphasized lessons hard learned by militants who share many decades of accrued experience between them. Their reflections reminded us of a central reason we emphasize the need for political organization: to reposit collective memory that can be transmitted from one generation of militants to the next.

If you are interested in reading more about the process that birthed Black Rose/Rosa Negra, we recommend our history page and this more detailed account of the rapprochement process that birthed our organization.

Afterwards, the organization’s national elected officers shared reports and reflections from their one-year terms. These administrative, immediately recallable roles are structured in such a way that they wield no ability to alter the collectively determined course of the organization.

Members and chairpersons of the Housing and Territorial Sectoral Committee discuss their activity.

Day One closed with a panel discussion from members of the organization’s Housing and Territorial Sectoral Committee and organizing highlights from BRRN Locals around the country. In the latter session, BRRN militants emphasized the importance of deep organizing in solidarity with Palestinian national liberation. Deep organizing entails not just passively attending marches and demonstrations as a political organization, but working consistently within our sites of social insertion—the workplace, the neighborhood, the school/university—so that we can effectively bring fighting mass organizations in these sectors into struggles that they may not typically recognize as their own.

Day Two

We began Day Two with discussion and debate on updates to our conjunctural analysis. Conjunctural analysis is the practice of assessing the various social forces and conditions at the local, regional, national scale that are coalescing to shape the present moment, allowing us to identify strategic opportunities to tip the balance of power. Although our organization has previously undertaken efforts aimed at ‘naming the moment,’ this was the first time that the exercise was directly and systematically incorporated into adjusting our limited-term strategy.

In their assessments of the conjuncture, delegates shared what members around the country had identified as important factors bearing on the present, including, among others: a national cost-of-living crisis squeezing social reproductive capacities; simultaneous erosion of legitimacy for certain State institutions like the Supreme Court with renewal for others; and the continued slow decline of U.S. hegemony abroad coupled with the explosion of a domestic anti-imperialist social movement demanding a ceasefire, arms embargo, and in some cases full-throated support for Palestinian national liberation. A more detailed and complete conjunctural analysis derived from this Convention session will be published at a later date.

After wrapping our preliminary conjunctural analysis, the Convention body moved to critically self-assess our progress on our limited-term strategy. Reports from Locals helped us identify where we had made significant advances toward our objectives—including around increasing our rank-and-file concentrations in the building trades, public education, service, and healthcare industries; spearheading or playing crucial roles in organizing the unorganized; gaining ground in localized fights against the construction of new ‘cop campuses’; and further developing our relationships with sibling organizations internationally—as well as where we have fallen short or failed, requiring a recalibration in strategy.

Convention proceedings on Day Two ended with Sectoral Committee breakout sessions for participating delegates to further discuss and refine how to implement our national limited-term strategy in each respective area of organizing.

In the evening, we threw open the doors to the convention hall for a public panel discussion and party. Reflecting on their past year in campaigns, the panel of speakers featured Enrique, a Southern public high school teacher fresh off a successful union campaign; Dera, an organizer salting at a shop in the service industry, and Alex, a member of faculty who has been organizing on her public university campus around the Palestine solidarity movement.

With around 70 people in attendance, the panel’s facilitator framed the organization’s theory of strategy.

Flyer for our 10th anniversary party.

“We aim to build popular power,” Cameron, himself a rank-and-file union steward, explained. “For us, popular power means the creation of fighting social movements animated by principles of class struggle, class independence, self-management, internationalism, democracy, and direct action. History demonstrates that it’s fighting movements built on this basis that can challenge the state and capital…not only to wrench reforms from them in the short term, but to build the necessary power to kickstart a revolutionary social transformation that can topple them both.”

Answering the facilitator’s questions, panelists discussed the wins, losses, and lessons learned from their organizing efforts. Alex emphasized the need for rooted, on-the-ground organizing around shared needs, rather than cliquing up with others based solely on common ideology: “To make progress in what I’m doing, I’ve had to work with people in my workplace who are far from radical.” She continued, “That even means bringing along people who, for example, consider themselves staunch Democrats.”

10th anniversary public event featuring Black Rose/Rosa Negra militants reflecting on lessons from their organizing work.

Dera, a college student who was also active in sustaining the encampments on her campus last school year, spoke to the transferability in lessons between that setting and her current salting effort for an independent union campaign. “I’m taking lessons from student organizing into the workplace, like emphasizing participation in our decision-making processes, meeting people where they are at and really getting to know what people’s motivations and fears are to build their confidence so they can act together collectively,” she said. Dera also plans to take her salting experiences back to campus where she can organize student-workers and student-tenants to exert real leverage on university bosses.

