Wednesday, September 18, 2024







Thailand to prosecute security personnel over deaths of 78 protesters in 2004 crackdown


Thai-Muslim students holding a candlelight vigil for victims on the anniversary of the Tak Bai shooting in October 2007. PHOTO: REUTERS


Updated
Sep 18, 2024


BANGKOK - Thailand will prosecute eight former security personnel over their roles in a crackdown two decades ago, in which 78 protesters suffocated or were crushed to death when crammed into army trucks, the attorney-general's office said on Sept 18.

The announcement comes just weeks before the expiry of the statute of limitations of the case on Oct 25, and follows a related complaint against seven former senior security personnel filed by the victims’ families that a court accepted in August.

Only one individual has been named in both cases.


“The suspects could have foreseen that their actions would have led to the suffocation and deaths of the 78 people under their responsibility,” attorney-general spokesperson Prayut Bejaguran told a press conference.

The cases are centred around a high-profile incident in the town of Tak Bai, in the southern province of Narathiwat, in 2004, when seven protesters were killed by gunfire and 78 more were crushed or suffocated to death while piled on top of each other in army trucks.

Thailand’s government at the time expressed regret at the Tak Bai deaths but denied wrongdoing, while police had initially said some protesters were armed.

The crackdown, which drew international condemnation, occurred during martial law and was one of the deadliest incidents during a separatist insurgency that re-emerged that same year and has since killed more than 7,600 people in Thailand’s predominantly Muslim provinces near Malaysia.

The incident took place under the administration of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose daughter Paetongtarn Shinawatra became premier in August.

Last week, a Narathiwat court summoned a former military commander and issued arrest warrants for six retired senior security personnel after they failed to appear at a criminal hearing over the complaint filed by the families. 

REUTERS

 

Doing Taiwanese Indigenous Studies in North America: Politics of the Frontier(s)


Written by Aaron Su and Chao-Kai Huang.

Image credit: North American Taiwan Studies Association.

“How much will the interruption brought by the Indigenous studies of Taiwan be ‘tolerated’ by Taiwan studies?” 

For the Opening Ceremony of this year’s North American Taiwan Studies Association Annual Meeting, we were thrilled to plan an event centred on the experiences of early-stage scholars working within the field of Taiwanese Indigenous studies in a wide range of institutions and disciplines across North America. But this guiding question from one of our speakers, Leeve Palrai/Yu Liang, captured a central dilemma of our work this year. That is, making space for Indigenous studies—in Taiwan or North America—cannot become a mere matter of representation or inclusion. The embrace of Indigenous populations into a liberal multicultural order is, as scholars like Glen Coulthard and Tomo Sugimoto argue, a key strategy adopted by settler-colonial governments to obfuscate Indigenous people’s land rights and larger political claims.  

What Leeve Palrai suggested in this question is that there already exists a “threshold” of tolerance that Taiwan studies has for Indigenous studies scholarship. But thinking deeply and critically about Indigeneity does not allow for such an easy resolution. After all, Indigeneity is necessarily and fundamentally disruptive, transforming our taken-for-granted notions of Taiwan (or any settler state) by focusing on the dispossessed and marginalised stewards upon which any notion of Taiwan’s contemporary freedom or progressivism stands. As her follow-up questions importantly articulate: “What is at stake in studying Indigenous Taiwan in its own right, rather than one of many attachments within the patchwork of Taiwan studies? And what would Taiwan studies look like if we ‘indigenise’ every research topic, making Indigenous research not just an additional contribution but a structural reflection?” 

As opposed to a strictly academic forum, then, our Opening Ceremony sought to capture this transformational work, inviting three Taiwanese Indigenous scholars—Leeve Palrai, Nikal Kabala’an, and Eleng Kazangiljan—who have been actively involved in these institutional shifts. We were particularly struck by the doubly challenging feat of carving out a space for Taiwanese Indigenous studies not only in Taiwan but also in the additional settler-colonial context of North America, where Indigenous studies are likewise “tolerated” but sidelined. We asked panellists about what opportunities for solidarity, or differing insights about settler colonialism, might be produced by Indigenous studies perspectives across North America and Taiwan. 

Building Relationships 

One of the ideas raised and critically examined in this opening roundtable is the notion of building and reconfiguring relationships between Indigenous studies and other disciplines. Though the three speakers approached the subject from distinct perspectives, they all argued the importance of interdisciplinary and cross-disciplinary dialogues, which could potentially lead to a more equitable and comprehensive understanding of Indigenous peoples and histories across borders and situate them in a transnational context.  

This year’s NATSA President, Yung-Ying Chang, welcomed attendees to this year’s conference and acknowledged the Indigenous stewards of both New York and Taiwan before the panel commenced. Then, Nikal Kabala’an/Margaret Yun-Pu Tu, a PhD candidate in the School of Law at the University of Washington, began with her presentation titled, “All my relations: My journey in Indigenous studies between Taiwan and Seattle.” Grounded in “all her relations”—thus emphasising the mutual entanglements of human societies, animals, and environments—her presentation introduced her urban Pangcah background and discussed her various affiliations—with the UW Taiwan Studies Program, Burke Museum, and Centre for American Indian and Indigenous Studies—as multidisciplinary means to cultivate international Indigenous engagements through art, scholarship, curation, and political activism. Tu thus advanced a theory of Indigenous-centred change that involved action across sectors, from archival investigations to diplomatic travel. 

While Nikal’s presentation focused on her personal experiences and engagements in building relationships with diverse disciplines and institutions, our second presenter, Leeve Palrai, urged the audience to turn our attention to the problems in the current narratives of Taiwanese Indigenous studies and how these interwoven narratives perpetuate the legacy of settler colonialism. Leeve Palrai/Yu Liang, a PhD candidate in Anthropology at Cornell University from the ‘oponoho Rukai community, delivered an incisive presentation titled “Toward an Intersectionality of Coevalness,” in which she discussed multifaceted issues across disciplines in carving out a space for Taiwanese Indigenous studies.  

Leeve Palrai began with a critique of “the unavoidable labour of contextualisation,” in which she explained the never-ending feat of explaining Indigenous livelihoods after 1624 in Taiwan to those who assume their disappearance. She discussed the fraught yet possible relationships between settler colonial studies, global Indigenous studies, and Taiwan and China studies despite the current historiographical marginalisation of Indigenous peoples. She also brought to the attention some contemporary examples of Indigenous “forced transculturation,” such as in Lai Ching-te’s presidential campaign materials, which weave Indigenous peoples into an inclusive multicultural narrative without acknowledging their history as original stewards of Taiwan or their history of dispossession.  

Transnational Solidarities 

Recognising the persistent problems of undermining Indigenous subjectivity, the last speaker of this roundtable shed light on the importance of building relationships from a framework of transnational solidarity. Eleng Kazangiljan/Wun-Syuan Guo, who recently completed her Master’s in Law (LLM) at the University of Hawai’i, shared her talk titled “Exploring the Path to Self-determination: Reflection on the Taiwan and HawaiĘ»i Experience.” She introduced her Paiwan background before sharing a comprehensive history of Hawaiian and Taiwanese Indigenous self-determination movements, as well as the solidarities and difficulties that arose during the navigation of her Indigenous subject position in Hawai’i. For instance, she noted that a shared Austronesian heritage often served no use in connecting her to Indigenous Hawaiians, as few communities reify these scientific genealogies in the same way that scholars do. She concluded by emphasising an expansive notion of solidarity, stating that “because you love the land as much as I do, we love each other. The land will not reject anyone who takes care of it.” 

Echoing and building on Eleng Kazangiljan’s arguments, discussant Lai Yi-Yu, a PhD candidate in Anthropology at the University of Hawai’i, summarised important dimensions of the panellists’ arguments while emphasising the importance of transnational solidarities across global Indigenous movements. Lai discussed international Indigenous experiences from the situated perspective of his fieldwork in the Philippines while also noting the crucial historical differences that make solidarities both vexed and aspirational.  

The roundtable sparked meaningful and enlightening discussions among the audience as well, inspiring questions about the future of Taiwan studies as well as the role of gender in Indigenous studies and experiences. Their questions further highlighted the much-sought discussions on connections and contextualisations, resonating with the speakers’ sharing and arguments. 

Going forward, we stay close to Leeve Palrai’s initial provocation, emphasising that making a space for Indigenous studies in Taiwan and North America cannot remain a matter of tolerance. Producing knowledge about Taiwan grounded in Indigenous perspectives must necessarily transform the stakes and organising questions of all Taiwan scholarship. Dedicating this year’s NATSA Opening Ceremony to the exploration of Taiwanese Indigenous studies constitutes but one step in the ongoing transformation of academic knowledge and public discourse in and about Taiwan. 

Aaron Su is a PhD candidate in Anthropology at Princeton University. His ethnographic research investigates novel government programs that demand the participation of Indigenous communities in projects of technological innovation in Taiwan. He critically analyses the discrepant political, medical, and environmental futures envisioned by the state versus Indigenous communities, which are often concealed by optimistic portrayals of technological collaboration.  

Chao-Kai Huang is a PhD candidate in Social Work at Arizona State University. His research focuses on Indigenous well-being and resilience, with previous studies on elders, young adults, and the LGBT population in Taiwan. Currently, his dissertation examines the childhood residency experiences of urban Native parents in the U.S. and their parenting patterns in adulthood, emphasising cultural engagement, which is often oversimplified in discussions of Indigenous families in urban settings. 

This article was published as part of a special issue on ‘NATSA: Taiwan Studies Matters’. 

Lunar eclipse in Imam Ali shrine


TEHRAN, Sep. 18 (MNA) – The photos show scenes of lunar eclipse in Imam Ali (AS) shrine in Najaf, Iraq.


A lunar eclipse can only occur during a full Moon when Earth positions itself between the Sun and the Moon, casting its shadow onto the Moon’s surface.

The partial lunar eclipse means that only a segment of the Moon passes through Earth’s shadow, which grows and then diminishes without fully obscuring the Moon, as explained by NASA.

EY employee dies of work stress, no co-worker attends funeral


Anna had joined EY just 4 months before her death

By Dwaipayan Roy
Sep 18, 2024


What's the story

A 26-year-old chartered accountant, Anna Sebastian Perayil, who was employed at Ernst & Young (EY) in Pune, has tragically passed away due to what her mother describes as an "overwhelming workload."In a letter addressed to EY India Chairman Rajiv Memani, Anita Augustine detailed the circumstances leading up to her daughter's untimely demise.She claimed that no one from EY attended Anna's funeral.

Work pressure
Mother details her daughter's work stress

Augustine revealed that her daughter had joined EY just four months before her death.She described Anna as a school and college topper who excelled in extracurricular activities, and passed her CA exams with distinction.However, the demanding workload at EY, coupled with long working hours and a new environment, took a significant toll on Anna's physical, emotional, and mental well-being.

Team dynamics
Anna's team at EY had high resignation rate

Augustine further disclosed that Anna was part of a team at EY where several employees had resigned, due to excessive workload.The team manager had encouraged Anna to stay and change perceptions about their team.Augustine expressed her disappointment with the company and her daughter's manager, for their lack of consideration toward a new employee who was trying to adjust in a new city, away from her hometown.

Additional tasks
Deceased was often assigned work beyond her job description

Augustine also highlighted that Anna's manager would frequently assign her work at the end of her shift, forcing her to work overtime.She stated that Anna confided in them about the overwhelming workload, especially additional tasks assigned verbally beyond official duties.Despite their advice not to take on such tasks, Augustine said the managers were relentless and this led to Anna often returning home "utterly exhausted."


Work culture
Anna's mother criticizes EY's work culture

Augustine criticized EY for its work culture that she believes glorifies overwork while neglecting employee well-being.She expressed her disappointment that none of Anna's managers or colleagues attended her funeral."No one from EY attended Anna's funeral... After her funeral, I reached out to her managers, but I received no reply," Augustine wrote in the letter addressed to Memani.

