Saturday, October 05, 2024

1 year of Gaza genocide: Israeli crimes ‘deep shame’ for UK, world, says activist group head

'They have allowed this to occur, that they have not made Israel pay the cost for its crimes,' director of Palestine Solidarity Campaign tells Anadolu

Burak Bir |05.10.2024 - AA


'We've had sort of unprecedented, quite extraordinary pressure from the political establishment and from the police,' says Ben Jamal

'I think what's happening at the moment to the Palestinian people is unprecedented ... this is the first time in human history we have a genocide being live streamed,' Ben Jamal says

LONDON

Palestinians went through the "darkest moment" in the past 12 months in their enduring struggle for liberation, according to the head of Europe's largest Palestinian rights organization.

As a brutal Israeli offensive against the Gaza Strip reaches the one-year mark, deaths in the besieged Palestinian enclave have exceeded 41,000, mostly women and children, following a Hamas attack last October.

The UK was one of the first countries where large demonstrations were organized after the beginning of the onslaught as millions have marched around the country to demand a cease-fire and an arms embargo on Israel.

Various groups formed an alliance in Britain to mobilize millions of people, including the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC), which is viewed as Europe's largest Palestinian rights organization, not only in the UK.

For PSC director Ben Jamal, the rallies are "unprecedented" in British history and there has not been a moment in British history since the suffragette movement in the early 20th century.

Jamal noted that one of the key things it has been saying since last October is that "history did not begin on Oct. 7."

"This genocide is built on the foundations of more than 76 years of oppression by the Israeli state of the Palestinian people through mechanisms of ethnic cleansing, colonization, military occupation and imposition of a system of apartheid," he told Anadolu.

Jamal stressed, however, that what has been happening in the past year is "undoubtedly the darkest moment" in Palestinians' enduring struggle for liberation.

"This is a moment of reflection. It's a moment of deep sorrow. It's a moment where we acknowledge the strength of the Palestinian people and their ongoing resilience,” he said. “But it's a moment of deep shame for our government, for the international community, that they have allowed this to occur, that they have not made Israel pay the cost for its crimes."

Asked how the group prepared for the mass mobilization of British citizens following the Oct. 7 attacks, Jamal said along with a coalition of five other groups, PSC spoke very quickly as they "knew what was coming."

"We knew that we needed to mobilize for an early demonstration, and we held a demonstration on Oct. 9. What we didn't know at that point, as I say, was how long would this go on for," he said.

A week or so after the surprise attack by Hamas against Israel last October, the first national march was held in London by the coalition, said Jamal, adding that they are holding the 20th march in London but some ask: "Why are they still marching?"

He said the answer to that question is “because the genocide is continuing, and because of our government's complicity, and also the complicity of companies, corporations, public bodies in the UK that invest in companies that are supporting the infrastructure of oppression and selling weapons to Israel."

He added: "That complicity continues. That's why so many people are continuing to march."

'Unprecedented, extraordinary pressure from political establishment'

There has been intense negotiation between the Metropolitan Police and pro-Palestinian groups about the times and length of the rallies in London.

In addition, the marches which were declared as overwhelmingly peaceful by many, were referred to as a "hate march" by some politicians, including former Home Secretary Suella Braverman.

"We've had sort of unprecedented, quite extraordinary pressure from the political establishment and from the police during this process," said Jamal.

He indicated that the political establishment was acting often as a "lobbyist for the Israeli government," and responding to pro-Israel voices from the very beginning in a bid to "stifle any solidarity with the Palestinian people."

They said that “these were marches of people who were supporting terrorism or were motivated by hatred of the Jewish people ignoring the fact that, from the very beginning there were thousands of Jewish people marching," he said.

Jewish groups attended the rallies since last October under the slogan: "Not in my name" and rejected the Israeli government's claim that attacks on Gaza are to ensure the safety of Jewish people.

"Despite this repressive environment, the rate of arrests of people on the marches have been tiny, less than an average music festival," reminded Jamal.

The marches and protesters faced numerous provocations by pro-Israelis during the past 12 months which is aimed at "trying to sustain establishment support for Israel's genocide," said Jamal. "We are here marching for truth, for the rights of the people under international law and calling for an end to mass slaughter. So, we know that history is on our side, and we ask people to stay focused on the reasons why we're marching.

Asked if he thought the coalition would mobilize so many people when they decided to organize the demonstrations last year, Jamal said the numbers have been extraordinary.

"If you said to me, you think a million will attend, I would have said I would have thought that was unlikely," he said. "I think what's happening at the moment to the Palestinian people is unprecedented in terms of this is the first time in human history we have a genocide being live streamed."

Israeli soldiers are taking film of what they are doing, and posting it, and people are seeing "scenes of utter horror," according to Jamal, who noted it awoke something in people.

"It's made them aware of the dynamics of the oppression. When they see Palestinian children with half of their heads missing or lying dead under the rubble, their response, as a human response, is to say: 'That could be my brother or my sister or my son or my daughter,' and they want it to stop," he said.

He noted that continuing the vast majority of arms sales to Israel by the British government, including fighter jet components, also played a role in bringing people into the protests.

"We didn't expect these numbers. I don't think we ever expected that this would have continued for a year, but I didn't expect that Israel would be allowed to continue with a genocide for a year," he noted. "And I think as long as those dynamics remain, people will continue to march."

Why war in Middle East involves UK more than you might think

Laura Kuenssberg
Presenter, 
BBC Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg•@bbclaurak
 
BBC

"Let’s be real, the war has started," a former minister tells me. "What happens in the Middle East never stays in the Middle East."

It’s hard not to be moved by the burning conflict – the killing of Israelis by Hamas almost a year ago and agony of the families of hostages snatched; the killing of thousands of Gazans by Israel in its response and the terrible suffering there.

And now Lebanon, where Israel has struck again after almost a year of cross-border hostilities, killing hundreds in air strikes against Hezbollah. Hundreds of thousands more civilians are on the move, desperate to find safety.

But it can feel bewildering, and far away. So why does it matter at home?

"There’s the humanitarian horror," says a former diplomat. And of course there are many families in the UK worried about the safety of friends or relatives still in Lebanon, Israel and Gaza. There is a potential bump in the number of refugees likely to head for Europe from Lebanon if all-out war begins.

The conflict has stirred tensions here as well. "We see it on our streets," the former minister says, whether that’s at Gaza protests, the rise in antisemitism or even a handful of pro-Palestinian politicians winning seats in Parliament.

If - as US President Joe Biden has acknowledged in public - Israel goes ahead and hits Iran’s oil industry, the costs could hit us all.


The price of oil jumped 5% after Biden’s remarks. Iran is the seventh biggest oil producer in the world. Just at a time when the world has been getting used to inflation cooling down, spiralling costs of energy could pump it right back up again and we’d all feel it.

One source suggested if the conflict keeps intensifying, "the Iranians might block the crucial Strait of Hormuz to show their power" which could, they suggest, "tip us into a 70s style crisis".

Around 20% of the world’s oil passes through the narrow channel of water. "It’s the pocket book effect," says another Whitehall source. The impact on the economy could be huge.

So what can the UK do about a hellishly complicated situation, especially with a new government that is still finding its feet? There’s the practical, the defence, and the diplomatic.
Sir Keir Starmer is facing growing pressure to help de-escalate the conflict in the Middle East



The Foreign Office has chartered three flights to get Brits who live in Lebanon home - and a fourth is scheduled to leave Beirut on Sunday. There are extra military staff in Cyprus ready to provide extra help if needs be.

The UK is deeply involved in providing humanitarian help in the region and Labour made the decision to start money flowing again to the UN organisation for Palestinian refugees on the ground, UNWRA, once it moved into power.

UK military back-up


The UK military was there as back-up to help Israel defend itself against Iranian missiles this week. RAF Typhoons were in the air on Tuesday night ready to support Israel’s own defences. Israel also had support from the US.

In the end, the UK and US didn’t fire any of their weapons. But back in April, RAF Typhoon jets based in Cyprus shot down Iranian drones.

Yet there are nerves in Labour circles about how far that role might go now in the coming weeks. One senior MP said: ‘‘We can be there to help defend Israel, we can be America’s mate, but we must not be there in any way, however small, in attacking Iran."

The UK is in what a former ambassador described as a "weird straddle". Ministers are urging Israel to hold back its attacks across Lebanon, just as through the last 12 months they have asked Britain's ally to stop pummelling Gaza. But at the same time, when called upon, helping Israel defend itself on specific occasions.

And even though some arms sales have been suspended, weapons continue to go.

Diplomatic opportunities

Then when it comes to the diplomacy, a former senior official tells me the UK is "thinking about the off ramps," - in other words, encouraging all the players, not just its allies, to think about how to bring the conflict to an end, and what a post-war settlement might look like.

The UK has specific opportunities - there are things that it can do that the US can’t, with an embassy still in the Iranian capital Tehran, for example, whereas the Americans haven’t had any formal diplomatic relations with Iran since 1980.

"Diplomacy is not only about talking to your friends," the former official says, suggesting the UK has a role to play in understanding Iran’s position and communicating it to others to ensure Israel and the US's decisions "aren't taken based on misunderstandings".

The specifics of the UK’s position have been used to diplomatic advantage before.

A former minister tells me when the families of hostages from Israel were in London, a meeting was brokered between them and the Qatari chief negotiator, an encounter that couldn’t have taken place elsewhere given the state of relations between their two countries.

Another source says that when it comes to Iran, the UK, "is not just a back-channel, we can be the front channel". Foreign Secretary David Lammy held a phone conversation with the Iranian foreign minister in August.

Limits - and high stakes

There is a limit to the influence that can be brought to bear, not just because of the realities in the region.

The UK’s voice is important, but not a deciding influence - "the only critical external player is the US," says one Whitehall source.

And fundamentally, perhaps the reality right now is that "no-one is scared of America any more," as one senior government figure suggests. Months of urging restraint have not brought an end to the conflict - anything but.

Whether politicians in the UK have the appetite for greater involvement is worth asking.

Foreign policy rarely yields rewards for politicians at home in the UK - and it can also feel like a distraction having to travel the globe while dealing with rows over free gifts and winter fuel payments. Sir Keir Starmer has found himself "spending more time on a plane than he ever expected," a senior MP suggests.

Diplomacy matters, whether its impact is easy to measure or not. A government insider suggests without the UK, US and Western allies urging restraint on a daily basis, there is a parallel universe where the conflicts might already have boiled over into a war far worse than anything we have seen so far. "Everybody has been working incredibly hard to try and prevent a spillover," a senior figure says.

The question this weekend is whether a terrible conflict that sucks in the US and other powers can yet be avoided. How Israel chooses to respond to Iran’s attacks may prove decisive.

A lot is at stake: a wider conflict could wreak havoc on our economy, on the stability of the world, and as well as the terrible toll on civilians caught up in wars not of their own making.

"Our best labour is diplomacy," a former minister says. The UK certainly cannot stop or solve this dangerous conundrum on its own. But the gravity of what is going on means that it has to try.




Top photo credit: Getty Images


BBC InDepth is the new home on the website and app for the best analysis and expertise from our top journalists. Under a distinctive new brand, we’ll bring you fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions, and deep reporting on the biggest issues to help you make sense of a complex world. And we’ll be showcasing thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. 

Gaza war: How Israel starved and strangled population for a year

As the war grinds on, humanitarian groups say weaponisation of aid is ruining the lives and hopes of 2.3 million Palestinians


Anjana Sankar
October 05, 2024

Live updates: Follow the latest on Israel-Gaza

The Gaza war, which has dragged on for almost a year, has unleashed unprecedented death, destruction and mass displacement of the enclave's population.

What has turned this conflict into one of the most brutal of recent times is not only the scale of death and violence, but Israel’s ‘systematic obstruction’ of aid, international humanitarian agencies say.

Since the outbreak of hostilities on October 7, 2023 after militant group Hamas launched surprise attacks on Israel resulting in the deaths of more than 1,200 people and the kidnapping of 250, Gaza has borne the brunt of military retaliation.

The aerial bombardment and ground invasion have so far killed more than 41,700 people – mostly women and children – and destroyed two thirds of its infrastructure, including homes, schools, hospitals, even UN facilities.

For the 2.3 million people of Gaza, many of whom who were already dependent on humanitarian relief before the conflict, aid became the last straw in their battle for survival this past year.

Weaponisation of aid

But that critical supply of relief, international agencies say, has been systematically delayed, reduced, or outright denied to Gazans since the beginning of the war, a charge Israel vehemently denies. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says accusations of Israel limiting humanitarian aid were “outrageously false.”

“You can say anything – it doesn’t make it true,” he said in a press conference on Wednesday. But as the war drags on, Israel is continuing to manipulate aid, said the Norwegian Refugee Council.

Palestinians in Deir Al Balah receive food distributed by charity groups as Gaza faces a hunger crisis. Reuters

Ahmed Bayram, communications adviser for the group, told The National the flow of aid into Gaza has "hit rock bottom", leaving more people facing starvation, disease and displacement. “The number of aid trucks going into Gaza is going down and down now, with an average of just 50 entering daily, far fewer than what is needed,” he said.

The UN independent investigator on the right to food, Michael Fakhri, has accused Israel of carrying out a “starvation campaign” against Palestinians. “Never in post-war history has a population been made to go hungry so quickly and so completely, as was the case for the 2.3 million Palestinians living in Gaza," he said this week.

A joint statement released by 15 international aid agencies said 83 per cent of the required food aid was not reaching the people as of September 2024. In August, more than one million people in southern and central Gaza did not receive any food rations, they added.

Medical supplies are also in need, with 65 per cent of the insulin required unavailable and half of the required blood supply undelivered, the statement read. This drastic reduction is having catastrophic consequences for the people of Gaza.

There is no soap, no shampoo. Some of our colleagues are using rags instead of sanitary napkins,” said Ruth James, regional humanitarian co-ordinator for Oxfam, who is currently in Gaza. Even those with money can't lay their hands on many items, she added. “In all of the south of Gaza, there is only one ATM that is functioning,” she said.

Warehouses in Egyptian city bursting at seams as Gaza aid piles up

Collective punishment

Israel’s siege of Gaza and obstruction of aid represent what the UN has called “collective punishment”.

On October 9, 2023, two days after the Hamas attack, Israel’s Defence Minister Yoav Gallant announced a complete siege on Gaza. "There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed,” he said.

In the place of 500 aid and commercial lorries that were entering Gaza daily before the conflict began, the number by 75 per cent, according to aid groups. Fuel shortages also dipped to critical levels, with a huge gap between the estimated daily need of 400,000 litres for humanitarian purposes and fewer than 100,000 that is actually arriving.

As Israeli tanks pushed deeper into the northern parts of Gaza supported by a massive aerial bombing campaign, more than a million people were asked to move south. This first wave of mass displacement further squeezed humanitarian aid.

Mohammed Sadiq, a resident of Gaza city, said his children went without proper food for weeks after they moved southwards last October.

"You have to be lucky to find some bread or canned beans. There were long queues to get a small cup of soup. I had to see my children fall asleep on half-empty stomachs," Mr Sadiq told The National.

Aid agencies were faced with another challenge – a communication blockade when Israel cut off telephone and internet connections in Gaza. Louise Watergate, spokeswoman for the agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) told The National that the first 10 weeks of war "was utter chaos".

“We were in a situation where we could not even get in touch with our own colleagues on the ground,” she said.

Hunger and disease spread rapidly across the Gaza Strip within the first three months of the war, with the UN's Office for Co-ordination of Humanitarian Aid (Ocha) declaring in December that only 10 per cent of Gaza’s food needs were met in the first 70 days.

In a report issued in December, Human Rights Watch accused Israel of using starvation as a method of warfare by deliberately blocking the delivery of food, water and fuel into Gaza. The organisation warned this practice constituted a war crime under international law.

UN experts had warned about an impending famine in Gaza as early as May. Later in June, the findings from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) analysis, conducted from May 27 to June 4, said about 495,000 people – 22 per cent of the population – were experiencing the highest level of starvation, known as IPC Phase 5.

The report said about 2.1 million people, or 96 per cent of the population, would face high levels of acute food insecurity through to September.

UN experts later declared famine had spread across much of Gaza, particularly in the north, where Israel had focused much of its military campaign. On June 22, the government media office reported at least 34 children had already died of malnutrition.

The impact on health care has also been devastating, with Israel’s siege of hospitals, and detention of doctors and medical workers. By January, more than 600 healthcare workers had been killed, the World Health Organisation said, and 94 medical facilities had come under attack, including 26 hospitals and 79 ambulances.

Hunger when aid is plentiful

The biggest irony of the hunger crisis in Gaza is that Israel and the UN agencies agree there is enough aid to feed the population. But they disagree on whether it is reaching the people.

Israel's Co-ordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (Cogat) claims there is no famine in Gaza.

"One million tonnes of aid entered Gaza since the start of the war, 70 per cent was food," Cogat said last week in a post on X. The agency claims more than 3,000 calories per day per person has entered Gaza since January, citing an independent academic study.

Lorries carrying aid queue on the Egyptian side of the Rafah border crossing with the Gaza Strip. AFP

"Over 53,989 trucks containing approximately 1,058,804 tonnes of humanitarian aid, including more than 819,943 tonnes of food and 51,350 tonnes of water, have been delivered to the Gaza Strip," a Cogat spokesman told The National.

He also claimed only 498 of 53,000 aid lorries had been denied entry due to containing dual-use items that require specific security evaluation to prevent their exploitation by Hamas for military purposes.

The spokesman said Israel has worked to expand routes through which aid can enter Gaza, including extending working hours of Kerem Shalom and the opening of new crossings such as Erez East, Erez West and Crossing 96.

Despite mounting international pressure and criticism, Israel argues the delays and shortages in aid distribution are the result of logistical failures on the part of the UN and other organisations, not a deliberate policy.

