Wednesday, October 09, 2024

 

Why Rapes Continue to Occur in India Despite Vociferous Protests?



Sunil Macwan 




Public outrage alone will never eradicate rape, rape culture, or rapists from India, while an impervious patriarchal system continues to survive.


Nationwide protests against the brutal killing of a 31-year-old medical student on August 9 in Kolkata echoed our collective anguish over a yet another rape-and-murder case in the country. Even then, justice continues to elude the victim’s family as the politics, intrigue, and conspiracy surrounding this crime deepen every passing day.

Not surprisingly, various political organisations in West Bengal and Delhi have become embroiled in a war of words, blaming each other over the ghastly incident. Meanwhile, the protests, which initially began on R. G. Kar Medical College in Kolkata, have swiftly spread across India in the form of silent marches and candle light processions.

All of this is eerily reminiscent of the 2012 Nirbhaya case, when the entire nation stood united to cry out against a yet another innocent young woman’s shocking rape and murder in Delhi. In the Kolkata case also, millions of Indians have taken to the streets and voiced their anguish and frustration over the ghastly incident.

While spontaneous and passionate demonstrations in support of women’s safety and women’s rights are an encouraging sign in themselves, they also raise a worrying question: Why do rapes continue to occur in India despite the ever-increasing public protests against this crime?

After every vehement protest against a rape-and-murder-case in India, a few more such cases hit the headlines. For instances, within a few days of the Kolkata case, a teenager was gangraped on a bus in Dehradun within a few days of the Kolkata case, a teenager was gangraped on a bus in Dehradun, