Saturday, August 31, 2024


Break on Through: Finding The Doors



 
 August 30, 2024Facebook

The Doors in 1968. Photo: Elektra Records.

LONG READ


I was at university when I first heard the Doors.  It was springtime, coming on summer.  I was living on campus, my first year, and I was eighteen.  I was in a housemate’s room, waiting for him to get back for some reason I don’t recall now.  The building we lived in was a little run down, the rooms were shabby, but I remember that day – the sunshine streaming through the windows, the dust embers in the air glinting and dancing.  Our campus was situated in the lap of a large valley, and in the distance, I could see the green of the hills.  Maybe it was late morning or early afternoon; knowing my habits at that point in my life, I probably hadn’t been up all that long.  I was sleepy and a little bored so I began to thumb through my housemate’s CD collection.

I took out a CD, ‘The Best of the Doors’.  It’s the one with a black and white cover, the lead singer Jim Morrison, his arms extended sideways like some sort of rock and roll Jesus, the shaggy mane tumbling down from the sides to frame a face which is statuesque and perfect, eyes vacant and yet melancholy somehow too.  But I only glanced at the cover, dismissing it.  I pretty much figured it was music from the 60s.  I knew music from the 60s; growing up my father had record and CD collections spread around the house, and when he’d get drunk he’d pelt them full blast keeping everyone awake.

I liked some of that stuff though. I liked the cheeriness of rock and roll rhythms and the sentimentality of some of those old crooning love songs.  They seemed of another time.  A self-contained world that had none of the sophistication or irony of modern music, music which tended to reflect darker and more fitful realities.  These were the vague prejudices I felt, rather than thought upon.

But for some reason – perhaps it was that boredom again – I ended up putting on that first Doors CD.  I went to a random song and pressed play.  And listened while the sunlight streamed in and I could hear the vague chatter from people passing outside. And then it just … melted away.  There are certain times in one’s life when you have an existential aesthetic experience, something which feels almost life-changing, and yet it is wholly accidental.   Flicking TV channels late at night, coming to rest sleepily on a film, and eventually finding yourself drawn in, gripped and awakened, only to remember that film for the rest of your days.   This was a little like that.

The song was ‘The Crystal Ship’.   Whatever I had been expecting it wasn’t anything like what I heard.  I had thought of 60s music as being old-fashioned, but this seemed much more modern.  Only modern is not the right word.  Timeless.   The first few words of the song are acapella, this voice intoning in the dark – ‘Before … you … slip …’ and then it is joined by what I can only describe as fairground music.   A faint shimmering symbol, a fluttering rhythm which gives way before the gentle but steady piping of a distant organ, and that voice continues, diaphanous and hypnotic – ‘Before you slip …. into unconsciousness … I would like another kiss, another flashing chance at bliss … another kiss’

As that carousel music flows onward in the background, that voice continues to intone.  That voice.  I’d never heard anything like it.   It was so perfect as to be almost hollow, so fine as to be almost toneless.  There was something inhuman about it, ethereal; more like a Platonic Form – a shimmering transcendental archetype – than something living and breathing; and yet, in the same moment, it carried such human loneliness, such longing – ‘the days are bright and filled with pain … enclose me in your gentle rain.’    It was haunting. It was hurting.   I imagine that if a ghost had a voice – a spirit imbued with all the regrets of a life now gone – it might sound something like that.  It might sound the way Jim Morrison sounded to me that day, in that room, all those years ago.

And perhaps that is the fundamental miracle of music.  It is, more than anything, an activity of ghosts.  Someone has lived a life, and at some point along the line, they poured that life into words and music.   Eventually, that life must be lost to time.  And yet, the medium preserves the sound – the record, the cassette, the CD, the MP3 – it allows what once was to play out again, to call out across time – as a plea, a lament – bridging one existence with another, the past with the future, the living with the dead.

I have never experienced that aspect of music – the sense of its ghostly eternity – with the intensity and power with which his voice stole over me that early afternoon. Neither before nor since.  I replayed the ‘The Crystal Ship’ over and again, marveling at its ephemeral beauty, feeling a physical sense of loss when that voice died out.  When my friend returned, I asked him if I could borrow the CD (we were not particularly close) and I recall the anxiety that shot through me at the thought of being parted from the sound if only for a few hours.   He was, however, kind enough to lend me the collection, and later that evening I smuggled it into my room like contraband, like something otherworldly, something precious.

The late comic and rather wonderful human being Robin Williams once said ‘I used to think that the worst thing in life was to end up alone. It’s not. The worst thing in life is to end up with people who make you feel all alone.’  I like this quote because it hits on something deeper, something that is a fundamental part of modern existence.  The sense that loneliness isn’t simply about separation but also about togetherness.

Many of us live in cities populated by millions, some of us live in tenement blocks or towers, hundreds of people are packed together in these great concrete fortifications, and yet we rarely ever speak to, or even know the names of, our closest neighbors.  In modern life, the individual existence unfurls in the midst of the crowd and yet this sometimes serves to emphasize the crystalline quality of loneliness all the more sharply.

At university, I felt like that.  My evenings were often busy and filled with people – having done various awful part-time jobs to pay the bills, I eventually resorted to selling weed, which was more fun, despite the nocturnal hours.  But I felt a distance from the people around me.

The students I knew on campus were often public school boys or international students.   The public-school boys fascinated me, they had an affected drollness, they would all address one another by their second names, as if they were practiced professionals conducting business scenarios in a board meeting or gentleman’s club – the ridiculousness of their affectations betrayed only by a twinkling, knowing smile.

They would banter ostentatiously, with wry grins, and their humor was droll in a wink-wink, nod-nod type of way.  And they would drink like medieval aristocrats – and though their politics were as awful as you might expect – they could be very funny, taking each other down ruthlessly, and yet with the underlying affection that comes from the recognition of another member of your same tribe.  What I remember most was how at home they were in the world, how comfortable they seemed in their own skins.

The international students were different again; beautiful boys and girls with olive skins and honeyed eyes, young men and women from Greece, Spain, Italy and France whose rooms smelt faintly of incense and coffee, of olive oil and pot, and who would spend nights under a candle-lit glow holding forth on politics and philosophy, passionate and amused.  Even their conversation was impossibly continental and exotic; magical names floated across the air like incantations, names I had never heard before – ‘Foucault’, ‘Derrida’, ‘Deleuze’ ‘Levinas’ – mysterious and enigmatic figures whose esoteric thoughts and theories it seemed to me these students had at their fingertips.

They seemed so knowledgeable and in the ease with which they moved through life, so casually sophisticated and supremely adult.   And this they shared with their public-school brethren – a sense of being entirely at home in the world.

I did not feel at home in the world.  I don’t think I ever have.   And in the summers, the public-school boys would take to the snowcapped mountains of Switzerland and France for skiing holidays and the international students would decamp for a summer spent island hopping around the Mediterranean, and I would return home to do factory work or spend the summer pushing trolleys in Tesco feeling vaguely that life was leaving me behind.

And in the nights, I’d drink whiskey and smoke and listen to the Doors.  Their music seemed to speak to me of loneliness in that hauntingly modern way.  When one listens to a song like ‘People Are Strange’ it is paradoxical.   On the one hand, it has that carnivalesque sound; when the song reaches its chorus, the music is jaunty almost cheerful – ‘When you’re strange … faces come out of the rain’.  It has the rhythmic tempo of a New Orleans marching band, it is rousing, upbeat, and you want to clap along with it.  But this is offset by the otherworldliness of that distant voice and the lyrics themselves which provide a masterclass in the poetry of alienation: ‘When you’re strange, faces come out of the rain … When you’re strange, no one remembers your name …. When you’re strange, when you’re strange …’

This is the loneliness of modernity; a loneliness which is filtered through other people, only they are not other people at all, but apparitions – those ‘faces’ which ‘come out of the rain’ are as specters materializing from the nighttime mist.   It is the loneliness of the streets where there is an insuperable divide between one’s inner life and thoughts, and the people you encounter in the darkness. ‘People Are Strange’ provides a ribald, Gothic-esque carnival, blending the excitement of the city at night and all those unimagined lives with the infinite distance that opens up between each and every one.