After some questions from the audience, the panel broke down their side of the stage to make way for People’s Disco DJ Jared G to set up his turntables. Over beers, attendees and BRRN delegates talked, danced, and enjoyed themselves late into the night.

Day Three

The final day was devoted, in the main, to the delivery of membership votes by Local delegates on proposals, constitutional amendments, and nominees for national administrative officers. While not quite as exciting as Days One or Two, this portion is crucial to keeping alive the directly democratic processes that sit both at the heart of our organization and our vision of the world we are fighting to bring into existence.

As our tenth national convention drew to a close, delegates said their goodbyes, no doubt tired from the long weekend but enjoying in equal measure a deepened commitment to one another and to the “long and patient work” of building toward a social revolution that will abolish class society and the system of domination which keeps it in place. “Black Rose is my political home” said one delegate as they left to catch their flight, “without you all, I would be fighting alone.”

Onwards, Together

Delegates from Black Rose/Rosa Negra Locals around the U.S. pose for a group photo.

From our prehistory through to the present, members of Black Rose/Rosa Negra have faced more than our share of obstacles, made mistakes or missteps, and sometimes struggled to find direction. Through it all, though, members—who are the organization—have approached our work with honesty, humility, camaraderie, and a commitment to our organization’s principles. We believe that this is evident, most importantly, to those who we are embedded alongside in our workplaces, neighborhoods, and schools.

As our organization enters a period of growth, we invite those who share our principles, agree with our program, and are engaged in long-term organizing to reach out to us at blackrosefed.org/join. Don’t fight alone.

FOR POPULAR POWER!
FOR LIBERTARIAN SOCIALISM!

Black Rose / Rosa Negra

August 2024

 

Our Silence Pisses Us Off!

From internationalist Anarchists Leipzig

*self-image/Manifesto*

Whether Palestine, Sudan, Congo, Yemen, Bangladesh or the Polish-Belarusian primeval forests and Europe’s outsourced borders in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia – terrible news of countless crimes and unimaginable suffering are coming from everywhere. Germany, truly a picture-book national power of the 21st century, is deeply involved in all these atrocities economically, militarily and politically.

From our internationalist anarchist perspective, we want to deal with these issues in this group, show solidarity and become active.

Special focus must be placed on the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the continuing oppression of Palestinians in the West Bank. Not only because death, abuse and destruction have reached unimaginable proportions, but also because the German state plays a central role in this. Germany unconditionally supports the state of Israel and Netanyahu’s right-wing extremist government and eagerly supplies weapons for all their inhumane acts. Large sections of the German population are adopting Germany’s interests, interpretations and goals. In addition, hardly any other protest movement is criminalized and ostracized as much as the Palestine solidarity movement: people are losing their jobs, subsidies and migrantised people can now be deported even for a like on the internet. Even the slightest deviation from the opinion defined as permissible by the state shows the state’s authoritarian face. After all, for the German media and state authorities, anyone who cares about Palestinians is an anti-Semite. Anyone who even slightly criticizes the existent Zionism and its consequences, as well as the right-wing extremist settlers, experiences hostility and repression. This is not only about the violence that emanates from the hand of the state through the police and laws, but also about the influence of tolerated media perspectives or deliberately one-sided reporting.

When it comes to the suffering in Gaza, only the German left is more silent than the German media, especially (Leipzig) anarchists. And we don’t mean the anti-German „anarchists“ by their own definition, because they are unfortunately quite loud (even if they should really question whether these two world views are compatible in any way). We don’t want to go into their nationalistic nonsense here, but rather refer to the rest of the „scene“. Where are you? Where have you been in the last 10 months? Most left-wing groups have said exactly *nothing* about the genocide in Gaza – made in Germany. But honestly, we haven’t done much for just as long: After all, it also took us 10 months to get to this point from individual expressions of solidarity, social media posts and maybe once a demo while tolerating „anti-German“ blockaders* in our structures. While in virtually every other country in the world, the left has put pressure on governments, stopped ships for arms shipments, blocked highways and shown practical solidarity with Palestinians, we have been – silent. Why? When asked about this, many people try to talk their way out of it: It’s all very complex, people don’t have time to deal with it right now, we can’t solve it anyway, but the German guilt… There is a great fear of saying something „wrong“, of being called anti-Semitic, of being excluded from groups, of jeopardizing joint political work.

