Tuesday, October 01, 2024

Jenrick just accidently ADMITTED the UK carries out ‘extra-judicial assassinations’

CANARY 

Conservative Party leadership candidate Robert Jenrick seems to have put his foot in it with his latest scaremongering video.

Jenrick: we kill suspects to avoid the ECHR


Declassified journalist Matt Kennard said Jenrick was “casually revealing a UK extra-judicial assassination program designed to evade ECHR jurisdiction”. In his video, the apparent frontrunner in the Tory leadership race admitted:

Our special forces are killing, rather than capturing, terrorists because our lawyers tell us that, if they’re caught, the European court will set them free.

Fellow candidate James Cleverly said he wasn’t “comfortable repeating”. He added that “our military do not murder people”.

Jenrick claimed to be quoting fellow Tory Ben Wallace, though. Wallace had claimed in 2023 that “we are more often than not forced into taking lethal action than actually raiding and detaining”. He added that “we’ve been able to use drones and aircraft to make kinetic strikes against terror suspects”.

Killing terrorists, or aiding them?

The big question is who gets to decide when an extra-judicial murder will happen? And who determines which groups or people should receive the ‘terrorist’ label? In Britain, explains the Crown Prosecution Service:

The Terrorism Act 2000 defines terrorism, both in and outside of the UK, as the use or threat of one or more of the actions listed below, and where they are designed to influence the government, or an international governmental organisation or to intimidate the public. The use or threat must also be for the purpose of advancing a political, religious, racial or ideological cause.

The specific actions included are:serious violence against a person;
serious damage to property; endangering a person’s life (other than that of the person committing the action);

creating a serious risk to the health or safety of the public or a section of the public; and
action designed to seriously interfere with or seriously to disrupt an electronic system.

But this definition would seem implicate the state of Israel, a close UK ally. The colonial power has massacred thousands of children and other civilians in occupied Gaza and beyond. It has also destroyed or damaged “more than half of Gaza’s homes”, “85 percent of school buildings”, healthcare facilities, businesses, roads, and farmland.
How do you flee domestic abuse if you have pets?

Caitlin Parr & Erin Lister
BBC News
BBC
Tess is one of the dogs being looked after by the Dogs Trust, along with others whose owners have fled domestic violence

"If you’re not an animal lover you don’t understand. They kept me alive."

Claudia suffered physical and emotional abuse at the hands of her ex-partner, but stayed in order to protect her pets.

Research from the charity Cats Protection found that out of 31 women’s refuges and domestic abuse organisations in Wales it surveyed, none would take pets alongside their owners fleeing abuse.

Welsh Women’s Aid said this highlighted a need for "comprehensive support systems" that address all aspects of survivors’ lives.



Of the refuges asked, only 27% said they would consider allowing pets under "limited circumstances".

Pets are often a source of comfort for people experiencing domestic abuse, but they can act as a barrier to accessing safety too.

Survivor says abusers are domestic terrorists


Woman held at gunpoint by ex wants more protection




Claudia - not her real name - had several pets with her former partner in south Wales until they began to be used as a way of controlling her finances - a common form of coercive control.

"I’d have my bank card taken off me if one of the animals were ill so I couldn’t take them to the vet," she said.

"He didn’t want money wasted on them.

Claudia was solely responsible for their animals, partly so she could be blamed if they fell sick and partly so she was left with no money for herself.

Once, her partner threatened to take one pet to his friend to be shot, rather than allow her to take it to a vet.

Threats to the animals' lives "were regular" in order to keep her tied to the relationship, she said.

"I stayed and protected the animals for years. We were stuck and I just had to do anything I could to keep them safe."


Both Lifeline and Dogs Trust’s Freedom service cover all costs that come with looking after an animal while their owners are seeking safety

This year, more than 150 survivors told Welsh Women’s Aid their pets would be in danger if they left their abusive relationships.

Now, leading animal charities have launched fostering services in Wales specifically for people fleeing domestic abuse to find safe temporary homes for their pets while they seek safety.

Jules, one of the fosterers for Cats Protection, said: "I think about the position that animal would be in.

"A family could suddenly be made homeless and they can’t think about pets. They can’t take that cat with them."

Jules is one of the people who has been fostering animals of those seeking refuge



Cats Protection opened its first Lifeline base in Wales in March after receiving an increasing number of referrals.

"So far this year, we've helped over 30 cats, meaning 16 owners of those cats could reach safety," said the charity's Charlie Munden.

Both Lifeline and Dogs Trust’s Freedom service cover all costs that come with looking after an animal while their owners are seeking safety.

Charlie Munden is Lifeline’s service manager in Wales

Stephanie Grimshaw of Welsh Women’s Aid said survivors were "not just someone who has gone through violence against women and girls".

"They are someone who has a dog , a cat or a hamster... and the thought of giving them away forever is too much," she added.

"We need to make sure that when we're supporting survivors they are seen as a whole person with all aspects of their life, and not just what they're going through right now."


Now, after having to temporarily relocate her animals while she found a safe home, Claudia and her pets are free.

"We can go for a walk now and not have to worry that someone following us or that someone is going to try and steal them from me.

"There were times were you think ‘I can’t live like this anymore’, but they need you - so you’ve got to.

"I owe it to them to keep them safe, because they kept me alive."
Lost Valley 'spoilt by litter and rock art'

National Trust for Scotland
An abandoned tent in Glen Coe's Lost Valley

The National Trust for Scotland (NTS) says anti-social behaviour has again blighted Glen Coe's Lost Valley.

Also known as Coire Gabhail or Hidden Valley, it was once used by Clan MacDonald to hide stolen cattle.

Today it is part of a site of special scientific interest, partly because of its rich and internationally-important plant life.

NTS said the glen had been littered with abandoned camping equipment and stones have been moved to create "rock art" - just a year after previous warnings about damage at the location.

National Trust for Scotland
NTS said a stones have been removed to make "rock art"

National Trust for Scotland
NTS said living trees and deadwood have been damaged and burned
National Trust for Scotland
Discarded pans and tin foil

There has also been a repeat of a problem with tree branches covered in mosses and lichens being cut to build fires.

Glen Coe gets 150,000 visitors a year, according to NTS which manages large parts of the area.

Operations manager Emily Bryce said an increasing problem was people using deadwood and branches to make camp fires.

She said: "This causes irreparable damage to the ancient Scottish rainforest, which clings to its steep slopes and crags.

"What people may not realise is that as well as being vandalism, making a fire from damp or living wood is pointless, as it doesn’t burn well."