Such music – encompassing both the stark alienation of urban realities along with the gothic sound of an eerie and ghostly carnival – offers a tissue of contradictions; the upbeat works in tandem as a musical refrain with an underlying pulse of despair, the baroque plays out alongside the contemporary, isolation and anomie is refined in and through the noise of the crowd. As the author Melissa Ursula Dawn Goldsmith comments on ‘People Are Strange’, the song employs an ‘expressionist’ sense of ‘alienation and distanciation’ in order to express the positive aspect of social life as something ‘strange’.[1]

‘Alabama Song’ – perhaps one of the best peons to getting drunk ever penned – operates in a similar fashion; that ‘Show me the way to the next whiskey bar … Oh show me the way to the next whiskey bar!’ again works in terms of a marching rhythm, a call to action, the need to seek out Dionysian excess, to drive the pleasure principle to its apex but of course such ‘positivity’ eventually yields a chaos and a senselessness and a lack of meaning – ‘oh don’t ask why’.  The antinomies of pleasure and pain, of joy and hopelessness that are the syncopated rhythms driving the soundtrack to the existence of every alcoholic, every drug abuser, are – in Morrisons’s hands – rendered as vivid and raw as the train tracks that streak down a heroine addict’s arm.

As is well documented, Jim Morrison was both an alcoholic and a drug addict, though toward the end of his brief existence, the former mostly outweighed the latter.  That Jim Morrison should have indulged in booze and drugs is hardly surprising; indeed it would have been more shocking had a young man of his age and time been a teetotaller, especially given the relationship drugs and drink played in the context of a social rebellion that saw conservative mores challenged not simply by direct action and political protest but also by a cultural revolution.

In their comprehensive, insightful and well-written biography of Jim Morrison, authors Jeffery Hopkins and Danny Sugerman describe how the teenage Morrison was drawn into the burgeoning counterculture of the 1950s, how he was able to escape the stifling small-town conservatism of Alameda – where the family was based – by hopping on a bus and making for North Beach.  North Beach was a neighborhood in San Francisco that had become a beacon for counterculture through the new breed of literature and records which were beginning to describe the adolescent experience as it tore itself away from the expectations of the ‘greatest generation’.  Expectations which had been marked by a certain unremarked stoicism, a silent duty to the family and the state and perhaps also a quiet desperation; all aspects of a way of life whose insularity and conservatism had grown out of the trauma of war and the memory of economic depression.

But if that generation had played out the events of its life in a monochrome black and white, then the generation of the 1950s was the first to explode into technicolor.   As the teenage Morrison strolled down North Beach Broadway, he’d encounter a hectic clutter of bright, neon-lit shops whose contents gave voice to the new spirit of youth and self-expression starting to emerge from the grey fug of small-town suburbia, for here, among other things, was the ‘world headquarters for the beatniks’.[2]    Morrison would frequent the ‘City Lights Book Store’ with its alluring promise of ‘Banned Books’, and he would pore over the work of the beatnik poets – ‘Ferlinghetti was one of Jim’s favorites, along with Kenneth Rexroth and Allen Ginsberg.  Ginsberg made the greatest impact’.[3]

But the most potent influence on the teenage Morrison and his sense of self came in the form of the great bohemian, beatnik novel On the Road, the nomadic flavor of its wandering freedoms and most of all, its invocation of the character of the wild and free-spirited Dean Moriarty and its blurring of the lines between freedom and madness – ‘He was one of Kerouac’s “mad ones, the ones who are mad to live, mad to talk, mad to be saved, desirous of everything at the same time, the ones who never yawn or say a commonplace thing, but burn burn burn like fabulous yellow Roman candles exploding like spiders across the stars’.[4]    Indeed the teenage Morrison was so enamored by the fictional character that ‘he began to copy Moriarty right down to his “hee-hee-hee-hee” laugh.’[5]

It was unsurprising, then, that the adolescent Jim Morrison would get drunk and dabble with pot, not just because these things provide goofy and fun experiences for many a teenager, but on a more profound level, they were part and parcel of the cultural milieu and the kind of archetype of youthful freedom and rebellion that Morrison was intuitively and aesthetically drawn toward.  For the same reason, it is no coincidence that this developing cultural consciousness, the rituals of drinking and getting high, and the exploration of the counter-culture aesthetic through beatnik literature would also coincide with Morrison’s first forays into writing himself:

Jim was becoming a writer.  He had begun to keep journals, spiral notebooks that he would fill with his daily observations and thoughts … and as he entered his senior year, more and more poetry.  The romantic notion of poetry was taking hold: the “Rimbaud legend,” the predestined tragedy, were impressed on his consciousness, the homosexuality of Ginsberg and Whitman and Rimbaud himself; the alcoholism of Baudelaire, Dylan Thomas, Brendan Behan; the madness and addiction of so many more in whom the pain married with the visions.  The pages became a mirror in which Jim saw his reflection.[6]

The connection between alcohol and creativity has a seasoned lineage.  In ancient Greek times, the grape was not just a symbol of Hellenic identity in the same way as the olive vine, nor just a richly traded commodity and mere object of consumption, but moreover something which had a significant aesthetic and religious usage in its form as alcohol.   The Greek word Pneuma (πνεῦμα) translates into ‘spirit’ – but it also has the meaning ‘breathed’; it was conceived that the ‘soul’ or ‘spirit’ was something ‘breathed’ into the individual from a divine source, and that inebriation was a way of opening up the spirit to its origins, to bringing oneself into contact with the infinite once more.

And, as the late Christopher Hitchens pointed out, ‘the very word “spirit”’ also preserves an intuition of the ‘“inspired” that was detected by the Greeks when they hit upon fermentation’[7] and used its results in their creative endeavors, not least of which was the production of music and art.   The counterculture movement of the 50s and 60s revived this notion and deepened it; the idea that alcohol and drugs could provide a gateway to a deeper essence, the conscious-altering-means which could provide a sublime encounter with the transcendental reality.  Whilst at UCLA, Morrison became fascinated by the ancient Greek world, particularly in and through his readings of the eloquent and savage reactionary philosopher Fredrich Nietzsche.

In particular, Morrison would come to identify with the figure of ‘the long-suffering Dionysius’, for in the ancient Greek god, Morrison found something more primordial, an archetype that hinted at a buried and elemental reality through the experience of both suffering and excess.  Dionysius, in Nietzsche’s philosophy of art, became a symbol for the darker, unrestrained and irrational impulses that lurk just below the depths of the psyche and come to power that aspect of aesthetic creation which is chaotic, instinctive and unconscious.

Morrison combined this sense of art, with a broader philosophical vision; the poet’s suffering, the poet’s creativity – heightened by the use of alcohol and drugs – could work toward an ‘ecstatic dissolution of personal consciousness’.[8]   If this was achieved – if personal consciousness with all its distortions and peccadillos was somehow transcended – then true reality could be glimpsed in its eternal and elemental guise; or as the great religious poet William Blake put it, ‘If the doors of perception were cleansed every thing would appear to man as it is, Infinite.’[9]

This type of philosophy precipitated an artistic journey, the use of drink, drugs and aesthetic activity in combination to seek out the ‘infinite reality’, the ‘primordial nature of the universe’, or as Jim Morrison and his college friends would come to call it, ‘the universal mind’.[10]  This intuitive, emotional and sometimes frenzied quest would bleed into other intellectual trends and cultural preoccupations; both psychology and shamanism became key moments defining the focus of Jim Morrison’s poetry and eventually the music of the Doors.