However, these claims have been disputed by numerous NGOs and aid agencies on the ground, which cite harsh inspections, restrictions on goods and exhaustively long delays in getting permits as a major obstacle to the smooth flow of aid.

Ruth James, Oxfam's regional humanitarian co-ordinator, told The National that lorries laden with food, water and medicine often sit for days at Israeli checkpoints, awaiting clearance that sometimes never comes. The process is fraught with rejection and delay, she said.

“Even basic items such as chlorine for water purification and bandages or scissors for hospitals have been held up or denied entry,” she said.

Ms Watergate of UNRWA said her colleagues are forced to "constantly reinvent humanitarian response" on a day-to-day or weekly basis due to the constant displacement of people, the access restrictions and the changing security situation on the ground.

She said the turning point for humanitarian distribution was the closure of southern Rafah crossing point on May 6 that disrupted the "rhythm and routine" of aid flowing in.

"After Rafah was closed, aid agencies had to relocate to the middle areas. We had to move hospitals, solar panels, generators and warehouses."

The collapse of law and order in the north, and the increase in looting of lorries in the north, where Israel dismantled the existing security apparatus, also dealt a severe blow to the humanitarian response, she said.

Israel's chokehold on aid supply

Israel tightly controls entry and exit from Gaza by land, air and sea, meaning aid cannot enter without its approval. Lorries that enter through Kerem Shalom are checked at the southern border crossing before being driven to Rafah city, where distribution is organised.

Lorries entering through the Rafah crossing are first scanned at Nitzana in Israel and then sent back over to Al Owga in Egypt and driving to Rafah before entering Gaza.

Most aid has been entering by lorries arriving from Egyptian territory through Kerem Shalom, since Israel shut the Rafah border crossing, the only land route to cross from Egypt to Gaza, in early May.

The floating pier built by the US in May to increase the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza was short-lived and was dismantled several times before being scrapped permanently in July, leaving the land crossing as the most viable form for aid entry.

Cogat said private groups are moving their supplies into Gaza from the Erez crossing, also known as Beit Hanoun, in the north, that connects the enclave to the occupied West Bank.

As the conflict drags on, agencies have expressed deep frustration over the failure of diplomacy to secure the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid.

"The biggest disappointment over the last year is that diplomacy has failed the people of Gaza," said Mr Bayram of the Norwegian Refugee Council. "If the big powers were serious about helping, they would have put more pressure on Israel to allow the free flow of aid."

Political analysts and humanitarian workers alike agree that without a ceasefire and a comprehensive peace agreement, the crisis will only deepen. With Israel expanding its military campaign into southern Gaza, and with the conflict threatening to spill over into Lebanon and Iran, hopes for a ceasefire are growing dim.

Meanwhile, as winter approaches, aid agencies are scrambling to provide shelter for the more than one million people who have been displaced numerous times. "We’re preparing for a harsh winter and shelters are desperately needed," said Ms Watergate. "But at the rate we’re going, with the level of supply we’re able to move, it could take years to meet those needs."

Despite the overwhelming scale of the crisis, aid agencies say they remain steadfast in their efforts to reach the people of Gaza. “We have the people, we have the resources, we have the means. It is the restrictions that are stopping us,” said Ms James.

“We need to see the political will in removing the restrictions and allowing unimpeded aid into Gaza," she said. Twelve months into the war, as Gaza is teetering on the brink of collapse, people will continue to suffer, with no end in sight if free flow of aid is not restored, she said.

Updated: October 05, 2024

The Israel-Gaza conflict a year on - the key moments
Updated Fri 4 October 2024 

Portraits of people who were taken hostage or killed in the Hamas attack on the Supernova music festival on 7 October. (Getty)

At around 7.40am on 7 October 2023, hundreds of Hamas gunmen crossed the border from Gaza into Israel, launching an unprecedented and devastating attack on Israeli territory. Catching their long-time enemies off-guard, around 1,200 people (including 600 civilians) were killed and 250 taken hostage. A year later the consequences are still being played out as the region teeters on the brink of all-out war.

The coordinated attack - which also involved several other Palestinian militant groups - had been months in the planning and began with a major rocket barrage. Soon after, militants breached the Gaza barrier and attacked numerous communities in the south of Israel.

The site of the biggest bloodshed was the Re'im music festival, around three miles from the border, where 364 people were massacred. Elsewhere, more than 100 people were killed at Kibbutz Be’eri.

The attack by Hamas, a proscribed terrorist group in the UK since 2001, sparked international condemnation and Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared his country was in a state of war.

Within hours, the gunfire had turned back to Gaza with Israel launching a relentless bombardment on the Gaza Strip and gearing up for a planned invasion of the territory.

Since then, Israel has attacked all corners of the strip from ground and air and claims to have dismantled much of Hamas's power. Although many of the figures around how many people have been killed in Gaza since the outbreak are disputed, analysts believe over 40,000 Palestinians have died.

Palestinian children play on the site of a destroyed building, purportedly where Israeli hostages were held and rescued during an Israeli military operation in June. (Getty)

Despite enormous international diplomatic efforts, the war has not stopped and, instead, continues to escalate.

Fears of it spilling into a regional conflict have become a reality as the Houthis in Yemen began striking international shipping in response to Israel's attacks on Palestinians and, even more seriously, the growing conflict in Lebanon.

Following the 7 October attack, the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah, which is based in Lebanon, began firing rockets into northern Israel, forcing the evacuation of several communities. In recent weeks, Israel has increasingly redirected its forces to the north and launched several attacks on Hezbollah, most notably killing its long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah in a strike on Beirut.

On 1 October, in the latest escalation, Israel launched a "targeted" ground invasion of southern Lebanon and also stepped up its aerial bombardment; a day later, Iran retaliated with its own barrage of missile strikes.

As the world hold's its collective breath, Yahoo News runs down to the key moments in the past year that have brought the world to the edge of even greater catastrophe.


Medical body urges WHO, UN to stop Israel's 'massacre' against healthcare system in Lebanon

International Lebanese Medical Association asks for WHO, UN intervention to allow medical teams to evacuate patients and medical personnel from Salah Ghandoor hospital

Mohammed Ragawi |05.10.2024 - TRT/AA



BEIRUT

The International Lebanese Medical Association issued on Saturday an urgent appeal to the World Health Organization (WHO) and the UN to put an end to Israeli forces' "massacre" of Lebanon's health care system.

On Friday, the official Lebanese news agency confirmed that the Marjayoun Governmental Hospital, Mays al-Jabal Governmental Hospital, and Salah Ghandoor Hospital were no longer operational following Israeli attacks and threats of further attacks.

The association urged the WHO and the UN to intervene and allow medical teams to evacuate patients and medical personnel from the Salah Ghandoor hospital, emphasizing the necessity of protecting health care workers and facilities.

“The ongoing crime against the medical sector and emergency teams has reached a level of audacity in violating UN charters and human rights, particularly regarding the right to medical care and hospitalization for all individuals,” it stated.

The organization highlighted that Israeli actions contradict the provisions of the Geneva Conventions, calling for “effective intervention to stop these criminal practices against the wounded, medical staff, and the healthcare sector.”

Earlier on Thursday, Lebanese Health Minister Firas Abiad revealed that Israeli airstrikes had killed 97 medical and emergency personnel since Sept. 23, causing damage to more than 10 hospitals.

Hezbollah and Israel have been engaged in cross-border warfare since the start of Israel's war on Gaza, which has killed over 41,800 people, most of them women and children, following an attack by the Palestinian group Hamas last October.

At least 2,011 people have since been killed, over 9,500 injured, and 1.2 million others displaced, according to Lebanese authorities.

The international community has warned that Israeli attacks in Lebanon could escalate the Gaza conflict into a wider regional war.

*Writing by Ikram Kouachi



Israel resumes Beirut attacks as death toll crosses 2,000

TEHRAN, Oct. 05 (MNA) – The Zionist regime has launched a fresh airstrike on Beirut’s southern neighborhood of Dahiyeh, as the regime’s unrelenting aggression against Lebanon continues.

Several civilian buildings were the main targets of the regime’s latest strike on Friday night. The Israeli regime had issued evacuation orders for residents of Beirut’s southern suburbs just before the strike.

Israel’s attacks on Southern Lebanese towns and cities are still ongoing killing more civilians there. Lebanon’s Health Ministry said on Friday that more than 2,000 people have been killed so far in Israel’s attack on Lebanon, including 127 children and 261 women, since last October.

Hundreds of thousands of civilians have fled their homes in Beirut to escape the Israeli air raids.

Lebanese health officials have denounced Israel for indiscriminately attacking emergency rescuers and civilians. Lebanon’s health minister said the country's healthcare system is teetering on the brink of collapse.

Lebanon’s Health Ministry said at least 37 people were killed, and over 150 were injured in Israeli strikes on Thursday. "Israeli enemy strikes in the past 24 hours... killed 37 people and injured 151," the health ministry said on Thursday night.

Israel launched several waves of airstrikes on Beirut’s southern neighborhood of Dahiyeh on Thursday.