Ms Bryce added: "We also want to raise awareness that the trend for 'rock art' in the coire - where rocks are dislodged and repositioned into towers or spirals - has a lasting negative impact on nature.

"These rocks offer shelter to wildlife and protect shallow, high-altitude soils from erosion, and we ask visitors to avoid disturbing them."


National Trust for Scotland
A ranger with a bin bag full of litter
UK
Prison education failing young offenders - Ofsted


Nathan Standley
Education reporter, BBC News
Nick Johnson / BBC
Lorenzo Alara says education did not "feel valuable" during his time in a young offender institution
The standard of education received by children in young offender institutions (YOIs) is in rapid decline, according to a report.

The review, by the Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted) and His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Prisons (HMIP), found some children having only half an hour per day out of their cells.

That is because many YOIs struggle to deal with children's complex behavioural issues and have to keep them apart.

The government said it was determined to tackle the issues raised in the report "head on".

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The report said children needed more time out of their cells and called for the recruitment of better teaching staff.

Oftsed chief inspector Sir Martyn Oliver said the provision in some YOIs was so "shockingly bad" some inspectors needed "counselling" after their visits.

'Survival mode'


Lorenzo Alara was sent to a YOI for drugs offences, aged 19.

Although his YOI was not one of the institutions examined in the report, he said many of the young people there did not care about their education while inside and were just in "survival mode".

Many worried about being ostracised as "nerdy" if they appeared too invested in their education.

And those that were keen to learn were often met with a lack of staff available to teach the courses offered to them.

More young people could be attracted to education if it was more skills-based, more interactive, or even incentivised with perks for their cells, Mr Alara said.

"If you want to see prison as rehabilitation as well as punishment, then of course you should care about the education system," he added


'Systematic failure'


The YOIs examined in the report house 15-18-year-olds, the vast majority male.

Some have received long sentences for serious crimes such as murder or rape, while others are on remand, awaiting trial.

None of the institutions in the report - Cookham Wood, in Kent; Feltham A, in London; Werrington, in Staffordshire, and Wetherby and the Keppel unit, in Yorkshire - were graded above "requires improvement" at their last inspection.

That grading includes their education provision, which became part of all prison inspections in 2020.

YOIs are expected to provide at least 15 hours' education per week.

But because of complex "keep-apart" policies, some children are kept isolated in their cells for 23 hours per day.

Sir Martyn called it a "systemic failure" against "some of the most vulnerable children in the country".

"Their future shouldn't be written off," he added.

New school to help rehabilitate young offenders


All under-18s removed from Scotland's young offenders institutions


Young offenders' institute is most violent - watchdog


The report found standards in YOIs had been declining for 10 years, due to poor leadership and a lack of cooperation with education providers.

Chief inspector of prisons Charlie Taylor said isolating children in their cells damaged their mental health, with 60% of those released from YOIs typically reoffending within a year.

"That's an enormous cost both financially and to the communities they live in, and their victims," he said.

Youth Justice Minister Nic Dakin said the new Labour government had inherited a system "in crisis" but was now "working towards a clear strategy for youth custody reform".

A 2016 review of the youth justice system, led by Mr Taylor, recommended introducing new "secure school" facilities to prioritise "rigorous education and training".

The first, Oasis Restore, opened in Kent earlier this year.

Simon Jones / BBC
At a new "secure school" in Kent, there are no bars on the windows and children have their own rooms

It houses 12-18-year-olds in individual rooms without bars on the windows.

They are referred to as students, while staff are "teachers" and "restore practitioners".

Oasis founder the Reverend Steve Chalke said it was "very secure but hugely different", providing children with small class sizes and even one-to-one learning.

They also take vocational classes in areas such as business or catering.

The priority should not be "locking kids up to punish them" but "helping them to return to society", Mr Chalke said.

Children in youth offender institutions in England denied access to education, report finds

Sally Weale, Education correspondent
Tue 1 October 2024 

The quality of education given to youngsters in youth offender institutions is often dictated by ‘keep apart’ measures designed to separate children in conflict
Photograph: Matthew Fearn/PA

Children in youth offender institutions (YOIs) are being denied access to education, with too many being kept in their cells as staff struggle to keep warring youngsters apart, a damning new report has found.

It documents a worrying decline in the quality and quantity of education provided to 15 to 18-year-olds in YOIs over the last decade despite a sharp drop in the number of children being held in custody.

In the most extreme cases children are incarcerated in their cells for up to 23-and-a-half hours a day because of a deterioration in the ability of YOI staff and teachers to manage challenging and sometimes violent behaviour.


While children in YOIs are meant to receive at least 15 hours of education a week – less than half what their peers in schools receive – in reality many get far less, the joint review of YOI education by the head of Ofsted, Sir Martyn Oliver, and the chief inspector of prisons, Charlie Taylor, says. Lessons are frequently cancelled because there is no teacher or escort to get them to class.

Severe staff shortages, poor-quality resources and a lack of training and qualifications among staff mean that the 400-plus children in custody, are “receiving a poor education that fails to meet their needs”, it concludes.

The classes they are put into often have little to do with their educational needs or interests, but are determined by a “labyrinthine” system of “keep aparts” or “non-associations”, designed to keep children who are in conflict away from each other.

In one YOI, inspectors found 388 “keep apart” arrangements in a population of just 89 children, according to the report, rendering movement around the building near impossible.

When they do make it to lessons, too often children are kept occupied doing wordsearch puzzles or colouring in, rather than engaging in learning that might help them after they are released.

The review is based on 37 joint inspections by Ofsted and the prisons inspectorate of the four YOIs in England – one of which has since been closed down – across a 10-year period from June 2014 to March 2024.

Oliver said: “I am deeply concerned by these findings. The children in these institutions are entitled to a high-quality education that supports them to turn their lives around. The system is failing them.”

Taylor described the report as “depressing” and said many children in custody have not been in school for years because they have been excluded or have truanted. A quarter have been in care and many have learning difficulties or other neurodivergent needs.

He added: “Their time in custody should be a golden opportunity to begin to fill in some of these educational gaps – assess what they need to learn and provide high-quality teaching so that, when they leave, they are in a better position to avoid a return to custody.

“Too often, our colleagues in Ofsted find that attendance is very low, behaviour is not good enough, the curriculum is not suitable and the quality of teaching is poor.”

Jon Collins, the chief executive of the Prisoners’ Education Trust, said the report’s findings were shocking but not surprising. “More of the same is simply unacceptable if we want to give these young people the skills and qualifications they need to have a chance in life.”