Jung was a key fit, for instance; his theory of primeval archetypes tessellated nicely with the idea of a ‘universal mind’ which was veiled by the paraphernalia of the empirical and everyday, while shamanism, provoking altered states of consciousness often through hallucinogens as a way of transitioning into the invisible realm of spirits and ghosts, conceived of reality in the same dualistic fashion; a physical world behind which lay a more fundamental spiritual essence which could be encountered given the correct intellectual strategies and spiritual activities.

A note of caution should be sounded. These intellectual trends easily shade into the worst forms of cod philosophy and trite spiritualism; who hasn’t had to endure that bore at a party describing an experience of taking mushrooms in the Amazon and touching a dolphin in order to become ‘one’ with nature, or Gary from Peckham off his nut on a ‘vision quest’ having snorted a good bump of crystal?

And the idea that there is any hard and fast connection between aesthetic creativity and the use of drugs and alcohol is a treacherous one to say the least.  As a functioning alcoholic, I can say that a moderate amount of drinking certainly can grease the wheels and allow for a more unincumbered creative flow.  At the same time, I’ve gone over the next day some of the stuff I’ve written while fully flushed (stuff I thought was brilliant in the moment) and it’s nearly always read wincingly self-indulgent and all-over-the-place in the sober light of day.

I suppose what I want to say is that although people rightfully laud the explosion of political and aesthetic creativity provided by the counterculture that emerged in the 50s and 60s, it did have its distortions and deficits.   Many of the rambling stream-of-consciousness poems unleashed by those beatniks who thought they were harmonizing with infinite realities were simply onanistic, annoying, and completely meaningless.

And the hippy movement, which many of the beatniks would flow into, was problematic.   The hippies of the early 1960s famously played an important and effective role in the anti-war movement in their capacity as flower-power-promoting pacifists, but in terms of the possibilities of challenging the status quo and the political forms of exploitation back home, it is important to remember that there was a streak of conspicuous individualism which ran through much of the movement, and made it resistant to radical social change. As Devon Van Houten Maldonado observes, the hippies were in the ‘majority white, middle-class group of young people’ whose wealthy backgrounds most often meant that they had ‘had less at stake than those fighting for civil rights’.[11]

The material luxury many of the hippies enjoyed set the basis for a cultural indulgence; on the one hand, they loathed the militarism and the straight-laced conservatism of their parent’s generation, and yet, the solution to many of the political problems of the age for them became the expansion of the mind through drugs and the adoption – in crude outline – of various tenets of mysticism and eastern religions such as Buddhism or Hinduism.

But the search for nirvana or brahman was also the movement of the isolated and private consciousness as it turned in on itself; the great social and political problems of the age faded before one’s own spiritual journey of individual discovery.  This kind of esoteric spiritualism – so attractive to many a hippy – allowed the individual in question to feel as though they were posing a radical affront to the status quo, that their higher consciousness had transcended the material and base imperatives of a capitalist economy such as consumerism and the never-ending drive toward accumulation and profit, and yet, in the same moment, such an isolated and aloof spiritual purview left intact the social structures and forms of capitalist organization and oppression which set the stage for the ‘consumerist’ society in the first place.

For the struggle for ‘nirvana’ would never necessitate the joining of the trade union, or the radical organization, or the revolutionary party; it would never require the one who sought it to siphon their efforts into the practical transformation of society at the socio-economic level in and through collective action – through strikes and committees.  For this reason, the ‘rebels’ could ‘rebel’ against their parents’ generation – against their concern with material goods, their unquestioning fidelity to the government and country, the conservatism of a conventional bourgeois existence more broadly – while at the same time their own basis in a substantial degree of material privilege which sustained such a ‘rebellion’ was left wholly undisturbed.

As a consequence, hippies could often ‘turn on, tune in, drop out’ in a way that would never have been feasible for civil rights activists and besieged radicals such as the Black Panthers, for the struggle of the latter was most often an ‘existential’ one – i.e. they could not afford to ‘drop out’ as their politics flowed from the fight for their very existence.  And in this way, the hippy movement was always inclined toward an aspect of trite and superficial spirituality, a cultural luxuriant that overlaid a more fundamental accommodation of the status quo.  As a long-deceased journalist once opined, scratch the surface of a hippy, and you will nearly always glimpse a conservative on the inside.

How much of the music of the Doors was infused with this hippy-esque sense of saccharine spirituality, camouflaging a more conventional and conservative mindset?  While Jim Morrison shared much of the hallucinatory ‘LSD’ culture which hoped to cleanse ‘the doors of perception’ and allow the user to gaze into the infinite beyond (the name of the band was lifted from Blake’s phrase siphoned through Huxley), there were also important points at which Morrison eschewed the hippy ethic and reacted against it.

The song ‘Five To One’, for instance, seems to draw attention to the futility of the hippy lifestyle: ‘Night is drawing near/Shadows of the evening crawl across the years.  You walk across the floor with a flower in your hand.  Trying to tell me no one understands’.  The ‘flower in your hand’ hints at that flower-power generation which is increasingly unmoored from the political realities as time creeps on – ‘shadows of the evening’.  The conclusion?  Morrison seems to suggest that radicalism will eventually and inevitably be traded for renumeration – ‘Trade in your hours for a handful of dimes.’[12]; the youthful hippy protestor will eventually morph into a figure of comfortable middle-class entitlement.

In an interview from 1970, Jim Morrison was more explicit in his antipathy to the hippy movement – ‘The hippie lifestyle is really a middle-class phenomenon … and it could not exist in any other society except ours, where there’s this incredible surfeit of goods, products, and leisure time.’[13] In another interview given that same ‘[u]n year, he was even more vehement, describing how the young hippies at Woodstock had ‘seemed like a bunch of young parasites, being kind of spoon-fed this three or four days of … well, you know what I mean.’[14]

Hopkins and Sugerman also emphasize Morrison’s spiritual and intellectual distance from the hippy movement, ‘[un]like the prototypical “hippy”, Jim thought astrology was a pseudoscience, rejected the concept of the totally integrated personality, and expressed a distaste for vegetarianism because of the religious fervor often attached to the diet.  It was, he said, dogma, and he had no use for that.’[15]  And, as Christopher Crenshaw argues, the Doors were ‘not part of the “love generation.” … were not influenced by folk-rock, and Jim Morrison’s lyrics did not often encourage listeners to “feel good.” Listeners were more likely to call them “evil” than look to them for peace and love.’[16]

For Crenshaw, the Doors embodied another aspect of the sixties counter-culture revolution, a ‘side of the resistance experience, a side fascinated with self-expression, darkness and release, sex and death.’[17]  The music journalist Max Bell, writing for Classic Rock magazine expresses a similar sentiment, writing that ‘Morrison’s neo Gothic croon and Manzarek’s ghostly, cathedral-like organ spoke of murkier climes than those offered by the Beatles’ brand of polychromatic pop.’[18]  For Bell, the music of the Doors was the darker palliative to much of the happy-go-lucky music of the 60s, ‘the symphonic high art’ of the Beatles for instance; for Bell, the Doors ‘gave the lie to such positivism, drawing on the growing feeling of ‘us against them’ that pervaded a generation of young Americans in fear of the draft to Vietnam’.[19]

But perhaps the music has a deeper historical resonance still.   As Hopkins and Sugerman write, one of the things which inoculated Morrison against some of the worst aspects of hippy-esque counterculture was the fact of his own background as a ‘college graduate instead of a dropout, a voracious reader with a highly catholic taste …[w]hether he liked it or not, he was the obvious product of a Southern upper-middle class family: charming, goal-orientated, and in many ways politically conservative.’[20]

Again there are deep and underlying contradictions here.  From an early age, Morrison seems to have intuited the hypocrisy, the façade of respectability that cloaks the lives of the well-to-do – his mother Clara, an aspirant social climber, vividly exampled it.  And she was keen to impress standards of respectability and decorum on her often wild and wayward eldest child, and when he failed to meet her expectations, she was not shy about letting him know.  Jim’s father was a navy man, away living on distant bases for most of his childhood, so Jim saw him infrequently.   The times he did, however, were turned into significant occasions as when Jim was invited to visit a ship carrier his father had recently been promoted to run.

By this point, Jim Morrison was a young man, a college student who had a keen sense of his own developing identity, but this was something his mother could neither comprehend or respect, demanding instead that he cut his hair before the important visit: ‘There are three thousand men on that ship and your father has their respect, and he has that respect because he is a fine disciplinarian.  How would it look if his son, his very own son, showed up looking like a beatnik?’[21]

Jim attended the event with his hair shorn as requested, but the bitterness over these kinds of incidents never really left him.  A few years later, he would sever all links with his parents, brutally sudden, and he seems to have never looked back.   From his earliest days when he used to torment his little brother, there was an aspect of cruelty, of coldness, about Jim Morrison – something that was on display in later life particularly in terms of the parade of women he scorned, mistreated and sometimes even brutalized.  His parents, despite their faults, clearly loved him, and put a lot of effort into trying to raise him, albeit according to their parochial and conservative values.  The manner in which he suddenly and abruptly discards them does seem unnecessarily cold and cruel, however on another level, it also makes a certain sense.

For the spiritual and political distance that opened up between them was immense.   Clara, for Jim, represented something more than the stifling, shaming probations enforced by a parent on her child.  She became more generally an emblem of the lower-middle-class world; the faux sense of respectability that thinly disguised the calculating aspiration and the snobbish superiority which lay underneath.

And if his mother was the prim package in which the values of the lower-middle class were decorated, then his father represented a more direct archetype – the distant disciplinarian with a military gait, someone in whom words and self-expression were always subordinate to the unthinking and unquestioning devotion to duty, a figure in which the state and the status quo could locate a steadfast guardian, someone of the lower orders who had thoroughly imbibed the tonic of patriotism and hierarchy, whose whole being was sheened red, white and blue, and would devote his existence to the shoring up of American military power and the project of globalism and mass murder which that entailed.

I believe that, for Jim Morrison, his parents became more than just figures whose authority he resented as part and parcel of adolescent rebellion; they were emblems, personifications almost, of aspects of the decadence and decay of the American society in the late twentieth century, the point at which historical development was reaching its twilight.

It is well-chronicled that Morrison claimed his earliest memory to be from when he was four years old, and he was traveling with his parents on the highway from Santa Fe.   The scene is recreated in the film The Doors, directed by Oliver Stone, the dusty highway, the expanse of desert and mountain, the arid heat but with the greys and purples of storm clouds brewing in the background.  The family passes an overturned truck and the young boy glimpses the injured and dying Pueblo Indians who have been thrown from the vehicle and onto the asphalt by the force of the accident.  The child, witnessing the horror, exclaims ‘I want to help, I want to help … They’re dying! They’re dying!’ to which his father responds in a comforting murmur, ‘It was a dream, Jimmy, it didn’t really happen, it was a dream.’[22]

In later years, his parents’ account of the incident differed from Morrison’s own.   With no small dose of imagination and some hyperbole, Jim Morrison probably exaggerated the details of the accident, the number of victims, even going as far as to say that he had, as a four-year-old child, felt the soul of one of the dead Indians pass into his body.  But whatever embellishments Morrison gave to the incident in retrospect, it is clear what happened was something that left an indelible mark on who he was, who he became – he would later describe it as ‘the most important moment of my life’.[23]

And this is significant on several levels.  In the most immediate sense, it was a traumatic, unsettling and harrowing experience for any small child.  But it also became, I think, a philosophical allegory of a broader political and social vision.  The victims of the accident were native Americans – the ingenious people whose displacement, ethnic cleansing and murder on a vast scale constituted perhaps the nation’s ‘original sin’ (it preceded the transatlantic slave trade in this respect).  It is not altogether insignificant that Morrison’s father was a military man, someone who rose high in the ranks of the same power which oversaw much of the ethnic cleansing that had been interwoven with the nation-building project of the past.   And that whisper – ‘it was a dream … it didn’t really happen’ – isn’t that the refrain of every white conservative in the political establishment seeking to diminish or disappear historical memory?

The idea of the US as a long smooth highway, a journey of sleek, technological progress and civilization, an untrammeled and unproblematic voyage into the future that works to disguise the wreckage of persecution, slavery and mass-murder which one glimpses momentarily through a window as those details rapidly recede into the rearview of the past; this acts as a potent metaphor for history, for society, for the family unit.  I think the veneer of respectability that overlaid the often spiteful, ruthless and acquisitive values of the lower-middle class suburban existence became blurred in Jim Morrison’s aesthetic consciousness with broader social and historical horizons, the modern nation – its values of liberty, fraternity and equality – papering over the deeper primeval darkness at work beneath the surface of respectability and decorum.

I think too this is why he came to despise his parents so absolutely; not only did they sense in him the antithesis of their own respectability and accommodation to the status quo, but he located in them – unconsciously, indirectly perhaps – the ciphers of a broader system, a system which despite its claims to progress had yielded repression and apartheid and naked children running through streets in lands far away, skins burnt off by napalm.   His parents, of course, couldn’t be held responsible in some purely personal capacity for the scope and entirety of these broader historical trends, but they could be held responsible for turning away, they could be held responsible for denial, for psychological repression, for the same social amnesia exhibited by an entire generation of older conservatives who papered up the cracks of darker realities by retreating into religious tradition and the parochial values of the ‘decent Christian family’.

In one of his most controversial works, Sigmund Freud extended his theory of the ‘Oedipus complex’ to the historical plane; in Totem and Taboo he argued that the latent desire of the son to kill the father provided the motive force for the transition from the rural world of tribes and gens to the earliest emissions of cities and modern civilisations.  The young men whose hungers and freedoms had been suppressed by rigid hierarchy of the ‘totemic’ clan would eventually coalesce as a repressed group which, in turn, would enact a terrible revenge on the ancient patriarchy: ‘the brothers who had been driven out came together, killed and devoured their father and so made an end of the patriarchal horde. United, they had the courage to do and succeeded in doing what would have been impossible for them individually.’[24]

To be blunt, Freud’s analysis doesn’t have a leg to stand on in terms of providing a persuasive or even vaguely accurate description of the way in which the first civilizations came into being, historically speaking. But what is interesting about it is the way it explicitly equates the destruction of a family unit by the unleashing of Oedipal tendencies on an individual scale with the destruction of a whole social order.  In perhaps the most disturbing verse of all, in possibly the Doors’ most evocative and starkly poetic song, Jim Morrison gives full credence to Freudian sensibilities and the Oedipal Complex in a sinister meditation on the ancient and the repressed, on sex and death:

The killer awoke before dawn
He put his boots on
He took a face from the ancient gallery
And he walked on down the hall
He went into the room where his sister lived, and then he
Paid a visit to his brother, and then he
He walked on down the hall, and
And he came to a door
And he looked inside
“Father?” “Yes, son?” “I want to kill you”
“Mother? I want to… “

This verse is about the half-way point in the song which, in its finalized form, is almost eleven minutes long.  Naturally, this section caused deep controversy – in the live performances, Morrison sometimes erased the ambiguity of that final truncated sentence by concluding with visceral intent – ‘Mother?  I want to … fuck you!’.   But over time, the outrage has melted, and, for some, what remains is simply the sense of a band being shocking for the sake of shock, the Freudian aspect smuggled in as a way to be fashionably intellectual and visibly subversive.  And yet … I would have to demur.  For the song itself reveals much deeper layers and complexities.