But even if „anti-Germans“ are loud (after all, they have the support of the entire political spectrum from AfD to PdL), we must not make our political integrity and our solidarity dependent on what they accept. Let’s fight again – for solidarity and against every state, every oppression and every authority. Together. Across national borders. Internationalist and anti-nationally. Can we finally show that we are not in the same genocidal continuity as the state in which we live and thus regain the trust of our international comrades? This is exactly what we call on all people in organizations of social struggles and projects to do: Take a stand! Stand up to the anti-German (fake) hegemony in the structures of this city! Engage in these processes!

Who are we?

We are a group of internationalist, queerfeminist anarchists. We stand for the self-determination and self-management of all people, independent of all systems of domination, borders and nations, patriarchal oppression apartheid and exploitation. Especially in the belly of the beast, internationalism must again play a significant role, particularly within the left and libertarian socialists. No German government will voluntarily change anything about the neo-colonial exploitation of the countries of the Global South; it is much more important to build up counter-power here on the ground. Against the logic of nation states and their interests, against the power of borders, against the national „we“! For practical internationalism, for direct and cross-border solidarity with our class siblings all over the world!

We are currently a group of exclusively queer, mostly trans* people. At the moment, all of us are white and most of us have no migration background. We are therefore not directly affected by many of the mechanisms of oppression and discrimination that we deal with. Overall, our struggles are interlinked and cannot be seen in isolation from each other. However, this still means that we are shaped by our German socialization and the privileges that come with it and that we have to be critically aware of this. It is important for us not to appropriate issues and struggles as „white saviours“ and present the „only right“ solution to those affected, but rather to be in exchange with the people who are fighting these struggles, to create learning spaces that are sensitive to discrimination and to enter into complicity with a focus on common desire and grief.

What do we want?

We have come together as the group <<Internationalist Anarchists Leipzig>> to organize ourselves with an explicitly internationalist and anti-authoritarian, anarchist and queerfeminist reference. In doing so, we want to offer ourselves as solidary alliance partners to the already existing internationalist and affected-oriented groups, whereby our analysis may of course differ in (partial) aspects. However, this should not prevent cooperation and broad solidarity. We also want to support existing local and internationalist struggles both publicly and practically. In the (public) debate on various topics, we want to learn for ourselves, sharpen our analytical view of the various contexts and provide accessible information on our website. To this end, we want to open up the group to interested parties and internationalist people in order to offer a platform for points of contact, networking and exchange on an anti-authoritarian basis.

For feedback, questions or anything else you can write us an e-mail: internationalist_anarchists_le[ät]riseup[dot]net

You can find other (anarchist) Palestine solidarity groups on our website: https://internationalistanarchistsle.noblogs.org/english/shout-out/ 


 

A prisons crisis, or an opportunity?

From Freedom News UK

Analysis, 


One of the more vexed questions in anarchist theory is “what do we do with all the criminals?” It’s had many different answers on offer over the years, from Kropotkin’s views on the roots of anti-social acts and possibilities for community rehabilitation, to modern ideas for non-”carceral” (locking people up) approaches to harm. 

In fact across anarchist thought you’ll have as many takes on the subject as there are anarchists, based on the wide variety of experiences people have had. Few of us would say for a moment that we have The Solution, partly because there is no singular fix for a vastly complex social problem that often has few routes to truth, let alone justice and healing. And partly because we live within an economic construct that discourages collectivity, both in our everyday lives and in our approach to the fallouts from harm.

This complicated relationship with concepts of misbehaviour, safety, rehabilitation and restitution runs through the thinking we employ on many topics, not least our relationship with the activities of the State. Famously, anarchists tend towards an abolitionist take on State incarceration (again reaching back to the striking criticisms of Kropotkin, Berkman and many others) which clashes continually with the dogmas of the right, centre and indeed left of traditional politics. It puts us in the way of “lock-em-up-longer” media posturing.

All of which comes to the fore as we stare into yet another round of the prison “overcrowding crisis” that has characterised the last two decades at least. Splashed across the newspapers both before and directly after the election, it’s been (as the Telegraph notes) “solved” at least three times in recent memory by the announcement of megaprison projects to provide more places for Britain’s burgeoning jail population, while remaining stubbornly problematic.