The minister for youth justice Nic Dakin said: “This government has inherited a criminal justice system in crisis, and these damning reports highlight the unacceptable strain that has been placed on the youth estate for too many years. We are determined to tackle these challenges head on – giving staff the support they need to reduce violence, increase access to education and help these children turn their lives around.”







WAIT, WHAT?!

One-in-ten civil servants 'should be in prison', says Conservative leadership hopeful Kemi Badenoch


1 October 2024
One-tenth of civil servants 'should be in prison' because they are bad at their jobs, Kemi Badenoch has claimed. Picture: Alamy

By Chay Quinn@chayquinn

One-tenth of civil servants 'should be in prison' because they are bad at their jobs, Kemi Badenoch has claimed.

The Conservative leadership contender joked that some state employees were "'should be in prison' bad", drawing laughter from the audience at a Tory conference fringe event on Tuesday.

Undermining their ministers and leaking official secrets were among the accusations former minister Ms Badenoch levelled against civil servants.

Read More: 
Kemi Badenoch slammed by leadership rivals for saying maternity pay is 'excessive' at Tory conference

"It is not all civil servants. I don't want people to get me wrong," she told the audience at The Spectator magazine event, when asked if the government department staff should have term limits.

Ms Badenoch added: "I think that civil servants are like everybody else. They come in to do a job and I would say about 10% of them are absolutely magnificent.

"The trick to being a good minister is to find the good ones quickly, bring them close and try and get the bad ones out of your department as quickly as possible."

Kemi Badenoch arrives at the Center for Social Justice hustings which featured all four potential leadership candidates on day two of the Conservative Party Conference from the ICC in Birmingham. Credit Milo Chandler/Alamy Live News. Picture: Alamy

"There is about 5% to 10% of them who are very, very bad. You know, 'should be in prison' bad," she added in a remark which the audience laughed at.

The North West Essex MP, who served in several government departments when the Tories were in power, added: "Leaking official secrets, undermining their ministers... agitating.

"I had some of it in my department, usually union-led.


"But most of them actually want to do a good job, and the good ones are very frustrated by the bad ones."

Elsewhere at the event, Ms Badenoch claimed that HR departments are "running the economy right now", in a jibe at cautious workplace culture in the UK.

She faced criticism earlier during the conference for having suggested statutory maternity pay places an "excessive" burden on small businesses.

In a main stage appearance on Monday, Ms Badenoch compared the way her opponents had used the remark against her to the quote often attributed to former prime minister Margaret Thatcher that there is "no such thing as society".

London, England, UK. 30th Sep, 2024. PAT MCFADDEN, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, is seen in Westminster. (Credit Image: © Tayfun Salci/ZUMA Press Wire) EDITORIAL USAGE ONLY! Not for Commercial USAGE! Credit: ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Live News. Picture: Alamy

Ms Badenoch said the remark had been "cut down into a soundbite that was used to attack her (Thatcher)", in a similar manner to the backlash she had faced.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Pat McFadden hit out at Ms Badenoch over her suggestion some civil servants "should be in prison".

Mr McFadden said: "Not only are the prisons close to collapse because of Tory failure, but the continuity leadership candidates are still blaming everyone else for their record.

"Civil servants work hard for the country every day and deserve better.

"When the Conservatives were in power they were more focussed on stoking up divisions than delivering for the public. This shows they have not changed."

Kemi Badenoch says up to 50,000 ‘very, very bad’ civil servants should be jailed

A spokesperson for the Public and Commercial Services union accused the Tory leadership contender of continuing a ‘personal feud’ against civil servants

Millie Cooke
Political correspondent
Kemi Badenoch drew laughter from the Tory fringe event when she suggested some civil servants should be jailed (PA Wire)

Kemi Badenoch has sparked backlash after joking 50,000 civil servants were so bad at their jobs they should be jailed, claiming they undermine ministers and leak official secrets.

Speaking on the fringes of the Conservative Party Conference in Birmingham, Ms Badenoch drew laughter from the audience as she said five to 10 per cent of government department staff should be in prison.

In a stinging attack on the workforce, she described some as “very, very bad”.

With more than 500,000 people employed full time in the civil service as of March 2024, five to 10 per cent would amount to between 25,000 to 50,000 staff members.
Immigrants who see Israel as enemy 'not welcome' in UK says Kemi Badenoch

In response, a spokesperson for the Public and Commercial Services (PCS) union - the largest trade union representing civil servants in the UK - accused the Tory leadership contender of continuing a “personal feud” after she was accused of bullying members of staff earlier this year, claims she dismissed.

(REUTERS)

At the event hosted by The Spectator magazine, Ms Badenoch said: “I think that civil servants are like everybody else. They come in to do a job and I would say about 10 per cent of them are absolutely magnificent.

“The trick to being a good minister is to find the good ones quickly, bring them close and try and get the bad ones out of your department as quickly as possible.”

“There is about 5 per cent to 10 per cent of them who are very, very bad. You know, ‘should be in prison’ bad”, she added.

“Leaking official secrets, undermining their ministers … agitating. I had some of it in my department, usually union-led, but most of them actually want to do a good job. And the good ones are very frustrated by the bad ones”.

Responding to her remarks, the PCS spokesperson said: “Kemi Badenoch just can’t let it lie, can she? When she was in power she was accused of bullying civil servants.


“Now she’s out of power she’s continuing her personal feud against them, many of whom are our members.

“This is a below the belt attack on hard-working civil servants who can’t answer back.

“We won’t stand for our members being used as vote fodder for the Tory Party leadership election.

“Maybe Badenoch should reflect on her words, the way she treats civil servants and why the Tories lost the General Election.”

In July, the former Cabinet minister was alleged to have created an intimidating atmosphere at the Department of Business and Trade in a report by the Guardian newspaper.

Sources claimed Ms Badenoch was responsible for behaviour that traumatised staff, leading at least three of them to leave their jobs in the department.

But she dismissed the accusations as “smears”, claiming they originated from “former staff who I sacked after they were accused of bullying behaviour, lying about other colleagues to cover up their own failures and general gross incompetence.”

Badenoch 'joking' over claim 10% of civil servants 'should be in prison'

A union for civil servants has reacted angrily to claims by Kemi Badenoch that some civil servants are so bad they should be in prison, citing the leaking of official documents and undermining ministers.

Faye Brown
Political reporter @fayebrownSky
Tuesday 1 October 2024 

Leadership contender Kemi Badenoch. Pic: PA

Kemi Badenoch has been accused of stirring up a culture war after claiming 5-10% of civil servants are "very bad" and "should be in prison".

The Tory leadership hopeful claimed at a party conference fringe event on Tuesday that some civil servants have been "leaking official secrets" and "undermining ministers".

She faced an immediate backlash from Dave Penman, general secretary of the FDA union that represents civil servants, who said that if she had any evidence to back up the accusations "then action would have been taken".

A source close to Ms Badenoch told Sky News her comments "were a joke".

Ms Badenoch made the remarks during an event hosted by the Spectator magazine, when she was asked for her views on limiting the number of civil servants.

She said they "are like everybody else, they come in to do a job" and "about 10% of them are absolutely magnificent".

She added: "There's about 5 to 10% of them who are very, very bad, you know... should be in prison bad. Leaking, you know, leaking official secrets, you know, undermining their ministers... agitating."

She went on: "I had some of it in my department, usually union-led.


"But most of them actually want to do a good job, and the good ones are very frustrated by the bad ones."

'I will swing back'

As of March 2024, there were 510,665 full-time civil servants, so 5% would be around 25,000 people.

Mr Penman said Mr Badenoch had made "serious accusations" and should withdraw them unless she could produce evidence.

He posted on X: "As a former secretary of state, if Badenoch had actual evidence to back up any of these serious accusations against civil servants, then action would have been taken. Otherwise she herself would be culpable. So usual irresponsible culture war then. Rinse and repeat."

In another post, he added: "If she has evidence to back up those claims she should publish it, otherwise withdraw."

Ms Badenoch is vying for the Conservative leadership alongside Robert Jenrick, James Cleverly and Tom Tugendhat.

She has made a virtue out of being a straight talker, saying the public want honest politicians and she is not afraid to upset people.

Tory leadership contenders. Pic: PA

She faced criticism earlier during the conference for having suggested the current level of maternity pay is "excessive".

The shadow housing secretary claimed her comments were "misrepresented" and she was talking about excessive business regulation rather than the level of the benefit, which she said "was a good thing".

Ms Badenoch is popular with the Tory membership and the current frontrunner to succeed Mr Sunak after the July general election defeat.

But an exclusive poll for Sky News has shown there is still much to play for, with Mr Jenrick in touching distance of her lead and a path to victory available for all the contenders.

UK

Tory Leadership candidate Kemi Badenoch questions maternity pay – here’s what new mothers are actually entitled to


Kemi Badenoch at the Conservative Party Conference, September 30 2024. 
David Tramontan / Alamy Stock Photo


THE CONVERSATION
Published: October 1, 2024 

Kemi Badenoch, a contender for leadership of the Conservative party, has sparked a debate on maternity pay, stating that the allowance in the UK is “excessive”.

Badenoch has since backtracked: “of course I believe in maternity pay!” she posted on X. But former MP Jacob Rees-Mogg has also added to the conversation, suggesting that women should not be able to accrue paid holiday while on maternity leave.

My research focuses on the intersection of paid work and caring responsibilities. It’s worth examining what leave and pay parents in the UK are entitled to.

New mums can access 52 weeks of maternity leave from their work. But leave is different to pay, and a significant amount of this time off goes unpaid. Many new mothers will receive only six weeks of pay at a level near that of their regular salary, before their allowance falls away sharply.

Maternity pay

Mothers who are working for their employer 15 weeks before their baby is due, and who worked for 26 weeks before this, will be eligible for statutory maternity pay. Statutory maternity pay is six weeks at 90% of the mother’s income.

This is followed by 33 weeks of leave paid at the flat statutory rate: currently £184.03 a week, or 90% of your income if this is less. (£184.03 per week would be the equivalent of take-home annual pay of around £9,500, and is less than minimum wage). The last 13 weeks of maternity leave are unpaid.

Around two thirds of employers choose to offer enhanced levels of pay. This can take many different forms, but mothers will probably need to meet extra eligibility requirements. They will also often need to return to work at the organisation for a certain period of time, although this can often be minimised in practice by relying on rolled over annual leave.

Maternity (as well as adoption and shared parental) leave can be supplemented by “keep in touch days”: going back to work for a day here and there throughout the period of maternity leave. There is no right to full pay for these days, but they might be worth taking with more generous employers.

Employers are able to reclaim 92% of the costs of parental leave, while small employers can reclaim 103%.

Paternity leave

Dads or mother’s partners are also entitled to two weeks of paternity leave, if they meet the same eligibility requirements for statutory maternity pay. This is paid at the same flat, statutory rate of pay. Enhanced pay might be available, but is less common than maternity pay.

New mothers are entitled to six weeks of maternity pay at 90% of their salary. BaLL LunLa/Shutterstock

As most women recover from childbirth and pregnancy in six to eight weeks, some partners may want to supplement this leave to care for the new mother. One option for this is parental leave (if eligible and approved) but this is often unpaid. More feasible solutions might be using annual leave or shared parental leave.

Shared parental leave


Eligible mums can transfer 50 weeks of their maternity leave to the dad or their partner (if they are eligible for paternity leave and stay with the same employer until they start SPL). 37 weeks of leave is available at the statutory rate of pay, and the final 13 weeks are unpaid.

This leave can be transferred back to the mum, as it can be taken in up to three blocks per parent. However, the notice requirements are onerous; each employer must be given notice and the permission of each parent. This means it is probably best to sort provisional SPL dates before the baby is born. If changes need to be made, this can be done with eight weeks’ notice.

Adoption leave

In terms of pay and eligibility requirements, this works in the same way as maternity leave. Parents must give notice within seven days of hearing that they have been matched with a child by an approved adoption agency. Those who welcome a child through surrogacy and are eligible for a Parental Order can also access adoption leave.

The only difference is that if it is a couple that are adopting, they can decide who takes adoption leave and who takes paternity leave.
Neo-natal leave

This new entitlement will be available to parents of babies born after April 2025. Parents of children who spend seven or more continuous days receiving medical or palliative care within the first 28 days of their life will be entitled to up to 12 weeks of leave, which will be added to the end of maternity or paternity leave. This will be paid at the same flat rate of statutory pay.

Is this excessive?

Badenoch’s comments suggest that UK maternity pay is too generous. But in contrast to other European and OECD countries, the UK has some of the least generous leave and pay.

In Sweden, for example, parents can access 240 days of leave, and 195 of these days are paid at 77.6% of earnings up to a ceiling of SEK573,000, which is over £42,000 a year. The remaining 45 days are paid at the flat rate of SEK180 (£13.30) a day.