MA/Press TV

News ID 222451



Volunteers risk lives to retrieve pets from bombed out south Beirut


Published: 05 Oct 2024 
-
Cats that were abandoned by their owners who fled during Israeli strikes in Beirut's southern suburbs sit in a cage at an animal shelter on October 3, 2024.
 (Photo by Joseph Eid / AFP)

AFP

Beirut, Lebanon: After Israeli bombardment forced them flee their homes in haste, displaced Lebanese have been asking volunteers to enter their bombed out neighbourhoods to retrieve their pets.

Maggie Shaarawi, vice president of the Animals Lebanon charity, is one of the rescuers.

"A lot of people had to evacuate their homes in a hurry. In most cases, cats stressed by bombing hide," making it impossible to scoop them up quickly, she said.

"Our goal is to just enter, rescue and leave."

On Thursday, Shaarawi and two others helped a resident of Beirut's southern suburbs retrieve her eight traumatised cats.

Through a video call, the worried woman in a white headscarf guided them to the living room where she had herded Fifi, Leo, Blacky, Teddy, Tanda, Ziki, Kitty and Masha as she left.

"We were able to find them all," Shaarawi said triumphantly.

Doing their best to hurry, they managed to entice the petrified felines out from under a green velvet sofa and gently lift each of them into a holding crate.

"Luckily we got them out, because (then) most of that area was destroyed," she said.

A strike hit the suburbs as they were preparing to go to another home.

"It's the first time we had a hit very close to us. We're lucky to have left alive," Shaarawi said.

This handout picture released by Animals Lebanon NGO shows activists rescuing cats in a damaged building on October 3, 2024. 
(Photo by Animals Lebanon / AFP)

'Just waiting for their owners'

Israel has sharply intensified its air strikes against Lebanese group Hezbollah since September 23, killing more than 1,000 people and pushing more than a million more to flee their homes, according to Lebanese figures.

Many of the displaced have taken their pets with them.

A teenager was seen clutching a ginger cat to his chest as he fled his southern village this week.

Some people have even ignored evacuation warnings to stay with their pets, Shaarawi said.

"So far, we've retrieved from the Beirut suburbs around 120 animals, and from the south another 60," she said.

Despite their close call with the Israeli air strike, Shaarawi and her team were back in the southern suburbs Friday to try to retrieve more pets.

"Cats turn into tigers when they're scared," she said.

Parking their car on the outskirts of the heavily bombarded Hezbollah bastion, they briefly zipped in on mopeds.

"The war is traumatising for both animals and people. They're being bombed every day, and they don't know what's happening," she said.

"They're just waiting for their owners to come back."

Sometimes the team does not get to the pets in time.

On a mission to retrieve three cats on Thursday, they found one of them dead, its limbs stiff and its fluffy white coat caked in dust.

The other two were nowhere to be found, but Shaarawi said she was sure they did not survive. "The house was totally destroyed."
Israel destroyed 79% of mosques, 3 churches in Gaza during its genocidal war against Palestinians, says ministry

Along with 814 mosques flattened, another 148 damaged, 3 churches were also destroyed, and 19 of 60 cemeteries deliberately targeted, says Ministry of Religious Affairs in Gaza

Mohamed Majed |05.10.2024 - TRT



GAZA CITY, Palestine

The Ministry of Religious Affairs in Gaza announced on Saturday that Israel destroyed 79% of mosques in the Gaza Strip during its genocidal war against Palestinians.

The Israeli army has flattened 814 of Gaza’s 1,245 mosques and severely damaged another 148 during its intensified bombardment, the ministry revealed.

Along with the mosques, three churches were also destroyed, and 19 of the 60 cemeteries were deliberately targeted, the statement said.

The estimated financial cost of the damage to the ministry's properties is $350 million, it added.

The ministry also accused the Israeli army of desecrating graves, exhuming bodies, and committing brutal acts of violence against those who died, such as stealing their remains and mutilating them.

In addition to the destruction of places of worship, the ministry noted that 11 administrative and educational facilities under its authority were destroyed, accounting for 79% of such structures in Gaza.

The ministry added that Israeli forces killed 238 of its employees and detained 19 others during ground offensives in the territory.

The ministry condemned the attacks on Gaza's religious sites and urged the international community, including world governments and Islamic organizations, to intervene immediately to halt the "ongoing war of extermination."

Israel has continued its brutal offensive on the Gaza Strip following an attack by the Palestinian group Hamas last Oct. 7, despite a UN Security Council resolution calling for an immediate cease-fire.

More than 41,800 people have since been killed, mostly women and children, and over 96,800 others injured, according to local health authorities.

The Israeli onslaught has displaced almost the entire population of the territory amid an ongoing blockade that has led to severe shortages of food, clean water, and medicine.

Israel faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its actions in Gaza.

*Writing by Ikram Kouachi

 

Time to end impunity for war crimes & support the ICC – in full

Image of Palestinian flags and a banner that says 'stop' with an image similar to the Picasso picture, Guernica.

“One year on, Israel continues its onslaught in Gaza... It has now expanded a military campaign into and invaded Lebanon, risking further regional spillover & more bloodshed. If the government wants to uphold international law… then Israeli impunity needs to end”

The Council for Arab-British Understanding’s (CAABU), Malak El Gammal argues that while there have been some important steps forward, the Labour Government could do more to support international law on Palestine.

Post-election, the UK government made some important steps in regard to international law. It reinstated funding to UNRWA, placed a partial suspension on UK arms sales to Israel, and reversed the previous government’s objection to the International Criminal Court (ICC) seeking an arrest warrant against Israeli leaders. There are still further steps that the government should take, such as implementing a full arms suspension on Israel and implementing the recent UN General Assembly resolution to comply with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). It is essential that Number 10 fully complies with international law on Israel-Palestine.

However, despite dropping the objection to the ICC application for arrest warrants, a recent article published in the Guardian indicates that the government might be reticent in supporting any arrest warrant if issued against Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. According to this article, the government is allegedly worried about an ‘explosive political fallout’ should this happen.

The focus should not be on the political or diplomatic consequences, but on respecting the norms of international law and the judgement of the courts. At Caabu, we encourage you to write to your MP to put pressure on Number 10 to do so. We need to remind our elected representatives that this government was elected promising a commitment to international law, including in its manifesto.

The Labour manifesto stated that a Labour government will use the UK’s unique position in NATO, the UN, G7, G20 and the Commonwealth to address the threats we face, and to uphold human rights and international law. Labour values international law because of the security it brings”The manifesto also goes on to state that a Labour government will continue to push for an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages, and the upholding of international law”. While on the shadow benches, the now Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, also said that the the international legal structure is something that has been a guiding light for the United Kingdom over many years, and that is why we are signatories to the Statute of Rome. We believe in the ICC and the ICJ… We believe in the rules-based order. We believe in international law… We will comply [with arrest warrants issued by the ICC]”.

On the reversal of the previous government’s objection to the application for arrest warrants, a spokesperson for the Prime Minister Keir Starmer stated “We have been very clear about the importance of the rule of law and the independence of the courts both domestically and internationally”.

What has changed for the government? One year on, Israel continues its onslaught in Gaza, with breaches of international humanitarian law clearly evident by the government’s own admission. It has now expanded a military campaign into and invaded Lebanon, risking further regional spillover and more bloodshed. If the government wants to uphold international law, as it has promised it would do, then Israeli impunity needs to end. Willingly accepting and complying with ICC arrest warrants is the first step to accountability and justice for Palestinians. We therefore ask that you write to your MP to put pressure on the government to adhere to arrest warrants against Israeli leaders should they be issued and uphold the international legal order.



Symbolism amid Israel-Iran war: Horror of red hands, wails of empty strollers

The death and devastation in the war in the Middle East have given rise to symbols, and new meanings to old ones. Be it empty strollers, red-painted hands, Palestinian keys or blood-stained trousers. Here's a look at them on the eve of the first anniversary of the October 7 attack and the Israel-Iran war.



Empty strollers and red-painted hands were among the several symbols that either emerged or got new meaning since the attack on October 7 and its aftermath. (Images: Getty/ AFP)

Yudhajit Shankar Das
New Delhi,
Oct 5, 2024 

The olive tree, which grows for hundreds, even a thousand years, has evolved into a symbol of resilience in the strife-torn Middle East. This is a region that has laid special emphasis on symbols, which is evident from the Egyptian Ankh, the Star of David and the palm tree. As in life and prosperity, the death and devastation in the Israel-Hamas war have given rise to symbols, and new meanings to old ones. Be it empty strollers, red-painted hands, Palestinian keys or blood-stained trousers.

The Middle East, a region perennially in the doldrums, was thrown into outright chaos as Hamas fighters led a massacre in Israel on October 7 last year. Israeli counter-strikes targeting Hamas turned Gaza areas into rubble. Over 41,000 people have been killed in the year-long conflict, whose flames have been fanned by Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthis in Yemen and the government of Iran.

Iran's missile attacks and Israel's vow of retribution are making people ask if there will be Israeli attacks on nuclear facilities, and if there will be a nuclear war.

In the fight for existence and regional dominance, it is the poor civilians who havebecome the casualties of war. In a tragedy of such proportions, where deaths get dehumanised as numbers, it is often the symbolism that reminds us that all those in the throes of agony are people like us.

EMPTY STROLLERS AND 1,400 PAIRS OF CHILDREN'S SHOES

Among the hundreds of people that Hamas terrorists killed, 38 were children. Forty-two children were also kidnapped and taken to Gaza.

On October 22, 15 days after the attack, Israel placed empty strollers outside the British Parliament in London as a reminder of the babies held hostage by Hamas.


The symbolism wasn't lost. Instead of the babies in them crying, there were the empty strollers that were wailing.

Within days of the October 7 attack, Israel started bombing Gaza. An Oxfam report, released on September 30, says 11,000 children have been killed in the Israeli offensive in the last 12 months.

In March, around 14,000 pairs of children's shoes were placed in a public square in Utrecht, a city in the Netherlands, to symbolise the huge tragedy.


Images of small bodies wrapped in shrouds and of emaciated children in Gaza show how kids continue to suffer because of abundant Israeli bombs and lack of food.


THE PALESTINIAN KEY: A HOPE TO RETURN HOME

As Israel went after Hamas in Gaza, people had to flee to safer areas as their settlements were bombed.

The Palestinian key became a big symbol of the displacement.

People turned refugees in the bombing are holding on to the keys of their homes, which might have been turned into rubble, as their right to return.

This is a tradition since the mass displacement of 1948, known as the Nakba or catastrophe, when Israel came into being. Most of the current refugees are descendants of the people displaced in 1948.
A Syrians hold the symbolic keys as they protest against the Israeli military operation in Lebanon in October 2024. (Photo: Getty Images)

"History is repeating itself. My grandfather took the key and left with it, hoping to come back, and I took the key hoping to return to my apartment and find it as it was," Hatem Al-Ferani, who was sheltering in a tent in Rafah with his family, told Reuters.

Even in the Palestinian territory of the West Bank, giant key installations can be seen in various locations, whose meaning is understood by everyone there, according to a Reuters report.

THE KEFFIYEH BECOMES INTERNATIONAL PRO-GAZA FLAG

As images of a bombarding Gaza and its killed people emerged, the call for resistance grew.

As pro-Gaza rallies took place across the world, the keffiyeh, a Beduin headscarf that originated around the 7th Century in the Levant region (now Iraq), became the flag of protesters.

The keffiyeh was mostly worn as protective headgear by shepherds but became a symbol of Palestinian nationalism during the Arab Revolt of 1936–1939 against the Ottomans.
Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat addressed the United Nations General Assembly in 1974, donning a keffiyeh. He made the keffiyeh popular. (Image: Getty)

Then it became an identity of the identity-concealing Palestinian terrorists of the 80s, and a fashion accessory globally in the 90s.

In the post-October world, the keffiyeh was used by protesters, including those who set up encampments on American campuses, to depict Palestinian struggles and support the resistance.

RED HANDS: OLD SYMBOL GAINS NEW MEANING

Among the several symbols used to highlight that Israel was killing civilians and had blood on its hands was 'red hands'.

In April, anti-Israel demonstrators flooded the US Capitol, displaying red-painted palms.

The red hands were meant to depict what Shakespeare symbolised in his play Macbeth.

"What hands are here? Ha, they pluck out mine eyes. Will all great Neptune's ocean wash this blood clean from my hand?” says Macbeth after murdering Duncan.

An Israeli woman with her hands painted red, denoting blood, takes part in a protest against the Israeli government in Tel Aviv in July 2024. (Image: AFP)

However, red hands had assumed a new symbolism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which had to do with the lynching of two Israeli reservists in Ramallah in 2000.

Bayefsky said that there is a "direct line" between the Ramallah Lynching of 2000 and the October 7 attacks.

"A direct line runs between then [Ramallah lynching of 2000] and October 7, and those who continue to excuse, ignore, celebrate or enable the murder, rape and torture of Jews still going on in the hellholes of Hamas-run Gaza," Anne Bayefsky, president of Human Rights Voices, told Fox News Digital on the red-hand Capitol protests.

Two Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) reservists on October 12, 2000, strayed into the Palestinian territory of Ramallah. They were seized by Palestinian Authority police and taken to a police station.

Aziz Salha proudly displays blood on his hands after the killing of two Israeli reservists in Ramallah on October 12, 2000 (L). Salha following his arrest in an undated picture provided by the Israeli security services in 2001. (Images: AFP)

A huge mob, baying for Israeli blood, overran the police station, lynched and stabbed the two Israelis. Their bodies were mutilated and dismembered.

Aziz Salha, who was part of the mob and stabbed one of the soldiers, went to the window to showcase his blood-stained hands to the crowd below. That picture remains ingrained in people's memory and those murderous red hands is what Jews refer to.

BLOOD-STAINED TROUSERS AND BLOOD AFTER PAGER BLASTS

As Hamas terrorists went on with their rampage, they did not just kill, but sexually assaulted dozens of Israeli women.

Some of the images of women taken hostage had the ghastly sight of trousers bloodied around the groin area, which suggested gang-rape.

Blood-stained trousers became a symbol of sexual assault and sufferings of women in the conflict.
A protestor in Paris wearing a red-stained trouser, denoting blood, to "denounce the silence of international and feminist organisations" on rapes committed by Hamas during the October 7 attack on Israel. (Image: AFP)

However, people tend to see newer meanings in symbols.

Thousands of pagers by Hezbollah members were detonated by Israel on September 17.

Hezbollah, like Hamas, is a proxy of Iran and had fired over 8,000 rockets into Israel since October 7.

Dozens of those exploding pagers were in the front pockets of the Hezbollah men, and left them crippled and bloodied in the groin area. People were quick to see poetic justice, and bloody trousers gained new symbolism.

SIGNIFICANCE OF OCTOBER 7: A SYMBOLIC DAY FOR ARABS

October 7, and the Israeli counterattacks since, has come to mean massacre. The date, October 7, is significant and has historical context.

October was the month of the 50th anniversary of the Yom Kippur War. On the day of Yom Kippur, which was on October 6 in 1973, Arab nations led by Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack on Israel. The Yom Kippur War was the fourth of the Arab-Israeli wars and was meant to avenge the humiliation of the 1967 Six-Day War.


The Yom Kippur War, too, ended with a defeat of the Arab forces. Egypt signed the historic Camp David agreement with Israel.

In 2023, Saudi Arabia, a regional Sunni powerhouse, was about to sign an accord with Israel to normalise ties.

The attack on October 7, experts believe, was orchestrated by Iran using Hamas to scuttle the deal. And the date was a reminder of the earlier defeats of the Muslim countries.

Iran has now got directly involved after Israel crippled the Hezbollah and Hamas structure. The present crisis began with the attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.

People are now fearing a nuclear war.

Former US President Donald Trump said Israel should target Iran's nuclear facilities in response to the recent missile barrage.

The Guardian quoted former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak saying that Israel could "mount a large-scale airstrike against Iran’s oil industry and possibly a symbolic attack on a military target related to its nuclear programme".

Israel and the US have always wanted to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons technology.

It was also symbolic that the 85-year-old Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, kept a rifle by his side while delivering the Friday sermon, his first in 5 years, on October 4.

As the conflict, which began between Israel and Hamas, enters its second year and becomes a regional war, there are several symbols that remind us of death and devastation. The biggest victims of the brutality of war are the millions of children and women. The best symbols that the Middle East needs now are the age-old olive branches and white doves.

Published By:
Sushim Mukul
Published On:
Oct 5, 2024
Lebanon showdown and risk of wider conflict overshadowing Gaza war a year on

Contrary to what Hamas seems to have expected, there has been no reversal of Arab policies towards Israel.

Saturday 05/10/2024

Palestinian children gather at a destroyed vehicle, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip. REUTERS

GAZA/ BEIRUT –

Palestinians fear the crisis in Lebanon is diverting the world’s attention from Gaza and diminishing already dim prospects for a ceasefire a year into a war that has shattered the enclave.

An escalation in the conflict between Israel and Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah over the past two weeks, including the assassination of the militant group’s chief, Hassan Nasrallah, has led to intensifying clashes between Israeli and Hezbollah forces inside Lebanon and fuelled fears of a wider regional war.

When Iran launched ballistic missiles at Israel late on Tuesday, provoking an Israeli promise of a “painful” response, some Gazans welcomed the salvo visible in the skies overhead as a sign Tehran was fighting for their cause.

Sami Abu Zuhri, a senior Hamas official, said prospects for a Gaza ceasefire deal, which would see the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza and Palestinians jailed by Israel, were distant before the escalation in Lebanon. A regional conflagration could lead to pressure on Israel to strike a deal in Gaza, he thought.

But with attention swinging to Lebanon, the war in Gaza risked being prolonged, said Ashraf Abouelhoul, managing editor of state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram in Egypt, whose government has helped mediate months of ceasefire negotiations.

“The most dangerous thing isn’t that the media attention is going somewhere else, it is the fact that no one in the world is now talking about a deal or a ceasefire, and that frees Israel’s hand to continue its military offensive and plans in Gaza,” he said.

Inside Gaza there has been no sign of a let-up in Israel’s offensive against Hamas. On Thursday, local medics reported at least 99 Palestinian deaths in the past 24 hours.

Egypt, which has been alarmed by the Israeli offensive on the other side of its border with Gaza and has lost billions of dollars in Suez Canal revenues during the war, is frustrated that its mediation efforts have failed to secure a truce.

US State Department spokesman Matthew Miller told reporters that the US remained focused on securing a ceasefire though Hamas had for weeks “refused to engage.”

Hamas officials and Western diplomats said in August that negotiations had stalled due to new Israeli demands to keep troops in Gaza.

“Whereas Israel has been saying since October 7 that military force and putting pressure on Hamas and Hezbollah will help to bring the hostages home we have seen that the exact opposite is true,” said Nomi Bar-Yaacov, an expert on Middle East diplomacy at London-based think-tank Chatham House.

Israel’s escalated campaign against Hezbollah “is putting the ceasefire in Gaza on the back burner, given that the focus is now on trying to dismantle as much of Hezbollah’s military arsenal as possible,” she said.

The showdown in Lebanon has sparked fears of a wider war between Iran and a US-backed Israel.

An official briefed on the Gaza ceasefire talks told Reuters nothing would happen until after the US presidential election on November 5, “because nobody can effectively pressure (Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin) Netanyahu, which is the key impediment to a Gaza ceasefire deal.”

Israel’s killing of Nasrallah last week complicated chances for mediation, two Egyptian security sources said. Egypt’s efforts became limited to containing any further escalation, the sources said.

In Lebanon, nearly 1,900 people have been killed and more than 9,000 wounded in nearly a year of cross-border fighting, with most of the deaths occurring in the past two weeks, according to Lebanese government statistics.

More than a million Lebanese have been forced to flee their homes.

The casualty figures are still a fraction of those in Gaza, where the health ministry says at least 41,788 Palestinians have been killed and 96,794 wounded since October 7 last year.

The Gaza war began after Hamas led a shock incursion into Israel, killing about 1,200 people and taking more than 250 hostage, according to Israeli tallies.

Contrary to what Hamas seems to have expected, there has been no reversal of Arab policies towards Israel.

While they routinely condemn Israel’s invasion, triggered by Hamas’ unprecedented October 7 attack, Arab nations with diplomatic ties to Israel have yet to make major policy changes.

None of the countries which recognised Israel under the US-brokered Abraham Accords of 2020, has rescinded their peace pacts.

Egypt and Jordan, which signed the peace deals with Israel in 1979 and 1994 respectively, have not reconsidered those agreements, despite accusing Israel of war crimes in Gaza.

Jordan’s Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi said the agreement was “covered with dust,” but questioned whether scrapping it would help the kingdom or Palestinians.

Only Saudi Arabia has publicly shifted, halting normalisation talks with Israel unless a Palestinian state is recognised.

Israel’s Gaza offensive has sparked rare protests in a region where autocratic governments usually suppress dissent.

Arab governments that have moved closer to Israel have “their own reasons … which are all still applicable,” said Hussein Ibish, an analyst at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington.

“None of them are considering reneging on that based on the wars,” he said.


A young Palestinian man sits next to a mural that he painted on the rooftop of a destroyed house in Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip, to show his solidarity with the people of Gaza and Lebanon. AFP


Lebanon hospitals close as Israeli strikes hit health facilities


Joel Gunter
Reporting from Beirut

At least four hospitals in Lebanon announced on Friday that they were suspending work because of Israeli strikes, while a Hezbollah-affiliated health organisation said that 11 paramedics had been killed in the past 24 hours.

The four closures capped two weeks of Israeli strikes on hospitals and healthcare workers in Lebanon that have shuttered at least 37 facilities and killed dozens of medical staff, according to the World Health Organisation.

Late on Friday night, the Israeli army issued a statement alleging that Hezbollah was using medical vehicles to transport fighters and weapons, warning that it would strike any vehicle it suspected of being used for military purposes.

Hospital staff in southern Lebanon told the BBC that health facilities treating wounded civilians had been hit with direct Israeli strikes. The BBC has approached the IDF for comment.


'Beirut is now a war zone': More Israeli strikes hit Hezbollah area in Lebanese capital


Israel-Hezbollah conflict in maps: Where is fighting happening in Lebanon?



Dr Mounes Kalakish, director of the Marjayoun governmental hospital in southern Lebanon, told the BBC that the hospital had no choice but to close on Friday after an airstrike hit two ambulances at the hospital’s entrance way on Friday, killing seven paramedics.

“The nurses and doctors were terrified,” he said. “We tried to calm them and carry on working, but it was not possible.”

The emergency director of the hospital, Dr Shoshana Mazraani, said she was sitting at the front of the building when the strike happened. She said that she heard the cries of the paramedics who were hit and ran towards the damaged ambulances, but was warned to stay back by colleagues fearful of a follow up strike.

The Marjayoun hospital had already been hanging on by a thread, Dr Mazraani said, with a core team of just 20 doctors remaining from the centre’s usual 120 staff. The closure on Friday was a “tragedy for the region”, she said.

“We serve a huge population here, many villages. We had 45 inpatient beds, all now empty. We were the only hospital providing dialysis in the region, for example. We have had to turn away emergency patients and tell others to leave.”

Rita Suleiman, the nursing director at the Saint Therese hospital, on the edge of Beirut’s southern suburbs, told the BBC that the hospital had also struggled on after being badly damaged by a strike on Friday but was later forced to suspend all services.

Other hospitals were carrying on with severely limited services. Dr Mohammed Hamadeh, director of the Tebnine hospital, told the BBC on Friday a nearby strike had rocked the building.

“The blast was very close,” he said. “We are still trying to operate but we cannot leave the confines of the hospital because it is too dangerous.”


A healthcare centre in central Beirut was hit on Thursday


Late on Friday night, the Salah Ghandour hospital in Bint Jbeil announced it had closed after being “violently shelled”, following an order from the Israeli army to evacuate.

The Israeli army said it was targeting a mosque adjacent to the hospital which it claimed was being used by Hezbollah fighters.

The strikes on healthcare facilities have not been limited to the south of Lebanon. Israel hit a medical centre in central Beirut on Thursday belonging to the Hezbollah-linked Islamic Health Organisation, killing nine and wounding 14. The Israeli army said the strike targeted "terror assets".

The Lebanese Red Cross said on Thursday that four of its paramedics were wounded in a strike on a convoy evacuating patients, despite the organisation co-ordinating with the Israeli army.

Gabriel Karlsson, country manager in Beirut for the British Red Cross, told the BBC: "Health and aid workers must be able to help those in need without fearing for their own safety. Teams from the Red Cross and Red Crescent are a lifeline, supporting communities tirelessly - they must be protected.”

World Health Organisation director general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said on Thursday that 28 healthcare workers had been killed in Lebanon over the previous 24 hours, and many other healthcare staff were no longer reporting for work because of the strikes.

Dr Kalakish, the director of the Marjayoun hospital, told the BBC that prior to the strike that closed his hospital it was already operating with no anaesthesiologist or other specialists.

Some staff had fled the bombardment for their own safety, he said, while others had been prevented from reaching the hospital because of air strikes on nearby roads.

Lebanon's Health Minister Firass Abiad said on Thursday that 97 rescue workers had been killed since Hezbollah and Israel began fighting last October.

More than 40 of those – paramedics and firefighters – were in just three days this past week, he said.
Families of Israeli Hostages Held in Gaza Start Hunger Strike

ISRAEL'S WAR IS NOT ABOUT SAVING HOSTAGES   
OR CIVILIAN LIVES

Families of Israelis held hostage in Gaza hold banners and photos during a protest near Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's residence in Jerusalem on September 30 (EPA)

Tel Aviv: 
Asharq Al Awsat
-5 October 2024
 AD Ù€ 02 Rabi’ Al-Thani 1446 AH


Family members of Israelis held in Hamas tunnels in the Gaza Strip began a hunger strike, accusing the Israeli government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of completely abandoning their cause by waging a brutal war in Lebanon.

They said Israel’s decision to expand the war to the north with Lebanon and possibly to a regional war with Iran, is “a death sentence for their sons and daughters” who were taken captive by Hamas a year ago in Operation Al-Aqsa.

The hunger strike came after the Israeli Army’s Home Front Command ordered a ban on gathering for fear of Hezbollah, Houthis and other parties firing rockets at the protesters.

Despite this decision, some family members of Israeli hostages chose to continue their protest. But there were only a few hundred who participated.

Meanwhile, 18 Israelis continued a hunger strike, demanding a deal that would bring the hostages home.

Danny, the brother of Itzik Algert, one of the hostages in Hamas captivity said he understands that the hunger strike is a desperate move, but added that he cannot remain silent while his brother faces the danger of death in captivity.

“We have a government that does not shy away from committing a crime against its children,” he said. “Demonstrations are now limited and forbidden while the public is indifferent. They will not move until they watch us die, and even then, I'm not sure they will. But, we can't celebrate the holiday while our children suffer,” Danny added.

There are 101 hostages held by Hamas since October 2023, about 31 of whom Israeli officials estimate have died. Their families urge the country's leadership to secure a ceasefire deal that would free the captives before they see more deaths.

The hunger strike was started by activist Orna Shimoni, who is 83 years old. Shimoni became prominent during the first Lebanon war in 1982 when she established a movement called the Four Mothers.

Protesters who joined Shimoni include David Agmon, a retired Brigadier General in the Israeli army, and Rabbi Avidan Freedman.

Those striking are staying outside the Knesset west of Jerusalem.

Michal Deutsch, who is taking part in the protest, accused right-wing activists of attacking and insulting everyone at the hunger strike. She said those activists were sent by the government to harass the strikers.

Four Americans are still held hostage by Hamas a year after Oct. 7 attack

As the anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel approaches, a deal to release the hostages appears remote.



By Joanna Slater
October 5, 2024 
WASHINGTON POST

Nearly a year ago, these four Americans were among hundreds of hostages taken into the Gaza Strip.

As the months have passed, their families have clung to glimpses of their loved ones, fragments of hope in an ocean of fear.

Keith Siegel, a grandfather born in California, was last seen in a video released by Hamas in April, gaunt and weeping.

Edan Alexander, who grew up in New Jersey, and Sagui Dekel-Chen, a father of three, were spotted alive in late 2023 by other hostages.

Omer Neutra, a New York native, was shown being pulled out of a tank by Hamas gunmen in a blurry clip recorded on Oct. 7, 2023.

As the anniversary of the attack on Israel approaches, a deal to implement a cease-fire in Gaza and release the remaining hostages — dozens of whom are believed to be alive — appears remote.

The families of the four American hostages are painfully aware that months of desperate advocacy around the world, including at the highest levels of the Biden administration, have failed to free their relatives or end the bloodshed.

They worry that the Israeli government’s focus has shifted from Gaza to a deepening conflict in Lebanon and the possibility of a broader regional war.

They know that time is running out. In late August, 23-year-old Hersh Goldberg-Polin, a fifth American hostage, was shot and killed by his Hamas captors along with five other hostages. His emaciated body was found in a narrow tunnel far underground, his parents said.

About 1,200 people were killed in Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack on Israel. Nearly 42,000 Palestinians have been killed in the subsequent assault on Gaza, according to the territory’s health ministry.

For Hamas, the captives are currency, said Christopher O’Leary, the former director of the U.S. task force on hostage recovery. And neither Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar nor Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seem interested in striking a deal to release them and stop the fighting without achieving their wider goals, O’Leary said.

Still, the families push forward. They’re joined by relatives who are trying to recover the bodies of three Americans killed on Oct. 7 and taken to Gaza — Itay ChenJudy Weinstein and Gad Haggai. Each of the American hostages also hold Israeli citizenship. Four other Americans were previously released from captivity in Gaza last year.

For Jonathan Dekel-Chen, whose son Sagui is still being held in Gaza, the one-year mark means little. “Our world stopped on Oct. 7,” he said. “It will only restart when the hostages come home.”

The last time Aviva Siegel saw her husband of more than 40 years, he was lying on a grimy mattress in an apartment in Gaza, a bullet wound in his hand.

Aviva was one of more than 100 hostages — women, children and non-Israeli citizens — released in November in deals struck with Hamas. As she was pushed toward the door, she told Keith to stay strong for her sake. She would do the same for him.

Raised in Chapel Hill, N.C., Keith went to Israel to work on a kibbutz that grew cotton and wheat. Aviva still remembers the first time she saw him there: his good looks, his gentle way of speaking, his irrepressible sense of humor.

After their wedding, they spent a year in the United States, living with Keith’s family and working jobs at McDonald’s to fund their travels around the country. They returned to Israel and settled in Kibbutz Kfar Aza, where they raised their four children.

By last year, they were active and doting grandparents. Keith, a lifelong vegetarian, was working for a pharmaceutical company while Aviva taught preschool.

Now Aviva is plagued by what ifs: At her insistence, the couple returned home to Kfar Aza at 8 p.m. on Oct. 6 from northern Israel, where their daughter lives. Keith had wanted to extend their visit.

In captivity, the couple was moved 13 times, Aviva said, from airless tunnels to apartments. Even when they were mortally afraid, Keith somehow made them laugh, she said, by imitating an instruction by one of their captors in broken Hebrew to remain silent.

Aviva cannot bring herself to watch the video of Keith released by Hamas in April. The sadness in his eyes would be too much to bear. She has been asked to attend commemorative events on Oct. 7 but hasn’t said yes to anything yet. “I just want to vanish out of the world,” she said.

But she refuses to surrender to despair, pledging to push every day for Keith’s release. “I’m not going to let myself lose hope,” Aviva said.

Edan Alexander, 20

Edan Alexander was 2 months old when his parents Yael and Adi moved from Israel to Maryland for his father’s job. He grew up in Tenafly, N.J., just across the Hudson River from New York City.

As a teenager, Edan became an accomplished swimmer and a foodie who loved eating out. When his friends needed someone to listen to their problems in the middle of the night, he was the person they would call. Each summer, he and his two younger siblings would visit relatives in Israel, where his grandparents live a short walk from the beach in Tel Aviv.

After graduating from Tenafly High School, Edan decided that instead of going straight to college, he would join a program to serve in the Israel Defense Forces. Once he completed his training with an infantry unit, he returned to New Jersey for a month-long break in August 2023. He drove his beloved car, spent time with friends home from college and joined his mother at a Guns N’ Roses concert at MetLife Stadium.

When he went back to Israel, he was assigned to a small outpost on the Gaza border staffed by 16 soldiers. He was in a concrete guard post when Hamas militants began their attack on the morning of Oct. 7. At 6:57 a.m., he called Yael, who was visiting Tel Aviv. The call was short, and he was almost shouting. “You will not believe what I’m seeing here,” he told her.

Five days later, the family learned he had been kidnapped. After the hostage release deal in November, they found out more. Several former captives said they had seen Edan, then 19, in tunnels under Gaza. He tried to reassure one older couple that they would be all right: “You’re civilians, you will get out,” he told them. Thai hostages described how Edan had tried to mediate with their Hamas captors using his fluent English, explaining that they were migrant workers, not Israelis.

Since then, there has been only silence. For nearly a year, Yael said, she feels like she has been waiting on a precipice, heart pounding. Sometimes she sits in Edan’s car, listens to the music he loved and weeps.

In Tenafly, the borough put up two large billboards bearing Edan’s photo, one at the entrance to downtown and another near the basketball courts. The mayor promised Yael they will remain there until Edan comes home.

Sagui Dekel-Chen, 36

The morning of Oct. 7, Sagui Dekel-Chen rose early and went to his workshop. He was using nearly every spare hour to convert a bus into a mobile classroom. When he saw gunmen enter Kibbutz Nir Oz, the community where he has spent most of his life, he raised the alarm and raced to help repel the attackers.

Weeks later, a handful of released hostages told his family that they had seen Sagui briefly in an underground room in Gaza. He was wounded but alive.

Sagui’s father, Jonathan, a Connecticut native, immigrated to Israel in the 1980s. In 1997, when Sagui was entering fourth grade, the family moved to the Boston area. They spent the next four years in the United States, where — much to his father’s delight — Sagui began playing baseball. He became so good that he joined Israel’s junior national team.

Sagui and his wife Avital first met when they were teenagers and have been together ever since. Like many young Israelis, they explored the world after their mandatory army service, including a coast-to-coast RV trip in the United States.

Sagui was never a big fan of school, Jonathan said, but machines of all kinds fascinated him. About a decade ago, he helped his father transform an abandoned building into a school for the arts. The main funder, a Britain-based nonprofit, was so impressed with Sagui that it hired him as a project coordinator in Israel.

On the side, Sagui had an unusual hobby: converting old and decommissioned buses into something entirely new. He turned his first bus into a mobile home where he and Avital lived for about a year; she would sometimes jokingly ask if he loved his buses more than her.

The couple turned another bus into a mobile grocery store. A few years ago, a nonprofit asked Sagui to convert four airport buses into mobile classrooms. Two were completed. On Oct. 7, Sagui was working to finish another one.

Avital, who was seven months pregnant, and their two young daughters, now 7 and 3, survived by hiding in a safe room for nine hours. Two months later, she gave birth to their third daughter.

Avital named her Shachar, the Hebrew word for dawn. The choice was both a nod to hope and a living memorial. The couple’s closest friends were killed on Oct. 7, along with their three children and a grandparent. One of the children was a girl named Shachar.