 

Rebels who kidnapped Kiwi pilot in West Papua propose terms of release

Phillip Mehrtens

Phillip Mehrtens was kidnapped in February 2023. Photo: Facebook

Rebels in Indonesia's West Papua region have proposed the terms of release for the New Zealand pilot taken hostage almost 18 months ago.

The armed faction of the West Papua National Liberation Army kidnapped Phillip Merhtens in February last year after he landed a small commercial plane in a remote, mountainous area.

The group has tried to use Mehrtens to broker independence from Indonesia.

It is now asking the New Zealand government, including the police and army, to escort the pilot and for local and international journalists to be involved in the release process.

Both Foreign Affairs and the minister's office say they are aware of the proposed plan.

In a statement, they say their focus remains on securing a peaceful resolution and the pilot's safe release.

"We continue to work closely with all parties to achieve this and will not be discussing the details publicly."

Georgia passes law banning LGBTQ "propaganda", same-sex marriage and adoption

Georgia passes law banning LGBTQ

A Georgian Pride rally. / bne IntelliNewsFacebook
By Tornike Mandaria in Tbilisi September 18, 2024
Georgia’s parliament has passed at third reading a legislative package introduced by the ruling Georgian Dream party that bans “LGBT propaganda,” same-sex marriage and adoption, and gender-affirming treatments.
 
The controversial package, adopted with 84 votes in favor and none against, includes a primary law and 18 related measures affecting various areas such as healthcare, education, and media. 
 
Among the changes is a prohibition on public gatherings or demonstrations "promoting non-traditional sexual orientations". Media outlets are also barred from airing content "promoting LGBTQ relationships".


Civil society groups and opposition parties have heavily criticized the legislation, accusing Georgian Dream of using the bill to stoke fear and rally support ahead of parliamentary elections on 26 October.
 
Critics argue that the bill goes far beyond what the ruling party claims is necessary to protect children and family values. They say it establishes legal grounds for broader restrictions on fundamental freedoms and targets LGBTQ people for political gain.
 
Human rights advocates have also warned that this law could serve as a precedent for future repression against other groups.
 
The EU’s chief foreign affairs spokesperson, Peter Stano, expressed deep concern about the bill’s rushed process, stating that it undermines the rights of Georgian citizens and could worsen the discrimination faced by LGBTQ individuals. The EU further highlighted that the legislation risks Georgia’s EU integration prospects.
 
More than 30 civil society organizations have urged President Salome Zourabichvili to veto the bill. They warn that this law legalizes hate and censorship, and that it could pave the way for further governmental overreach.
 
Public Defender Levan Ioseliani has also been called upon to take the legislation to court.
 
The package is part of a broader effort by the government to tighten its control over public discourse, and its impact could be far-reaching, particularly in the education system, where LGBTQ topics will now be strictly censored.




US imposes sanctions on Georgian officials and far-right leaders

US imposes sanctions on Georgian officials and far-right leaders
Leaders of Ministry of Internal Affairs’ Special Task Department sanctioned for repression of protests against "foreign agent" law. / bne IntelliNews
By Tornike Mandaria in Tbilisi September 18, 2024
The US Department of State has announced visa sanctions against 60 Georgian citizens, including government officials, business leaders, and law enforcement representatives, for their role in "undermining democracy" in Georgia.
 
While the State Department did not disclose specific names, it indicated that those targeted include senior government and municipal officials who abused their power to restrict the fundamental rights of Georgian citizens, business leaders involved in corruption, individuals responsible for spreading disinformation and promoting violent extremism, law enforcement officers who engaged in the violent suppression of protests, and members of parliament who played key roles in passing undemocratic legislation and limiting civil society.
 
The US Department of the Treasury has also imposed financial sanctions on several people. Among them are Zviad "Khareba" Kharazishvili, head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ Special Task Department, and his deputy Mileri Lagazauri, for their involvement in human rights abuses during violent crackdowns on protests against the "foreign agent" law. 
 
The Special Tasks Department, which oversees riot police, played a key role in the forceful suppression of protests against the foreign agent law, deploying pepper spray, tear gas, and water cannons to disperse demonstrators. Riot police also physically assaulted and detained protesters during the near-daily demonstrations.
 
Also sanctioned are far-right leaders Konstantine Morgoshia and Zurab Makharadze, founders of the extremist group Alt-Info, for their roles in violent attacks on protesters exercising their right to peaceful assembly.

Alt Info, a pro-Russian group, was responsible for orchestrating the homophobic riots in July 2021, during which more than 50 media representatives were assaulted.

The sanctions will freeze any US-based assets of the individuals involved and block organizations where they hold a 50% or higher ownership stake.

“The United States unequivocally supports the rights of Georgians to assemble, speak, and peacefully protest without fear of violence, intimidation, or suppression,” Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s statement read.
 
Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze expressed concern in a meeting with US Ambassador Robin Dunnigan, criticising the sanctions as a politically motivated move aimed at boosting the opposition ahead of next month's elections.
 
“This decision by the US approaches a critical point, and if similar actions continue, Georgia may have to reassess its relationship with the United States,” he said.
 
The Georgian Bankers Association has confirmed that the country’s banking system will fully comply with international sanctions, though it remains uncertain how conflicting domestic financial regulations will impact their enforcement.
Why Urgent Action is Needed for a Crimes Against Humanity Treaty


18.09.24 | 

[Richard Dicker was the longtime international justice director and is now a senior legal adviser for advocacy at Human Rights Watch. He teaches courses on international criminal courts at Columbia Law School.]

Goitom, a 42-year-old ethnic Tigrayan farmer, living in that northern region of Ethiopia, watched helplessly when, on January 17, 2021, Amhara Special Forces – a brutal paramilitary group – beat up and detained Tigrayan men in his town.

As he told Human Rights Watch researchers, “Our numbers were decreasing by the day. After the Tekeze incident [a massacre of 60 Tigrayan men] happened, Tigrayans left in big numbers. There was nothing to live for. We were not part of the town; it was taken over by other people. We were not allowed to live.”

A 74-year old survivor of the Tekere River killings described it to Human Rights Watch. “When they shot at us, I fell first and then I saw also when the others in front of me were shot and fell. And the people behind me fell on me and covered me ….” After that, he heard the para-military troops say, “‘The Tigrayans don’t die easily, shoot again.’”

These acts and others committed against Tigrayans were crimes against humanity. These are acts of murder, rape, torture, apartheid, deportation and persecution committed as a part of a widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population following from a state or organizational policy. Along with genocide and war crimes, they are the most serious international crimes.

These first-hand descriptions are similar to accounts that witnesses and victims have conveyed to investigators in Ukraine, southern Israel, Gaza and Sudan as crimes against humanity proliferate globally. And before these more recent scenes of devastation unfolded, civilians in Syria, Iraq, Myanmar and Afghanistan endured—and continue to endure—comparable assaults.

Yet, unlike for genocide and war crimes there is no specific international treaty to prevent and punish crimes against humanity. Thisleaves a stark gap in international law protections for those all-too-often at risk. The UN’s International Law Commission finalized a set of provisions – the Draft Articles on Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Humanity (“Draft Articles”) in 2019 and promptly forwarded them to UN Headquarters five years ago with recommendations to start negotiations. Yet, a handful of obstructive states stalled headway. In 2022, nearly a majority of UN Member States—north and south—moved to close the gap with the Draft Articles as the essential starting point in actual negotiations. Since then, there have been two special sessions for “discussion” in 2023 and 2024 at the General Assembly’s legal committee—its Sixth Committee—plus several yearly debates and written submissions of positions. This effort is heading to a climactic showdown in the fall.

The Sixth Committee is mandated to make a decision, on whether to move these draft provisions forward to negotiations or, in the alternative, consign them to the oblivion of endless rounds of discussion. With its potential protective impact for civilians at risk, this next step is the most significant decision on international law-making the UN will make this year.

A much-needed international treaty to prevent and punish crimes against humanity, could be enforced by national courts, adding significantly to the global ecosystem to support justice for the worst crimes. While not a panacea, a convention could significantly strengthen protections for potential victims by both preventing and punishing these crimes. A treaty would also define the legal obligations of treaty member states to cooperate with one another. This would include extraditing suspects to those member states that are prepared to try them fairly. This would extend justice’s reach where other courts like the International Criminal Court are not able to act.

At UN headquarters, the drive to start negotiations is being led by Mexico and The Gambia. These two have recently circulated a draft resolution to all UN member states calling for negotiations to begin and end in 2026. The number of states willing to co-sponsor this text will be a measure of the breadth and depth of support to move forward. In 2022, 86 member states signed on as co-sponsors. These states represented all regions of the world—Africa, the Americas, Europe and North America, the Middle East, and Asia. This year the numbers and regional diversity of supportive states will be especially important.

At a time of intensifying geo-political divisions that are clearly manifest in the meeting rooms of the UN, it’s hardly surprising that there is deeply entrenched opposition towards a treaty on crimes against humanity. There is a small group bound by ideology and self-interest—the Russian Federation, the Peoples Republic of China, Iran, Cuba, DPRK, Eritrea—that are adamantly against any headway. Seeking some veneer of legitimacy, the group has anointed itself “the Friends of the UN Charter.” These “Friends” deny that there is a missing pillar of international law due to the absence of a crimes against humanity treaty.

The actual alignment of forces was on clear display at the last “discussion” session in April 2024. There, states made 51 separate statements favoring moving to negotiations. This number includes remarks by groups of states. Some were larger groups, like the European Union and the states of the Americas region, while some were smaller, like the Portuguese-speaking nations. At that same session, six states took the floor to oppose going to negotiations.

To predict what will happen at the Sixth Committee this Fall, one could look to the sequence of events two years ago. In 2022, after denouncing the effort to start negotiations, some of the “Friends” returned to bargain for—and obtain—a few concessions. This led to a “consensus” agreement supported by all member states that propelled a General Assembly Resolution mandating two years of “discussion” and a final decision on next steps in Fall 2024. The supportive states are clearly seeking a consensus decision which will require an even larger and more diverse group of backers.

Among UN member states, there is a large group that have yet to take a position on next steps for the Draft Articles and a large segment of them need to voice their support for negotiations. Many of these states have had direct experience with these crimes. They have a great deal to add in creating a treaty that will provide meaningful protections for their populations. Recognizing that strengthening their national judicial systems through an international treaty is a crucial link in enabling these to become supporters.

At the same time, the terrain is different than it was two years ago. The geo-political divisions shaping today’s international landscape are more intense than in 2022. This tension spills over onto nearly every issue at UN Headquarters. In addition, the stakes are higher than they were two years ago: the decision at hand is to begin negotiations. So no matter how many states want to start negotiations, it’s entirely possible that some of the “Friends” will not agree to a consensus to begin negotiations.

Significantly, unlike other General Assembly committees, the Sixth Committee over the years has taken its decisions by “consensus.” The UN Charter and rules do not require this. There are various reasons that states, large and small, cite to justify this peculiar method of multilateral decision-making and the resulting paralysis it has engendered. But if consensus to start negotiations proves to be impossible to attain, the supportive states, prompted by the imperative of creating a treaty preventing and punishing these crimes, need to be ready to depart from consensus and take this to a vote.

The rationale for breaking with the tradition of consensus is rooted in the serious consequences for those at greatest risk of these crimes. Given the devastation that has scarred countless civilians, a crimes against humanity treaty will offer future victims a means of redress. In the face of the growing number of conflict or unstable country situations, that have been exacerbated by sharpening geopolitical divisions, beginning negotiations will send a powerful signal. On an increasingly fractured global landscape, the decision to negotiate would demonstrate that the protections of international law are expanding, not withering. That would be a powerful and greatly positive message to emanate from the United Nations this Fall.
Modi Faces New Test in Kashmir After Bruising Election Fight


By Debjit Chakraborty and Sudhi Ranjan Sen
September 17, 2024

(Bloomberg) -- Three months after his worst election performance to date, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is facing another challenging vote: this time in the fragile region of Jammu and Kashmir, where separatist sentiment is strong and voters are angry with their loss of autonomy.

Jammu and Kashmir will hold local elections in three phases starting Wednesday — the first such polls since Modi’s government stripped the region of its special status and brought it under federal control in 2019. Almost 9 million registered voters will choose candidates for 90 seats in the local assembly.

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party has promised to bring investments, jobs and tourism to the region, but that message isn’t resonating with voters, especially in Muslim-majority Kashmir. They want a return to the semi-autonomy they enjoyed as a state for more than seven decades, and the ability to control key functions like policing, health and finance — a key campaign pledge of regional parties who are seeking to keep the BJP out of office.

“If the BJP doesn’t win a majority, it’s safe to assume that people have rejected what was done on the 5th of August, 2019,” when Jammu and Kashmir was stripped of its statehood, said Omar Abdullah, leader of the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. “That’s an important message to send out.”

While restoration of statehood and special status under Article 370 would require approvals by the national parliament, getting back statehood is easier as Modi’s party is amenable to it and supported by the country’s apex court.


“While people are emotionally connected to Article 370, they are not willing to make it the cornerstone of their existence,” he said.

Abdullah, 54, is seen as a likely candidate for chief minister if his party wins a majority of the constituencies in the three-phase voting, which ends on Oct. 1. His party has formed an alliance with the Indian National Congress, the country’s main opposition group. Rahul Gandhi, Modi’s key rival and the public face of the Congress party, has been campaigning in Kashmir on behalf of Abdullah’s party.

While a loss in Jammu and Kashmir region won’t directly affect Modi’s position as prime minister, it’s likely to further dent his popularity after his party failed to win an absolute majority in the parliament in national elections that ended in June. The BJP was forced into a coalition with regional partners in order to form a government. Modi has since tried to project a picture of stability by sticking with most of his key cabinet ministers and focusing on his economic goals.

A loss for the BJP could also embolden the opposition alliance under the leadership of Gandhi and the Congress party ahead of several upcoming state elections. In Haryana in the north, which goes to the polls on Oct. 5, Modi’s party is struggling to hold onto power. Results for both Haryana and Jammu and Kashmir elections will be released on Oct. 8.

Modi’s Hindu-nationalist BJP is also facing a challenging vote in Maharashtra state, which houses the nation’s financial capital Mumbai and is expected to vote in November. In the national elections, the opposition alliance won almost double the number of seats than Modi’s party in the state.

Elections will also take place over the next five months in two opposition-ruled states, Jharkhand and Delhi.

In Jammu and Kashmir, the BJP is promising to create 500,000 jobs, bring in investments, and give handouts like free laptops and stipends to students. But for the region’s Muslims, there’s suspicion about the BJP’s pro-Hindu agenda. The party has promised to bring back Hindu families that fled the state at the start of militant action by separatists in the late 1980s.

And under the constitutional changes made in 2019, owning property and government jobs are no longer restricted to residents of Jammu and Kashmir alone, but opened to any Indian across the country. That’s fueled concerns of a possible demographic shift in the region.

Muslims make up about 8.6 million of the region’s population of 12.5 million.

Abdullah’s National Conference party and its regional rival, the Jammu and Kashmir People’s Democratic Party — a former BJP ally — are campaigning to restore statehood for the region along with its autonomy if they win the local elections.

“There’s a sense of dejection, humiliation, despondency, and to address that, you have to go beyond promises of employment and manifesto promises,” said Iltija Mufti, daughter of PDP leader, Mehbooba Mufti, who was also previously a chief minister. “My immediate priorities is to give them that sense of security.”


The 37-year-old Iltija Mufti, who is making her political debut in the elections, said the PDP is open to working with rivals to prevent the BJP from taking control in the region.

Investment Proposals

The BJP government is touting the local economy’s gains to highlight its success in managing the region. Manoj Sinha, the New Delhi-appointed lieutenant governor, who heads the regional administration in Jammu and Kashmir, said the local economy has doubled in size to 2.45 trillion rupees ($29.3 billion) in the past eight years, and is expected to grow to 2.63 trillion rupees in the current financial year ending in March.

The region has received investment proposals worth 1.25 trillion rupees since 2021, compared with a total of 140 billion rupees between 1947 and 2021, Sinha said in an interview in Srinagar. There are proposals to invest in everything from commercial real estate to private medical colleges and steel plants, he said.

However, local businesses have a more pessimistic outlook.

“There’s no basis to these figures,” said Faiz Ahmad Bakshi, the secretary general of the region’s oldest trade body, the Kashmir Chamber of Commerce & Industry. The government should focus on helping local industries before attracting new business, he said. “If 80% of the industries in the state are sick, why would new ones come,” he added.

Shahala Ali Sheikh, who runs a walnut-wood furniture and interiors business from Srinagar, says the government should focus on building infrastructure such as roads before trying to attract new investors. As an environmentalist, she also wants the government to be mindful of damage to ecologically sensitive areas.

“You can’t vandalize, you cannot kill the goose that lays the golden eggs,” she said.

--With assistance from Swati Gupta.

(Updates with explanation on restoration of statehood in fifth paragraph)

©2024 Bloomberg L.P.
OUI, OUI

Tax hikes should be part of French debt reduction drive, central bank chief Villeroy says


18 September 2024 - 
By Dominique Vidalon


Bank of France Governor Francois Villeroy de Galhau.
Image: REUTERS/Massimo Pinca/File Photo


The bulk of France's debt reducing drive must come from spending cuts but that tax increases will also be required, notably if they target wealthy tax payers and large companies, French central bank chief Francois Villeroy de Galhau said on Wednesday.


Villeroy told BFM TV that he recommended a balance of 75% coming from savings and 25% from higher taxes.

Reuters
One-third Americans won't accept results if their candidate loses: survey

The survey also highlights the lack of trust by Americans in their institutions to prevent fraud and rigging in the elections.



AP

Only one-third of Republicans (34 percent) and two-thirds of Democrats (67 percent) believe election officials are trustworthy. / Photo: AP

One-third of Americans would consider 2024 election results illegitimate if their favoured presidential candidate loses, a survey by the World Justice Project (WJP) has found.

Some 46 percent of Republicans and 27 percent of Democrats reached out for the survey said they would not consider the 2024 election results to be legitimate if the other party’s presidential candidate won.

“Today, trust in many US institutions, government accountability, and overall rule of law is considerably lower than it was ahead of the 2020 election,” said Elizabeth Andersen, executive director of the World Justice Project.

The survey also found that Americans lack trust in courts and elections.


According to the survey, 14 percent of Republicans and 11 percent of Democrats surveyed said they would take action to overturn the 2024 election based solely on who is declared the winner.


Only one-third of Republicans (34 percent) and two-thirds of Democrats (67 percent) believe election officials are trustworthy.  


The results also indicate that Democrats place significantly higher trust in many parts of the voting process, including fraud prevention and accurate vote counting.


However, less than half of Democrats believe in the integrity of the Supreme Court to fairly determine the winner of an election, compared to two-thirds of Republicans.


Many more Democrats than Republicans trust “the courts,” while many more Republicans trust “the Supreme Court.” 


The survey also highlights diminishing belief in strong anti-authoritarian and rule-of-law values.


The most common word they use to describe the current state of US rule of law is ‘“corrupt.” 


However, there has been positivity in terms of participation in elections.

“The good news is, despite polarisation, both Democrats and Republicans still agree on the fundamental principles of the rule of law, and they want to participate in democracy,” Andersen said.

WJP had reached out to 1,046 US households to carry out the survey in June.