This is far more generous in terms of both time and pay than the UK equivalent, where the low flat rate is less than minimum wage. This generosity, alongside the use of non-transferable leave (days of leave which cannot be transferred from one parent to the other) creates conditions for healthier families with strong paternal involvement, and might help to explain why Sweden has much better results in terms of gender equality than the UK.

Author
Gemma Mitchell
Associate Professor in Law, University of East Anglia




The easy money trap: How Russia’s central bank fueled Inflation by encouraging a credit boom

1 October 2024

Valery Kizilov
Economist


On Sept. 13, the Central Bank of Russia raised its key interest rate to 19% and warned of further hikes to come. The Central Bank claims the move was necessary to combat inflation, which it attributes to an alleged excessive rise in domestic demand. However, there is an alternative viewpoint. According to economist Valery Kizilov, it was the Central Bank itself that fueled inflation by unjustifiably expanding the monetary base for years while simultaneously encouraging a credit boom. Russia has grown accustomed to living with an inflation rate of close to 10%, negligible real growth, and interest rates on loans exceeding 25% per year. Breaking away from this course is difficult, writes Kizilov, and those caught up in the euphoria tend to ignore the risks and disregard the future.



RU
The long-awaited credit shock

Mortgage lending in Russia has sharply declined, with the total housing loans issued in August being down 56% from the same month in 2023. Non-subsidized market programs, which accounted for 1 trillion ($10.6 billion) of the total 3.6 trillion rubles ($38.16 billion) issued from January to August, saw a 51% drop compared to a year ago. This trend is expected to continue, as average mortgage rates have hit a record high of 20.8% per year. It's not just that the government has ended its large-scale subsidy program — the increase in the key interest rate to 19% is making credit more expensive across Russia as a whole.

Cash loans are currently being offered at a 27.1% annual interest rate — the highest since April 2022. Even the state, when issuing one-year OFZ bonds (coupon-bearing federal loan bonds issued by the Russian government), is borrowing at 17.25% per annum, compared to a rate of 13.32% for similar bonds in January.

Cash loans are currently being offered at a 27.1% annual interest rate — the highest since April 2022.


The cost of credit includes both inflationary and real components. The Bank of Russia estimates that the annual rise for consumer prices in 2023 was 7.4%, while that from Aug.1, 2023 to Aug. 1, 2024 was 9.1%. While the inflation rate has clearly accelerated, it hasn’t increased as much as the yield on OFZs. If you subtract the inflation rate over the last 12 months from the nominal yield of one-year OFZs, you'll find that in Jan. 2024, the real yield was 5.92%, rising to 8.15% per annum by August.

The increase in the key interest rate set by the Bank of Russia is far from the main factor driving up the cost of credit. After all, the Central Bank's loans make up only about 3% of Russian banks' liabilities, which is 8–9 times less than funds from private individuals and 10–11 times less than funds from other Russian banks. Commercial banks could entirely avoid borrowing from the Central Bank, and their total debt to the Bank of Russia was no more than 5 trillion rubles ($53 billion) as of June 30, while they had about 14 trillion rubles ($148.4 billion) in their accounts at the Bank of Russia.

Why are real interest rates rising in Russia? From an economist's perspective, the reason might either be an increase in demand for credit or a decrease in supply.

An increase in credit demand means more borrowers are willing to borrow larger amounts at higher rates. Who are these borrowers? Some take loans for profitable investments, while others borrow to finance current spending beyond their incomes. The first group takes out investment loans, and the second group takes consumer loans.

Demand for «investment» loans increases when more lucrative investment opportunities arise. This typically happens when new technologies and business models are discovered but haven't yet been implemented, when untapped natural resources are identified, or when new trade routes become available but are not fully utilized. This type of borrowing requires business optimism — a sentiment that’s currently scarce in Russia.

In contrast, demand for consumer credit rises when people prioritize the present over the future, disregarding the reality that they'll eventually have to tighten their belts to pay back high-interest loans. This can occur among those facing immediate financial hardship, those consciously choosing present pleasures over future security, or those who expect an uncertain and risky future — one that makes saving seem futile.

Sociologists and psychologists could investigate how prevalent these motivations are among Russians, especially since the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Intuitively, it seems these attitudes are becoming increasingly common, as if the country has given up on itself and is squandering its future.

It seems as if Russia has given up on itself and is squandering its future.


Alternatively, the issue may not be an increase in credit demand but rather a decrease in supply. This, too, could be due to shifting preferences from the future to the present. Previously, someone might have saved a tenth of their monthly salary, but now they've stopped.

Similar reasoning applies to entrepreneurs and investors. Lending becomes riskier in times of prolonged dictatorship and war, which heighten the threat of loan defaults, currency devaluation, oppressive regulation, taxation — and, finally, crime. These are known as “country risks.” At present, they are particularly high in Russia, and they are continuing to rise. No one will lend at low-interest rates in such an environment.

No one will lend at low-interest rates in a high-risk environment.


The stock market decline observed in Russia in recent months is also linked to the rise in interest rates. Let's take a step back and review Russian stock price dynamics over the past few years. The Moscow Exchange Index reached a record high of over 4,200 in October 2021 — shortly before Vladimir Putin issued an ultimatum to NATO. In the first days of the invasion in Feb. 2022, the index plummeted, and by Mar. 1, 2022, it had fallen below 2,500 points. It then gradually recovered, hitting the 3,500 mark by May 2024.

On Jul. 26 of this year, when the Bank of Russia raised the key interest rate, the Moscow Exchange Index stood at around 3,000 points. By early Sept. 2024, it had dropped to around 2,500–2,600, matching the lows seen right after the start of the invasion in March and April 2022. The logic here is simple: more expensive credit means higher yields and lower bond prices. As a result, investors shift funds from stocks to bonds, and stock prices fall. This stems from a sense that there are many risks, few prospects, and a future that simply is not worth investing in. The source of this sentiment isn't the Bank of Russia, but the country’s higher authorities.
How the Bank of Russia explains high inflation

So are people wrong to blame Bank of Russia head Elvira Nabiullina for the high interest rates? Was raising the key rate necessary to combat inflation? And do all developed countries turn to these measures under similar conditions?

A free market interest rate in today's Russia cannot be too low. If the central bank started offering loans at artificially low rates, it would flood the economy with printed money, truly accelerating inflation (and nominal interest rates would rise accordingly). However, it's worth considering why inflation was already quite high in the first place.