Last month, Avital wrote that when she scrolls through recent photos on her phone, she sometimes doesn’t recognize her own life. “In all this chaos, I just want to see one thing,” she said in an Instagram post addressing her husband. “Your face.”


Omer Neutra, 22

In 1999, Orna and Ronen Neutra moved from Israel to New York City. Their first son Omer was born at Manhattan’s Mount Sinai Hospital just weeks after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. Orna remembers the posters put up around the city as people searched for their loved ones.

She still finds it hard to grasp that now her son’s face is now the one on posters.

Omer was raised on Long Island in the hamlet of Plainview, N.Y. Tall and sometimes goofy, he showed a knack for leadership. He was captain of his school’s soccer, volleyball and basketball teams. He became president of a regional Jewish youth group. He loved cats and sports and felt a deep attachment to the country where his parents grew up.

After graduating from high school, he decided to spend a gap year in Israel before attending Binghamton University. When the pandemic forced him to come home in 2020, he told his parents he was thinking about enlisting in the IDF, something that is mandatory for most young Israelis.

Omer was torn, his father recalled. He could start college, hang out with his friends, drink beer, have fun. Or he could do what his new friends in Israel had to do. He chose the latter.

He joined the armored corps, rising to become a tank commander and trainer. On Oct. 7, he was the leader of a small army post near the border with Gaza, the same one where Edan Alexander was stationed.

The day before, he called home. It was an ordinary call, and he sounded calm, Orna remembers. “We’ll talk tomorrow,” he said. Since then, all they’ve had is a glimpse of him in a video of soldiers being pulled out of a burning tank.

The year of anguish has hollowed out his parents. All their travel, all their advocacy, with no progress. The milestones — holidays, birthdays — “keep passing by,” Orna said this summer. “And we’re stuck and they’re stuck.”

Hamas’s execution last month of six hostages, including Goldberg-Polin, underscores how imminent death could be for their son and the other captives, Orna said. So his parents will keep doing everything they can: putting themselves in front of leaders who could make a difference, demanding a deal to release the hostages.

The Oct. 7 attack is “not a historical event for us, it’s not something in the past,” Ronen said. “We live it every day.”

 Why Hezbollah's still standing despite Israel assassinating Hassan Nasrallah


There's no doubt Hassan Nasrallah's assassination by Israel has weakened Hezbollah. Joseph Daher explains why this is not the end for them.




Opinion
Voices
Joseph Daher
05 Oct, 2024

Hezbollah is in the most dangerous situation since its foundation, which is unlikely to improve soon given Israel’s continued attacks, and the party's isolation within Lebanon, writes Joseph Daher. [GETTY]


Israel’s bloody escalation of violence against Lebanon in the past few weeks has dealt a huge blow to Hezbollah, especially following the killing of Hassan Nasrallah. This started with the explosion of communication devices used by Hezbollah members, including civilians and soldiers, which killed 39 people and wounded several thousands. The attack was followed by a catastrophic bombing campaign which led to the assassination of the party’s high military and political personalities, as well as killing of nearly two thousand civilians and displacing over a million people.

Cult of personality

In the past decades, a cult of personality had developed in the party’s propaganda around Hassan Nasrallah. This was notably reflected in the aftermath of Israel’s war on Lebanon in 2006 when their initial slogan “Al-Nasr al-îlâhi” was changed to “Nasr(un) min Allâh” (A Victory from God), which was an instrumentalization of Hassan Nasrallah’s name. This was part of the cultivation of the leader’s image in the Party’s media campaigns.

Whilst Hezbollah enjoyed significant popularity among other Lebanese religious sects and even across the Middle East and North Africa, Nasrallah’s popularity outside of the party’s base had considerably reduced after the 2006 war. There were a number of reasons for this, including Hezbollah using its military capacities against other national actors. For example, in 2008 the party invaded particular neighbourhoods in West Beirut and military confrontations occurred in other regions, notably in the Chouf, after the Lebanese government announced that it wanted to dismantle the party’s communications network.

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In addition to this, the Party later participated in the bloody repression of the Syrian uprising alongside the despotic Syrian regime, which also created sectarian tensions in Lebanon.

Hezbollah has also been amongst the parties considered responsible for the economic and financial crisis of 2019 as it has been part of every national unity government since 2005. Nasrallah vehemently opposed the protest movement that year, and went as far as accusing those taking to the streets of being financed by foreign embassies. Hezbollah members were even sent to attack the demonstrators.

Over the past few years Hezbollah members have been involved in several sectarian tensions with members of other religious sects, and has been accused of being one of the main actors obstructing the investigation into the explosions at the port of Beirut in August 2020.

For all of these reasons, Hezbollah has grown more and more politically and socially isolated outside its Shi’a popular base. Rather than being seen as a national resistance figure, Nasrallah was also increasingly perceived as a sectarian “Zaim” defending his party’s own political interests and those of authoritarian regimes, like Syria and Iran.

It is this isolation that has contributed to the party wanting to avoid a total war with Israel following 7 October. By adopting calculated and moderate action against Israeli military targets, Hezbollah has attempted to prevent the conflict from being exploited by internal political enemies within Lebanon, as this would in turn make the party the main actor responsible for all the country's misfortunes. However, Israel’s current war on Lebanon, with the support of the USA, has severely undermined this plan.

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What now?

In this context, Hezbollah’s officials are trying to demonstrate that the party is continuing in the former party secretary general’s path following his assassination and that of a number of high military and political cadres. The interim leader Naim Qassem stressed this to supporters and members in his speech, when he declared: "We continue Hassan Nasrallah’s footsteps".

For Hezbollah, the priorities are now to firstly protect its internal structures and chain of commands, including by filling the void at the top of the party regarding the various political and military responsibilities, and electing a new secretary general.

Secondly, the Party seeks to maintain its objectives regarding the war with Israel: no separation of the Gaza and Lebanese fronts until a ceasefire in the Gaza strip, and to maintain and protect its military infrastructures and capacities, including long range missiles and rockets, from Israel’s attacks and ground offensives.

It is important to note that despite the considerable blows, the Party still currently remains the most important political actor in Lebanon. It also maintains an influence exceeding its national borders, particularly in Syria, also representing Teheran’s political regional interests.

Indeed Hezbollah’s military capacities remain as their key assets, despite Israeli infiltration, a weakening of internal communication, and a large number of their military experienced commanders having been assassinated. Notably, it has a vast arsenal of rockets and missiles. For the first time since 7 October, the Party recently used various Fadi missiles (middle-range missiles), to strike military sites in the outskirts of the cities of Haifa and Tel Aviv. Furthermore, during the Israeli army’s initial attempts to infiltrate Lebanese territories, Hezbollah’s soldiers destroyed their Merkava tanks, injuring and killing some of their soldiers.

Alongside its armed movement, the party has a large network of institutions providing key and essential services, though this has partially been undermined by the war and consequently the ever-increasing needs of the population. In this context, Hezbollah’s popular base will most probably remain – especially in the absence of an inclusive political alternative and in the midst of a continuous economic crisis with a non-functioning state.

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On the regional level, Hezbollah still benefits from the support of Iran, even if the strength of this has been undermined amongst sections of the party following Israel’s recent assassinations and destruction. Indeed, Teheran’s strategic objectives, particularly since 7 October, have been to improve its regional geopolitical position in order to strengthen their future negotiating power with the US on nuclear issues and sanctions. They also see this as a way of guaranteeing political and security interests, whilst preventing a direct regional conflict with Israel and the US.

Iran’s latest retaliation against Israel, which has not resulted in significant damages, should be seen in this framework. Of course through this they have also attempted to reaffirm a form of deterrence, although it’s been unequal compared to the superiority of Israeli military capacities and the support provided by Washington. Moreover, this won’t stop Israel’s war on Lebanon.

It is fair to say that Hezbollah is in the most dangerous situation since its foundation, which is unlikely to improve soon given Israel’s continued attacks, and the party's isolation within Lebanon.

While the main strengths of the movement has been to build a strong and disciplined organisation, and not a “one man show” - despite the cult-like support for Nasrallah, the party’s ability to widen its base is very much restricted by its political strategy and orientation. Hezbollah has not been engaged in building a counterhegemonic project that challenges the Lebanese sectarian and neoliberal system. In fact, it has actively sustained it by becoming one of its main defenders.

Moreover, the party has been acting as the leading nexus of Iranian influence and interests in the region, particularly following the eruption of uprisings in Syria and across the Middle East and North Africa since 2011, which also promotes a neoliberal authoritarian order opposed to the emancipation and liberation of the popular classes.

In other words, Hezbollah, like other regional political actors involved in the resistance against Israel, is incapable of building a large movement linking democratic and social issues, opposing all imperialist and sub-imperialist forces, while promoting social transformation from below through the construction of movements in which the popular classes are the real actors of their emancipation.

Joseph Daher teaches at the University of Lausanne, Switzerland, and the University of Ghent, Belgium. He is the author of Syria after the Uprisings, The Political Economy of State Resilience ; Hezbollah: the Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God; Marxism and Palestine.
Follow him on Twitter: @JosephDaher19

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.