The ‘killer’ who awakes before dawn is strangely anonymous – an archetype rather than a person, someone who conforms to the primitive, primeval image selected from the ‘the ancient gallery’ that the Jungian collective consciousness encompasses.  At the same time, the killer has a contemporary bent, he puts ‘his boots on’ – one can imagine he is a serial killer – that dark and sadistic symptom of modern anomie and a staple of American culture in the 60s and the 70s from the Manson murders to the Zodiac.  The damage this killer inflicts on his family is explicitly Freudian, but Morrison is not addressing his own family in the verse but rather the more universal example they had set – for they had become an emblem of the respectability of an American dream which overlaid an American nightmare, a crisis of civilization drawn out through global war and authoritarian repression, a crisis which was reaching its apex in the 1960s.

And so, when Jim Morrison ‘kills’ his father and ‘fucks’ his mother, what he is really alluding to is not just the destruction of a family, but the destruction of a civilization – a civilization which has inculcated the very death drive that seeks to obliterate it.    ‘The End’ is, at its core, a song about the end of an epoch, a collapse, and its form is modernist and fragmented for precisely this reason.    Like Elliot’s The Wasteland we seem to be hearing fragments of different voices at different times.   In the beginning, for instance, the song opens up with the most beautiful, aching melancholy … ‘This is the end. Beautiful friend. This is the end, my only friend, the end. Of our elaborate plans, the end. Of everything that stands, the end. No safety or surprise, the end. I’ll never look into your eyes again’.  Its apocalyptic but also intimate – someone addressing a lover before they unclasp hands for the final time.  Soft, gentle, and so painfully beautiful.

Another voice, however, speaks in a colder way, a soulless way, almost as though someone is speaking through him.  It invokes the aspect of the shaman, of the ancient peoples who lived on the land and who propitiated their animal gods long before they were displaced by Europeans brandishing crosses – ‘Ride the snake, ride the snake to the lake, the ancient lake … He’s old and his skin is cold’.  This sense of ancientness is pronounced in another section, this time in the form of a madness which has fallen upon a modern culture – ‘Lost in a Roman wilderness of pain. And all the children are insane’.   And joining these, is the voice of the preacher of the prairies with his promise of rapture and millennialism – ‘Can you picture what will be?  So limitless and free’.

And then there is our serial killer, of course, who takes a face from the ‘ancient gallery’, and here one can’t help but wonder whether such a disguise – such a mask – might also represent the uniform so many young men were forced to don when they were sent off to kill in Vietnam at the behest of their parents’ generation.  And finally, all these competing voices die down in favour of just the one, again that haunting refrain, ‘this is the end ….’

This achingly beautiful poem/song gives voice to various images of repressed and maddened presences that exist below the surface of ‘Americana’ in some kind of primordial and chaotic state of flux that ultimately suggest the collapse of civilisation itself.    When I listen to ‘The End’ I think it is much more than just a rambling stream of consciousness by a beat poet and hippy-transcendentalist.   Rather it has its roots in the dark terminus of all empires, that seed of degeneration which was present from the beginning, that speck of decay and death which great powers carry with them unbeknownst, the dark shadow at the edges that was so potently diagnosed by the playwrights of the past such as Aeschylus who used his play ‘The Persians’ as a prophetic allegory, the ominous portent which would herald the destruction of Athens at the hands of Sparta, or the poet Shelley as he poignantly referenced the tragedy of the great Ozymandias, that colossal wreck gradually sinking into the sands of time.

In the American context, we might call to mind the work of the artist Thomas Cole and his ‘The Course of Empire’, a set of five paintings which portrays the rise and fall of civilization.   It depicts the origins of humanity in the forms of the early hunter-gatherers who eventually grow into an innocent and pastoral way of life where human beings live in a gentle harmony with nature.

The third painting shows how civilisation itself has succeeded these earlier moments, it renders a resplendent harbour overlooked by ivory palaces and pantheons.   The civilisation – though it certainly has Roman and Greek trappings – is glorious but also generic, it is a placeholder for a concept of empire more generally, as the copper tinted water is festooned with glorious golden ships of war on the verge of departing for battle.  Inevitably, the final paintings in the quintuple describe the apocalyptic downfall of the civilisation and the return to nature once more, shattered ruins overwhelmed by creeping vines and sprouting trees as nature reclaims the landscape.

In a song such as ‘Yes, the River Knows’, the Doors bring across that early stage of pastoral innocence, of people communing with nature; the river itself is personified in an animist tradition – ‘the river told me, very softly’.  The river represents the very heart of being, and yet at the same time it is also ephemeral, like the flow of time itself: ‘Free fall flow, river flow’.  The song describes that early arcadia, the spontaneous and immediate unity with nature which was the province of our most ancient ancestors – ‘breathe underwater to the end’ – and yet time is always at work, ‘On and on it goes’.  It is a gentle poetic meditation, with just the slightest hint of foreshadowing, and in this way it has a similar aesthetic effect to those early paintings of Cole, the sense that innocence in its very essence is something that must inevitably be lost, that history will always find a way of turning the page.

And that sense of loss is also so much a part of ‘The End’, on a personal level in terms of the lover or ‘beautiful friend’ who is being addressed, but also at the level of a whole historical epoch.  It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Francis Ford Coppola used the song to such eerie and crepuscular effect in the opening to Apocalypse Now.  We begin with the sinister whirring of helicopter blads which then elides into that famous intro – ‘This is the end, my only friend the end. Of our elaborate plans, the end. Of everything that stands, the end’.

While this is going on, we see the thickets and trees of a great jungle, the shadow of a helicopter motors by, and then everything is engulfed by great plumes of flame. From that fire materialises the image of a soldier’s shell-shocked face as he gazes up into the ceiling while in the background the inferno continues to rage, punctuated only by the sleek skeletal shadows of burnt-out trees.  It is one of the most powerful introductions to any film I think, not only because of the aesthetic and technical merits of the camera work, but because the music and the images have a real historical resonance, the logic of empire driven to its demented and insensible peak, that heart of darkness which is the engine of great war and cataclysmic collapse.

Morrison and Coppola were of a similar age, cut from the cloth of the same generation, they even attended the same film school.  They were brilliant, quizzical, troubled bright lights of a generation whose lives played out against a backdrop of empire and abuse of power that yielded an epoch-changing war; they were not the type of prophets, Nostradamus-like, who used their art to predict the end of the world, rather – for their generation at that time – it seemed more like something they were actually living through.  Ultimately ‘The End’ carries an intense sadness, the sadness of youth – of children not yet grown – thrust into the terminal freefall of an end of days, and the terrible knowledge which comes with it, a bitter, beautiful lament to innocence lost.

+++

… It is perhaps five or six years after that day, when I discovered the Doors for the first time in that light-riven campus dorm.  It is perhaps only five or so years, but it already feels like a lifetime away.  Now I am living in Latin America, in Ecuador, and I share a flat with a best friend.  We both teach English at the local university.   It is Friday night, and I am meeting her partner for the first time.  It’s often awkward meeting the partner of a dear friend, for a kind of enforced proximity occurs, where you both, as strangers, have to frantically try and gel for the sake of her, so I am a little anxious.

But I shouldn’t be.  Ruben is soft-spoken, gentle, with a brilliant but random and chaotic bent of mind that disappears down rabbit holes and roams across the stars.  And, like me, he enjoys a drink or two.  But the most wonderful thing of all is – as evening merges into night – I discover he is the biggest Doors fan I have ever met.  From that moment on we are friends in our own right.   And together we will savor their music on many more occasions, many more late nights spent drinking and indulging our obsession.