The Telegraph’s criticism, of course, is that these previous announcements weren’t actually followed by much in the way of government action. Somehow HMPs Pentonville and Brixton, slated long since to be flogged off for redevelopment, are still there, while planning for new giant coops for cons has foundered in the face of community hostility. For right-wing pundits, Labour’s challenge is simply to maintain the production line to cope with a projected prison population of 114,800 by 2028 (up from 87,400 as of last month).

So why are these numbers rising (up from 75,000 in 2004)? Is it just population increases? Well no; in fact crime rates have fallen dramatically over the last 30 years, roughly in line with the rest of the Western world, while our incarceration rate, according to the Prison Reform Trust, is now at 0.141% of the UK population, compared to 0.106% in France and just 0.067% in Germany. The actual culprit appears to be longer sentencing, a direct result of all our years of cartoonish tabloid attitudes directing real policy. All those lock-em-up-longer headlines spurred government action, and now we have a huge population in these “universities of crime” which no-one in the government seems to have many ideas about.

Release valves

In the medium term, despite their incredibly poor record when it comes to making recommendations, the right-wing press will likely win out again with a bit of help from the civil service. There’s nothing like the dual pressure of frothing punishment enthusiasts and inertia of public institutions to keep a bad plan alive. Sans other factors, we can thus probably expect renewed megaprison projects to be reluctantly announced in due course by prisons minister James Timpson, drawing on his Prison Reform Trust credentials for extra There Is No Alternative points. 

So far so uninventive, with prisons campaigners (sometimes themselves former high-ups, like Nick Hardwick) left shouting into the void, vainly waving their thick sheaves of research at polite, disinterested bureaucrats. What we’re unlikely to see on current trends is any backtracking over sentencing guidelines, let alone, as Hardwick suggests, a serious readjustment to prioritise alternatives. To return to Telegraph columnist Philip Johnston, he candidly notes of community sentencing programmes: “These may sound good and enlightened, but they are expensive.” And if there’s one group no government will shell out extra for, no matter the practical public good of doing so, it’s prisoners.

In the short term, meanwhile, we’re on crisis measures to alleviate overcrowding pressures, particularly in the wake of the recent far-right riots. Which in an interesting twist are clashing with Keir Starmer’s own natural tendency to throw away the keys, as well as offering firepower to the right’s favoured “Labour soft on crime” narratives. 

The announcements over early-release schemes have started a predictable mini moral panic (despite following on directly from the Tories doing the same thing last December), but most serious observers have characterised it as a simple necessity rather than a choice. Overcrowding is now a serious problem across nearly a third of the estate and since the 1990 Strangeways riot officials have been very, very wary of simply squeezing extra people into each cell. Emergency powers to use police holding cells have already been tapped. 

If they’re going to throw in political prisoners like peace and climate campaigners, along with thugs from the Farage Fan Club, they need to make some room. And to do that, existing cons have to sling their hook. Given the lengthening of sentences which took place in recent years, all this practically amounts to, in many cases, is a restoration of previous norms.

In some ways this is all mildly ironic. Back when XR were still gunning to be arrested en masse, hoping to overwhelm the prison system, the government was smart enough not to let them. Instead it strung out sentencing, handed out big fines and made the trial itself the ordeal. Now however, at its weakest moment, it’s actually sending non-violent activists down as a result of the zero-tolerance policies of Starmer’s predecessors, and has found itself playing exactly into the strategy that XR once failed to make work. 

Opportunities for us

In terms of campaigning, what this situation offers us is a weakness to push at both in the short and medium terms. In the first case, we can make the very obvious point that if Starmer wants to avoid overcrowding he could start by reversing the drive to hand multi-year sentences to non-violent activists which was, in the first place, an obscene clunking boot to bring down on civil liberties in response to relatively mild levels of disruption. 

And in the medium term, it has been clear for decades now that the unpleasant reactionary dream of isolating thousands of prisoners far away from their families and communities is cack-headed. Utterly counterproductive from the standpoint of rehabilitation, it’s unpopular wherever it’s proposed and continues railroading the entire system as little more than a succession of battery cages, throwing away tens of thousands of lives. 

The Tories, despite their best efforts, have shown megaprisons and longer sentencing is exactly what we said, not just inhumane but completely impractical. We know anti-carceral approaches and better ideas for how to bring people back from the darkest part of their lives, to reduce the dangers posed to the public permanently, not just for the duration a four stretch, can work. The Establishment is all out of “better” ideas, and even the likes of the Financial Times, in some desperation, are increasingly open to alternatives.

There’s room for campaigning and positive pressure.

~ Rob Ray