An excerpt from the central bank’s minutes of July 26, when the key rate was raised from 16% to 18%, makes for disheartening reading:
“The acceleration of current price growth rates in recent months was partly due to temporary factors: in April — the indexation of telecommunications tariffs; in May — a one-time increase in prices for domestic vehicles; in June — a shift in the seasonality of fruit and vegetable production. Additionally, in May-June, rising tourism service prices, which have been highly volatile in recent years, made a significant contribution to inflation. But even if we exclude these factors, core inflationary pressure in the second quarter was higher than in the first. Moreover, most participants agreed that the high growth in tourism service prices in recent months reflects increased consumer demand and should not be excluded when assessing core inflationary pressure.”

In short, according to the Central Bank, it seems that anyone but the Central Bank is to blame: travel agencies, car and vegetable sellers, telecom companies, and as the root of all evil — “increased consumer demand.” This has been ongoing for five years, as 2019 was the last time when Russia’s average annual inflation did not exceed the 4% target.

For example, here's the Central Bank’s explanation for the excessive inflation in 2023. Once again, we are to believe that demand was to blame:
“The economy reached pre-crisis levels, and physical limitations on further growth became increasingly evident, primarily a labor shortage. The accumulated pace of internal demand growth began to outpace the capacity to expand supply. Inflationary pressure began to rise. This was a sign of an overheating economy — when demand increasingly goes not into the production of additional goods or services, but into accelerated price growth.»

In 2022, sanctions were naturally blamed, but “panic”-driven demand didn't go unnoticed that time either:
“The initial shock from sanctions resulted in extremely high volatility of the ruble, and along with external import restrictions, triggered panic buying of certain goods and cash. There was a significant risk of accelerated inflation and threats to financial stability. Thanks to the experience gained in inflation targeting, it was possible to quickly prevent a price surge, minimize risks to financial stability, and return loan and deposit rates to pre-crisis levels within a few months.”

It turns out that improper demand creates inflationary pressure both in crises and when emerging from them. If so, in 2021, there must have been “overheating” as Russia emerged from the crisis, and in 2020 — “volatility” and “panic.” Let's see if this is indeed the case. The Central Bank writes:
“By mid-2021, the Russian economy, except for a few sectors, returned to its pre-COVID growth trend. At the same time, inflationary pressure increased significantly — as a result of the stimulating economic policy of 2020 and pandemic-related production restrictions in the Russian and global economies.
The Bank of Russia, viewing pro-inflationary factors as largely persistent, began raising the key rate in March 2021. Over the year, it went up by 4.25 percentage points to 8.5%. However, additional pro-inflationary factors in the last months of the year (a poor harvest, the ruble weakening due to rising geopolitical risks, and high inflation expectations) hindered the slowdown of current price growth. By the end of the year, inflation reached 8.4% — double the Bank of Russia's target. In most large developed and emerging economies, inflation accelerated throughout the year, significantly exceeding target levels in some countries: about threefold in the U.S., UK, and several others.”

In other words, instead of “overheating,” the Russian economy of 2021 simply saw a return to the pre-COVID trend — with its inherent pro-inflationary factors. To be fair, the Central Bank did mention that inflationary pressure resulted from the “stimulating economic policy of 2020.” It's just unfortunate they didn't clarify who implemented this policy or whether it included an increase in the money supply. Also unaddressed was the question about whether this inflationary pressure came as an unpleasant surprise to the policy's authors, or if it was intentional.

The 2021 results mention familiar themes: criticisms of fruit and vegetable products, ruble depreciation, and the public’s inflationary expectations (allegedly the cause of, rather than the consequence of inflation). The bank wanted to comfort us with the fact that inflation in the U.S. and UK exceeded targets threefold, while in Russia, it was only twofold. However, such comparisons weren't made in the Bank of Russia's annual reports in other years, and they failed to mention the fact that inflation targets in other countries are often lower than in Russia — over the period in question, prices in the UK rose by 2.6% and in the US by 4.7%.

Even further back, the Central Bank pointed to “cost-push inflation” as a factor. Coming from a professional like Elvira Nabiullina, this can't be taken as a sincere explanation. If, under conditions of a stable money supply, real costs rise in some sectors, there will be a shift in relative prices without changing the overall index level. For instance, if fuel and heating become more expensive, consumers cut back on luxury items, causing their prices and production factors to drop. If the average price level rises — which we consistently observe — one must first examine changes in the money supply, most likely increased by the Central Bank itself.
Why inflation in Russia is actually high

The amount of cash in the economy and commercial banks' balance sheets is a figure entirely controlled by the Central Bank. If the goal is to keep inflation at no more than 4% per year, then logically, the monetary base should also increase by no more than 4% annually.

However, Nabiullina's agency expanded the monetary base by 4.7% in 2019, 9.8% in 2020, 10.1% in 2021, 20.1% in 2022, and 8.5% in 2023.

Looking at half-year intervals reveals even more abrupt changes: in the first half of 2022, the monetary base was cut by 6%, then increased by 27% in the second half of the year. In the first half of 2023, it grew by only 2% in the first half, then by over 6% in the second half. In 2024, it began to freeze again.






These fluctuations are sometimes attributed to the idea that the Central Bank needs to stabilize not just the supply of cash, but the broader money supply — which includes all bank deposits, both of individuals and of businesses. Deposit levels aren't directly controlled by monetary authorities and can change with market conditions. If the economy takes a downturn, deposits might fall sharply, requiring central bankers to balance them with a “countercyclical” increase in the monetary base. Let's examine whether the Bank of Russia's actions follow this principle.

Over the past five years, the amount of money (the so-called “money supply”) in Russia has been growing. What does this mean? Back in 2019, Russia’s monetary base increased by 5%, while the supply grew by 10% — pure monetary expansion. Russia’s money supply was growing even without the intervention of the Central Bank, so why it needed to increase the base is unclear.

Russia’s money supply was growing even without the intervention of the Central Bank, so why it needed to increase the base is unclear.


Both indicators continued to increase each year. However, it is clear that the Bank of Russia's issuance was not compensating for a drop in deposits, as deposits were actually rising, with commercial banks creating money at a faster rate than the Central Bank. It was only in the first half of 2024 that the Bank of Russia reduced the money supply — but commercial banks more than made up for it, leading to an overall expansion.
Why does Elvira Nabiullina need the emission?

The Bank of Russia may not be to blame for expensive credit, but it is still responsible for inflation: it printed too much money, and it remains unclear why this was done. The term “disinflationary risks” sounds strange. If inflation is harmful, why is getting rid of it considered risky?

Educated Russians have a straightforward and logical view of how inflation arises. If the government spends more than it receives, it covers the budget deficit with money issuance. The amount of money in the economy increases. Now more money chases the same volume of goods and services, and everything naturally becomes more expensive. This logic was taught to us in the 1990s, and all reasonably liberal economists spoke about it back then.