To paraphrase Tolstoy, one of the fundamental miracles of music is the way it expresses the soul of the musician and infects the soul of the listener.  But the relationship isn’t a purely passive one.  For just as the musician breathes color into the lives of future generations, the listener can use music to breathe life into the past too.  I am middle-aged.  I haven’t seen my friend Ruben for many years, and those people I knew at university are as shadows seen from a great distance now.  But when I play the Doors, it brings me back so swiftly, so sweetly, to those moments in the past, to the memory of friends and laughter played out once more under faraway skies, and the ghost of a younger, long-lost self.

Notes.

[1] Goldsmith, Melissa Ursula Dawn (November 22, 2019). Listen to Classic Rock! Exploring a Musical GenreABC-CLIO. pp. 93–94.

[2] Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.11

[3] Ibid., p.12

[4] Ibid., p.12

[5] Ibid., p.12

[6] Ibid., p.18

[7] Christopher Hitchens, ‘Living Proof’, Vanity Fair March 15th 2003: https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2003/03/hitchens-200303

[8] Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.45

[9] William Blake, The Marriage of Heaven and Hell (1790)

[10] Jim Morrison cited in Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.45

[11] Devon Van Houten Maldonado, ‘Did the hippies have nothing to say?’ BBC Culture 29th May 2018: https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20180529-did-the-hippies-have-nothing-to-say

[12] ‘Five To One’  The Doors 1968

[13] Jim Morrison cited in Christopher Crenshaw, ‘Five to One: Rethinking the Doors and the Sixties Counterculture’, Music & Politics 8, Number 1 (Winter 2014), ISSN 1938-7687. Article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/mp.9460447.0008.101

[14] Ibid.

[15] Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.155

[16] Christopher Crenshaw, ‘Five to One: Rethinking the Doors and the Sixties Counterculture’, Music & Politics 8, Number 1 (Winter 2014), ISSN 1938-7687. Article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/mp.9460447.0008.101

[17] Ibid.

[18] Max Bell, ‘The Doors: the story of Strange Days and the madness of Jim Morrison’, Classic Rock 12 November 2016: https://www.loudersound.com/features/the-doors-the-story-of-strange-days-and-the-madness-of-jim-morrison

[19] Ibid.

[20] Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.155

[21] Clara Morrison cited in Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.40

[22] Cited in Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.6

[23] Jim Morrison cited in Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Here Gets Out Alive (Plexus Publishing, London: 2011) p.6

[24] Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo (Norton and Company, New York: 1950) p.176

Tony McKenna’s journalism has been featured by Al Jazeera, Salon, The Huffington Post, ABC Australia, New Internationalist, The Progressive, New Statesman and New Humanist. His books include Art, Literature and Culture from a Marxist Perspective (Macmillan), The Dictator, the Revolution, the Machine: A Political Account of Joseph Stalin (Sussex Academic Press), Toward Forever: Radical Reflections on History and Art  (Zero Books), The War Against Marxism: Reification and Revolution (Bloomsbury) and The Face of the Waters (Vulpine). He can be reached on twitter at @MckennaTony


 

Protecting the Widow Maker: The US Marines Exonerate the Osprey


The tiltrotor V-22 Osprey has a plagued, bloodied history.  But blighted as it is, the aircraft remains a cherished feature of the US Marines, regarded as vital in supporting combat assault, logistics and transport, not to mention playing a role in search-and-rescue missions and delivering equipment for the Navy carrier air wings.

In March this year, V-22 flights were again permitted after a three-month pause following a fatal crash on November 29 of an Air Force CV-22B off Yakushima Island, Japan and the grounding of all V-22S aircraft in early December.  Col. Brian Taylor, program manager for the V-22 Joint Program Office, told a media roundtable two days prior to rescinding the ground order that a “meticulous and data-driven approach” had been used in investigations.

The approach, however, may well have been less meticulous and data-driven than a matter of desperation and self-interest, not to mention the role the aircraft is intended to play in the lighter, more agile forms of conflict envisaged by the “Force Design 2030” strategy.  A feature of that strategy is EABO, known to the military wonks as Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations.

Bryan Clark, senior fellow and director of the Hudson Institute’s Center for Defense Concepts and Technology, offers a blunt assessment.  “There’s not a clear backup for the Marines, there’s not a clear backup for the Air Force, and soon there won’t be a backup for the Navy’s [carrier onboard delivery] mission.”

The Osprey’s failures have also left their spatter in Australia.  On August 27, 2023 a V-22B Osprey with 23 US marines crashed to the north of Darwin on Melville Island, leading to three fatalities.  Darwin, having become a vital springboard in projecting US power in the Indo-Pacific, hosts an annual Marine Rotational Force, so-called to avoid suspicions of a permanent garrisoning of the city.

The crash also stirred unwanted memories of a previous Osprey crash in Australia, when a Marine Medium Tiltrotor Squadron 265 failed to safely land on the flight deck of USS Green Bay on August 5, 2017.  That lethal occasion saw three deaths and 23 injuries.

The Osprey has pride of place in a military force that specialises in lethal aviation mishaps during training and routine operations.  Join the US Armed Forces, and you might just get yourself killed by your own machinery and practices.  The investigation into the Melville Island crash was instructive to that end, showing the aircraft to be, yet again, an object of pious reverence in US defence circles.

The initial investigation into the crash was initially eclectic: the Northern Territory police, fire and emergency services, along with personnel from the Australian Defence Force and the US Marine Corps.  At the time, acting assistant commissioner and incident controller, Matthew Hollamby, expressed his enthusiasm in carrying out a “thorough investigation”. “We are in the recovery phase and working closely with NT Fire and Rescue Service to assist us with a safe and respectful recovery operation of the three deceased US marines.”

Despite such utterances, it soon became clear that any investigation into the matter would ultimately be pared back.  Either the servitors were not considered up to the task, or all too capable in identifying what caused the crash.  In September 2023, the local press reported that territory officials were no longer needed, with NT News going so far as to claim that local agencies had been “ousted from the investigation”.  The Marines had taken full reins over the matter.

The top brass accordingly got the findings they wanted from the US Marines’ official report, which involved sparing the Osprey and chastising the personnel.  There had been no “material or mechanical failure of any component on the aircraft”.  The crash had been “caused by a series of poor decisions and/or miscalculations.”

The squadron’s attitude to procedure had also been less than enviable, marked by a “culture that disregarded safety of flight procedures”.  There had been a “lack of attention to detail and failure to comply with proper pre-flight procedures”.  There had also been a “lackadaisical attitude across the squadron” towards maintenance practices.  Command responsibility in not addressing that particular culture was also acknowledged, while the conduct of the Australian Defence Forces and “local nationals” in responding to the crash were deemed “admirable”.

Such reports are hardly intended as ironic, but the executive summary notes how Australian defence protocols were so developed as to enable the Marines to operate with even greater daring than they otherwise would.  The ADF’s “casualty evacuation (CASEVAC) and mass casualty (MASSCAS) support structure is allowing Marine units to conduct multi-national military training events in the Northern Territories without sacrificing force requirements.  Without these well-established relationships in place this mishap may have been more tragic.”

The findings should have given the then Northern Territory Chief Minister Eva Lawler pause for concern.  Squadrons of personnel operating such machinery indifferent to safety would surely stir some searching questions.  But NT officials, under the eagle eye of the Canberra military establishment, aim to please, and Lawler proved no different.  She knew “that the US Marines will do the work that’s needed now to make sure that any recommendations out of any inquiry are implemented in full.”

In a statement of unconvincing worth, the Marines insisted that they remained “unwavering” in their “commitment to the world class training of our aircrews and ensuring their safety”.  And that commitment, not to mention the type of training, is precisely what we should be afraid of.FacebookTwitter

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.comRead other articles by Binoy.
UK

MEET THE NEW BOSS SAME AS THE OLD BOSS

Palestine Action co-founder faces charges under (TORY) Terrorism Act

Labour is cracking down on Palestine protesters and locking up climate campaigners



Palestine Action co-founder Richard Barnard (Picture: Palestine Action)

By Charlie Kimber
Thursday 29 August 2024 
SOCIALIST WORKER

Labour home secretary Yvette Cooper is going to court to force through Tory anti-protest laws. And the government is presiding over a blizzard of repressive arrests, jailings and charges.