However, for the past 25 years, Russia hasn't operated this way. Under Putin, there were initially no budget deficits, and even after they later emerged, they remained moderate — comparable to levels in developed countries in which inflation is usually below 5% per year. Even during the war, Russia's budget deficit as a percentage of GDP is smaller than that of the U.S., Japan, the UK, France, or Italy. And yet Russia’s inflation is higher — and so is its level of monetary emission.

Even during the war, Russia's budget deficit as a percentage of GDP is smaller than that of the U.S., Japan, the UK, France, or Italy.


Why increase the money supply so much if the budget doesn't need it? People like me will never understand this. The Central Bank, however, has an explanation — it believes issuance is needed not as a budget filler, but as a stimulus for the entire national economy. It claims that credit is beneficial, and moderate issuance encourages credit. Issuance is considered moderate so long as it doesn't scare people away from the national currency.

In places like Zimbabwe or Venezuela, issuance is excessive. When people get their hands on their national currency, they know they have to spend or exchange it for foreign money as soon as possible. The situation in Russia in the 1990s was similar. But in the 2000s, it was a different story. If ruble savings tended to depreciate threefold in a year, people would opt to save in U.S. dollars — but if they depreciate by just 7%, 12%, or 25%, one might shrug and keep them in rubles, hoping not to lose more when buying foreign currency. The central bankers’ wisdom is built on understanding this psychological mechanism.

When the consumer is trusting and calm, the money supply can grow faster than inflation, real economic growth, or even nominal GDP growth. This allows reports of rapid growth in banking services — deposits, loans, cards, payment systems. The central bank appears competent, progressive, and prestigious. The assets and volumes of the banking system grow, and their complexity increases. This means more objects for regulation and control, larger budgets, more staff, and greater authority for the Bank of Russia's leadership. People get used to previously unfamiliar financial services, start believing in their reliability, and as a result open up to the idea of increased state guarantees, inspections, and mechanisms of control. At the same time, a selection process unfolds among commercial bankers: only those who recognize the necessity of cooperating with the regulator manage to survive. After all, who would refuse such a setup?

When the consumer is trusting and calm, the money supply can grow faster than inflation, real economic growth, or even nominal GDP growth.


This motive is common for central bankers in both developed and underdeveloped nations, large and small, pro-American and anti-American. However, if a country is peripheral, isolated, and poor, this motive is even stronger. In the developed world, people are less tolerant of inflation. They might forgive a 10% devaluation under extreme circumstances, but never 25%. In places where people are more accustomed to real hardships, they'll endure 25% a year.

One way or another, central bankers always monitor market participants' sentiments and try to manage them both directly and indirectly. Hence, their favorite tool is «verbal intervention.» The results of this management are reflected in the multiplier.
How commercial banks and borrowers contribute to inflation

The ratio of the money supply to the monetary base reflects how actively the banking system creates money. During times of crisis, this ratio should decline, while in periods of economic boom it should rise. This indicator is influenced by policy but isn't directly controlled by the authorities. Overall, the multiplier illustrates the extent of the credit bubble in the economy.

In recent years, we've seen this ratio rapidly increase in Russia.






The situation can be described as one of euphoria and frenzy. Depositors, ignoring risks and low rates, are pouring money into banks. Banks, fearlessly, issue more and more loans. Borrowers, undeterred by the high cost of these loans or the fact that they're already heavily in debt, borrow ever more. They promptly spend the borrowed money on goods and services. Sellers of goods and services deposit the money in banks. Banks issue even more loans. The cycle repeats — and credit levels snowball. The logical end to this euphoria is always panic and collapse.

Depositors are the ignoring risks and pouring money into Russian banks.


Long-term trends indicate that bank loans in Russia are currently at unprecedentedly inflated levels. Economic crises in Russia are typically drowned in money issuance, resulting in weak economic cycles and — almost always — high inflation.
What’s next?

The monetary tightening announced by the Bank of Russia in July is unlikely to last long. It is hard to imagine the authorities decisively and consistently stifling the credit euphoria they've fueled for years, as it has already taken deep psychological root among the population. It's hard to go against expectations, and the expectations are quite clear. Russians are used to prices rising about 10% a year, with the money supply growing slightly faster. There will be more loans, and interest rates will hover around 25–30% per year. The real GDP will grow at a rate of approximately 0% annually, but official reports will show a growth of around 3%.

This stagnation won’t provoke mass protests or fears for the future. The brief panic at the start of the war was quickly suppressed, and it's hard to say what played a bigger role: the hypnotic talents of Elvira Nabiullina, who can be placed alongside the “maestro,” former U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, in the art of market manipulation, or the specific nature of an audience so receptive to calming rhetoric.

Investment prospects in Russia are viewed pessimistically, but the view on consumption is quite optimistic. Quite simply, many want to join in on the credit feast during the plague. Most in Russia are ready to grumble and express their dissatisfaction with the authorities — in reality, however, most only choose to believe in the things that calm and soothe them.
The 75-Year Quest to Make China Great Again

On the surface, there is little that connects Xi Jinping’s PRC to that of Mao and Deng. But a closer examination of Xi’s rejuvenation strategy reveals an enduring set of political and economic principles and a high degree of policy continuity.


By Elizabeth Economy
October 01, 2024

Visitors take photos on a public square at the base of the Potala Palace near a large mural depicting current and former Chinese leaders, clockwise from top, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Hu Jintao, Xi Jinping, and Jiang Zemin, in Lhasa in western China’s Tibet Autonomous Region, as seen during a rare government-led tour of the region for foreign journalists, June 1, 2021.

Credit: AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein

The transformation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over the past 75 years from an impoverished, war-torn nation to a global power is an impressive story of both modern state-building and the creation of a new center of power in the international system. At home, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has ruled without significant opposition since the country’s inception, hundreds of millions of Chinese have moved out of poverty, and the economy has grown on average 9 percent per year for over four decades. Internationally, the PRC has become the world’s largest trading power, boasts the world’s largest military, and is a leading innovator in critical technologies such as electric vehicles, 5G, and artificial intelligence.

For China’s preeminent leader, Xi Jinping, these achievements are important signposts on the road to realizing his vision of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Since he assumed the position of CCP general secretary in November 2012, Xi has unleashed a torrent of bold-faced initiatives – such as the Belt and Road, Made in China 2025, and “common prosperity” – that are designed to shape a new China. In Xi’s vision, this rejuvenated China will reflect a robust CCP at the forefront of the political system, a powerful and innovative economy that rivals that of the United States and other advanced industrialized nations, a military that is capable of “fighting and winning wars,” and a nation that has realized its sovereignty ambitions and reclaimed its centrality on the global stage.