On Thursday Palestine Action announced that its co-founder Richard Barnard is facing three charges for two speeches. He is accused of supporting a proscribed organisation under the Terrorism Act and encouraging “criminal activity”.

On the same day counter-terrorism police re-raided one of the “Filton 10” Palestine activists’ addresses, over three weeks after they were first arrested. Cops arrested six of the Filton 10 on 6 August after they broke into the Israeli-owned arms research, development and manufacturing hub in Filton, Bristol.

Police rounded up four others from across Britain allegedly in connection to the action. They detained all ten for a week without charge under the Terrorism Act. The state then charged them for non-terror offences and remanded them to prison.

Palestine Action said, “The state is harassing Palestine Action, in a bid to protect Israel’s weapons trade. We will not be intimidated into allowing a genocide to happen.

On the same day police arrested pro-Palestine human rights activist Sarah Wilkinson. “The police came to her house just before 7.30am. There were 12 of them in total, some of them in plain clothes from the counter-terrorism police,” Jack Wilkinson told social media account Suppressed News.

“They said she was under arrest for ‘content that she has posted online.’ Her house is being raided, and they have seized all her electronic devices.”

As the crackdown happens, Cooper will appeal against a high court ruling that quashed anti-protest laws after civil rights group Liberty challenged them. The new laws allowed the police to impose restrictions on protests where there was merely a “more than minor” hindrance on people’s daily lives.

It lowered the threshold which had previously permitted police curbs only where there was a risk of “serious disruption.” Akiko Hart, Liberty’s director, said, “We are very disappointed. This legislation is undemocratic, unconstitutional and unacceptable.

“With hundreds of people wrongfully arrested and convicted due to this unlawful legislation already, it is not right to continue to carry on with this law that should never have been made in the first place.”

Meanwhile, the state is ramping up repression against climate protesters. This week a group of five Just Stop Oil (JSO) protesters who have not been found guilty were sent to prison until their trial—in February next year.

Effectively, the court jailed them for six months even before there is any consideration of their case. And the group, known as the Manchester 5, had not taken any action.

The police arrested Indigo Rumbelow, Margaret Reid, Ella Ward and Daniel Knorr pre-emptively in Manchester on 5 August. Noah Crane’s crime is that he is alleged to have supplied a phone.

All five are charged with conspiracy to commit public nuisance, which has a ten-year maximum jail time. This is the same charge that saw five others jailed for between four and five years back in July.

Before this week’s court appearance, Noah said, “We are faced with a choice. We can either sit back and watch as governments allow the deaths of hundreds of millions of people to protect profit, or we can do everything in our power to prevent that.

“When I think about it that way, it’s really a no-brainer. I’m not scared of going to prison. What I am scared of is what will happen if we don’t act on this crisis.

“The world is in a position where there is no threat they can make towards me, that outweighs the consequences of inaction.”

The new government is cracking down on Palestine protesters, locking up climate campaigners and driving through the Tory anti-protest measures. It should be repealing them, not relentlessly supporting them. Under Labour, the rate of jailing protesters is rising.

JSO said, “Since the current government came into power 26 people have been imprisoned for taking nonviolent climate action. The judiciary has led a coordinated, repressive approach to climate trials and sentencing.

“Harsh bail conditions continue to be applied by both the police and courts.”

Courts have jailed more than 40 political prisoners in Britain since July. Of these 16 are linked to Palestine Action and the rest are JSO supporters.Support Palestine Action’s Richard Barnard at his plea hearing on Wed 18 Se
pt from 10am at Westminster Magistrates’ Court, London, NW1 5BR

UK Continues Use of Anti-Terrorism Law to Arrest Palestine Defenders

"1984 has arrived and is alive and well in the United Kingdom," said musician Roger Waters.




British pro-Palestine activist and journalist Sarah Wilkinson—seen here in an undated photo—was arrested on August 29, 2024 for what police said was "content that she has posted online" amid Israel's Gaza onslaught.
(Photo: Sarah Wilkinson/X)


Brett Wilkins
Aug 30, 2024
COMMON DREAMS

At least a dozen police officers raided the home of British pro-Palestine activist and journalist Sarah Wilkinson on Thursday over "content that she has posted online" that allegedly ran afoul of the United Kingdom's anti-terrorism law.

"The police came to her house just before 7:30 am," Wilkinson's son, Jack Wilkinson, said on social media. "There were 12 of them in total, some of them in plain clothes from the counterterrorism police... Her house is being raided and they have seized all her electronic devices."

Police—who later freed Wilkinson on bail—did not disclose what content she posted that led to her arrest. Wilkinson has been a tireless critic of the U.K. government's support for Israel and has posted many images of the death and destruction in Gaza, where Israeli forces have killed and wounded more than 144,000 Palestinians. Israel is on trial for genocide at the International Court of Justice.

"The British prime minister is determined to terrorize into silence critics highlighting his, and now his government's, complicity with Israel and its genocide in Gaza."

Pro-Israel media reported Wilkinson called the October 7 attack on Israel by Hamas-led militants an "incredible infiltration" and hailed the late Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh—who was assassinated last month in Iran—as a "hero."

Section 12 of the U.K.'s Terrorism Act of 2000 criminalizes anyone who "invites support for a proscribed organization" or "expresses an opinion or belief that is supportive" of such a group. Violators can be punished with up to 14 years' imprisonment and a fine. Hamas is included on the U.K. government's list of proscribed groups.

Critics say the U.K. government uses the highly controversial anti-terror law to silence dissent.

Israel-based British journalist Thomas Cook said in a Friday blog post that Wilkinson's arrest is "definitive proof" that U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer's "authoritarian purges of the Labour left are being rolled out against critics on a nationwide basis."

"The British prime minister is determined to terrorize into silence critics highlighting his, and now his government's, complicity with Israel and its genocide in Gaza," Cook added.

Musician and staunch Israel critic Roger Waters, who co-founded the rock band Pink Floyd, said in a video posted Thursday on social media that Wilkinson was arrested "for standing up for human rights and campaigning against genocide."



"If you allow this to stand, the arrest of Sarah Wilkinson and the persecution of my friend Craig Murray among others, then you have absolutely accepted that England is now a fascist state," Waters asserted, adding that "1984 has arrived and is alive and well in the United Kingdom."

In addition to her pro-Palestine activism, Wilkinson is a news contributor for the Lebanon-based news site MENA Uncensored.

"The pro-genocide U.K. regime has arrested MENA Uncensored's roving reporter and human rights activist Sarah Wilkinson for supporting the Palestinian resistance and relaying what is really happening in Gaza and the West Bank to the world," the outlet said on social media.

Wilkinson's arrest came one week after Syrian-British independent journalist Richard Medhurst was apprehended at London's Heathrow Airport and held for nearly 24 hours for allegedly violating Section 12 with social media posts "expressing an opinion or belief that is supportive of a proscribed organization."



Richard Barnard, co-founder of the London-based group Palestine Action—with which Wilkinson has been involved—is also facing three criminal charges for two speeches allegedly supporting a proscribed organization.


‘Israel wants to take revenge in the West Bank’ says Palestinian

Israeli forces swept into the West Bank in Palestine earlier this week, escalating its brutal ethnic cleansing and genocide. A Palestinian living near Jerusalem spoke to Socialist Worker about life under occupation and their experiences of Israeli horror.


Israel bulldozes a house in the West Bank (Picture: Eidu Suleman)

By Arthur Townend
Friday 30 August 2024 
SOCIALIST WORKER Issue 2920
Palestine 2023-24


My cousin, who was 11 years old, was killed by the Israeli army when our family was protesting against one of the Israeli settlements.

When you put people under pressure, when you put people on a complete apartheid system, military control, what exactly do you think their reaction will be?

I can’t call it a war because we can see military operations against civilians who have nothing to protect themselves.

Israel’s recent assault on the West Bank is trying to get Israel a victory after they failed to take the Gaza Strip.


Israel has injured thousands of people, and now they want more revenge on the civilian societies in the West Bank.

The Israeli government decided to annex the West Bank. It wants to go on taking over our land, so they sectioned 60 percent of the West Bank right away and put it under their direct control. And they continue to attack other areas with complete silence from the Palestinian Authority.

Now they are focusing on the refugee camps—their existence means Palestinian people still have an opportunity to return.

Israel is preparing to delete a generation’s memory of the Nakba. By destroying and evacuating the refugee camps, they destroy the symbol of the people, of their right to return back.

So they still keep going inside the city and the refugee camps, where they completely destroy all the means of life. No place is safe inside Gaza.

But this punishment started earlier than the assaults we’ve faced since 7 October. We were the victims from the beginning, and the West Bank was the target from the beginning.

As Palestinians, we found ourselves under this regime without any guilt, without any action from our side. And the restrictions and the taking of our lands keeps on going.

The whole of humanity is witnessing a situation where human beings are treated like what’s happening inside Israeli jails. But instead of being inside jail, they brought the jail to us.

Israel has restricted the movement of millions of Palestinians with the fact that we are living inside a military camp.

The restrictions on movement sometimes mean there are curfews in all areas—people to move to look for basic supplies and immediately return back.

Settlers in Israel and inside the illegal settlements in the West Bank are leading this whole project.

The Israeli army’s role is to protect these settlers and to help them commit more violence against the Palestinian civilians.

But I don’t think that Israel in 1967 decided to take over what remained of Palestine for any other reason than to extend their own settler colonial project.

We are 57 years after the start of occupation of the West Bank. The facts show you that Israel doesn’t need a reason, because this project was created to take more and more land and put more and more controls on peoples’ lives.

I don’t think there is any excuse that can give a right for anybody in this world to destroy a whole community and take it over in such a painful way.

The West Bank before 1967 had had no Israelis inside it. But we now have more than 700,000 Israeli settlers—700,000 people came illegally by force.

They live in the occupied territories, taking over more than 40 percent of our land and deciding that the rest of it will be under military force.

They built on our land without considering any effects, thinking that since they have the power, they have the right.

Thousands of people have been forced to leave their houses and properties to look for safety elsewhere. Israel cut electricity and water supplies so we’re deprived of the minimal resources to live.

The whole West Bank is facing a disaster in relation to water. Every morning you have to try hard to provide some water for your family. Then we see Israeli settlers in their swimming pools and in our lands using our water.

In the West Bank we are practising our right to the ownership of our lands. It’s the minimum we can do. It’s not even safe to express what we are facing under this occupation.

But we can see criminals live on the TV and nobody even is bothered. Sadly, the whole world is silent and we can feel that we are neglected. Some European countries, and even some of the Arab countries, are encouraging Israel to keep going.

Some of the Bedouin villages were actually evacuated, and the Jordan Valley is in the same position. Israel is evacuating these villages and is replacing them with some huge farms for the settlers and for their protection.

I don’t think we have choices, and I don’t think that we have many choices to even think about.

For us, it’s just to keep going, to keep our lives and to raise our families. We try as much as we can just to provide sources of life



Israel’s policy of abuse towards Palestinian prisoners

The systematic abuse behind prison bars is an integral part of the Zionist state to stop Palestinians from resisting its barbaric regime

Israeli prison in the West Bank (Picture: Christopher Michel)

By Isabel Ringrose
Friday 30 August 2024
SOCIALIST WORKER 

Israel purposefully tortures, abuses and violates anyone it can get its hands on, from children and the elderly to civilians and paramedics. It held an estimated 9,623 Palestinians as of July 2024 in detention facilities—double the amount from before October.

Naji Abbas, director of the prisoners department at Physicians for Human Rights Israel said, “Today we are not speaking about individual cases, every Palestinian under custody is facing abuse and violations of their rights.

“In the first weeks after 7 October we thought it was about revenge, but we are still hearing about these actions after nine months. That’s why we think it is official policy.”

In August at the Sde Teiman military base in the Negev desert in Israel, ten soldiers were accused of raping a detainee. Five have already been released. Israel converted three military bases into prisons so it can hold Palestinians as prisoners of war without charge or legal counsel.

But that’s a similar story for everyone Israel holds. Stripped, blind folded and rounded up, Israel’s prison system is designed to dehumanise Palestinians.

Israeli soldiers and prison officers routinely punish detainees, deny them medical treatment and shackle prisoners to beds causing injuries to severe that doctors have to amputate their limbs. They sexually assault, burn with cigarettes, attack with police dogs, beat, mutilate and kill Palestinian detainees.

And they keep prisoners dangerously malnourished and unable to wash their filthy cells. Conditions in Israeli military camps are compared to Abu Ghraib—the United States’ torture base in Iraq.

The Israeli army said it “rejects outright allegations concerning systematic abuse of detainees in the Sde Teiman detention facility”. Yet its soldiers lied on polygraph tests about the abuse they carried out.

The story sparked widespread protest in Israel. Not because of the inhumane treatment by the soldiers—but because protesters said they should have the right to abuse Palestinian prisoners.

The latest report into the treatment of Palestinians in Israeli jails by Al-Mezan Centre for Human Rights warned of “grave violations against Palestinian prisoners in the Zionist regime’s jails”. Based on a recent visit to the Naqab Prison in southern Israel it said torture and abuse were not confined to Sde Teiman.

“Palestinian residents of Gaza are treated as ‘human animals’, demonstrating that the dehumanising and genocidal rhetoric employed by the highest levels of the Israeli leadership,” it said. Human Rights Watch also interviewed eight Palestinian doctors, nurses and paramedics.

They described experiencing and witnessing humiliation, beatings, forced stress positions, prolonged cuffing and blindfolding and denial of medical care. Soldiers pressured them to confess to being members of Hamas with threats of indefinite detention, rape and killing their families.

One paramedic said that at the Sde Teiman detention facility Israeli soldiers suspended him and a dozen of other detainees from the ceiling of a warehouse by chains and beat them.

“It was so degrading, it was unbelievable,” he said. “I was helping people as a paramedic, I never expected something like this.”

Another detained paramedic held at al-Naqab prison said he saw a man “bleeding from his bottom”. The man revealed to the paramedic that before he was placed in detention, “three soldiers took turns raping him with an M16 (assault rifle)”.

The systematic abuse behind prison bars is an integral part of the Zionist state to stop Palestinians from resisting its barbaric regime.

Meanwhile the West ignores the violence—and ploughs evermore funding and arms into Israel so it can kill and torture as it likes.
Isreal’s policy of abuse

A 118-page report named Welcome to Hell also published in August by rights group B’Tselem accused the Israeli regime of conducting a systematic policy of institutionalised abuse and torture against detainees.

In one instance, a detainee asked another detainee to swap his yogurt because the expiration date had passed. Israeli soldiers punished all the inmates in the cell, they set dogs on them, beat them with clubs, dragged them to the bathroom and beat them up some more.

These stories aren’t new. The Israeli courts, politicians, medical practitioners and prisons both cover-up and even gloat about the abuse that has been taking place since Israel’s creation.

Since 1967 40 percent of all men and 20 percent of Palestinians have arbitrarily been kept in Israel’s deadly prisons. Yet nothing is done.

National security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir even said, “I have set for myself is to worsen the conditions of the terrorists in the prisons, and to reduce their rights to the minimum required by law.”

“These are extremely concerning reports,” is all a British foreign office spokesperson could tell the i News website.