Xi is not the first PRC leader to articulate a vision of a rejuvenated China. Every leader since the founding of the country has put forth a strategy or set of policies to realize China’s restoration and rejuvenation.

On the surface, there is little that connects Xi Jinping’s PRC to that of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. But a closer examination of Xi’s rejuvenation strategy reveals that contemporary China is not only rooted in an enduring set of political and economic principles and institutions established at the inception of the country – the primacy of a highly centralized system of single party rule; extensive CCP control over political and social life, including the judicial system, media, and education; and an economy that reflects a mix of both market-based practices as well as the strong hand of the state in core sectors such as telecommunications and energy – but also reflects a high degree of policy continuity.

 

New Book Explores History Of Phony Cancer Drug Krebiozen

“The Krebiozen Hoax: How a Mysterious Cancer Drug Shook Organized Medicine,” by Matthew C. Ehrlich. Photo courtesy 3 Fields Books


By 

 In March 1951, Andrew Ivy — at the time, one of the most renowned scientists and medical ethicists in the U.S. — held a press conference in Chicago to announce Krebiozen, a recently discovered wonder drug that Ivy said could dramatically help cancer patients. The announcement created a frenzy among cancer patients, who deluged the University of Illinois’ Chicago campus, where Ivy was vice president in charge of the professional schools at the time, with telephone calls trying to obtain it.


But within a few months, Krebiozen was denounced by the American Medical Association and, a few years later, Ivy, the drug’s creator Stevan Durovic and some of their supporters were prosecuted for fraud.

The dramatic Krebiozen saga culminated in Durovic fleeing the U.S., Ivy’s reputation in ruins and two of his U. of I. colleagues — President George Stoddard and Provost Coleman Griffith — ousted from their positions, in part because of their association with the scandal.

“The Krebiozen Hoax: How a Mysterious Cancer Drug Shook Organized Medicine,” a new book by Matthew C. Ehrlich, a professor emeritus of journalism at the U. of I., examines the controversial drug’s dramatic rise and fall.

Although the sensational story of Krebiozen has since faded into obscurity, Ehrlich said that its lessons are relevant today, offering potent reminders about the dangers of medical misinformation, misplaced trust and the unquestioning adoption of unproven treatments. “The Krebiozen Hoax” is also a cautionary tale about the pitfalls of hubris and how the political climate can undermine public trust in established institutions and mainstream medicine.

According to the author, Krebiozen was “a quintessential example of medical quackery” that “foreshadowed today’s bitter debates over health misinformation, medical freedom and scientific and educational expertise.”


Krebiozen also marked a “key historical moment for the Food and Drug Administration,” which was then flexing new regulatory powers, and its stance on that drug triggered backlash from cancer patients and accusations of medical overreach when the agency reported the drug was worthless as a cancer treatment, refused to license it and blocked its interstate shipment. 

“It was a big episode, not just in the history of the U. of I. but also in the history of the whole state of Illinois, since the legislature and the governor got involved,” Ehrlich said. “And then, of course, it became a national deal with the involvement of the FDA and the National Cancer Institute. Illinois Senator Paul Douglas and even President Lyndon Johnson at one point got sucked into this whole thing.”

The book details how Durovic, an unknown doctor who had never published peer-reviewed research on the drug’s performance, duped a world-renowned clinician and scores of vulnerable patients who were desperate to find a cure for a frightening disease. 

Ever evasive about the medicine’s formula and origins, Durovic indicated that it was derived by stimulating horses’ immune systems and extracting their blood, a potential form of immunotherapy that piqued Ivy’s research interests in the body’s defenses against cancer and may have clouded his professional judgment.

“Where I think Ivy went wrong is when he dug in his heels and refused to listen when first his close friends, then his scientific associates and prominent groups and organizations told him Krebiozen was worthless,” Ehrlich said. “He really seemed to have a natural stubbornness and a strong ambition to make a lasting contribution to science that may have gotten the best of him. And he never renounced Krebiozen, despite all the personal and professional travails that befell him.”

Ehrlich’s book examines how public excitement over the drug elevated Ivy’s Sisyphean pursuit of clinical trials and federal approval for the drug to a nationwide cause, attracting A-list supporters such as movie star Gloria Swanson and environmentalist Rachel Carson, a cancer patient who briefly and unsuccessfully treated herself with it.

The battle to obtain “fair trials” of Krebiozen that advocates believed would demonstrate its efficacy once and for all pitted them against federal regulators, mainstream medicine and the AMA. Ivy and Durovic accused the AMA of conspiring with powerful corporate interests to keep Krebiozen off the market after failing to seize control of it. 

When the FDA refused to license the drug, angry demonstrators besieged the White House, with cancer patients waving picket signs declaring, “I need Krebiozen to live!”

“Krebiozen is one episode in a long, sorry series of such episodes, and that’s one of the reasons I wanted to write about it,” Ehrlich said. “It just had colorful characters involved, including Ivy, Stoddard and Douglas.”

Ivy was a distinguished physiologist and medical ethicist who testified as a representative of the AMA at the Nuremberg trials and was once dubbed “the conscience of U.S. science” by Time magazine. His friend Douglas was a firebrand Democrat legislator and decorated war hero who became one of Krebiozen’s biggest supporters and foremost legislative sponsors. 

“And, like Ivy, once Douglas committed to it, he dug in and would not be dissuaded from it,” Ehrlich said.

Were it not for Ivy’s star power, political connections, rapport with the press and federal agencies’ confusion over which of them was responsible for regulating it, the Krebiozen controversy likely would have fizzled more quickly, according to the author.

Ehrlich examines the historical conditions that existed when Krebiozen came to prominence and how they likely heightened the controversy surrounding the drug.

In Ehrlich’s exploration of Krebiozen’s tumultuous history, he notes that it was among nearly150 miracle cures for cancer that were touted at one time or another. The Krebiozen controversy copied the pattern of many such brouhahas that preceded it — and foreshadowed many of those that came after it, including controversial treatments for COVID-19 such as hydroxychloroquine, Ehrlich said. 

“People should be aware that these things happen from time to time,” Ehrlich said. “The story of Krebiozen is a poignant reminder that these travails are nothing new, but instead have ample historical precedent. It is also a reminder of the damage that can be inflicted when quackery and all the untruths that accompany it go unchecked for too long.”

The book was published by 3 Fields Books.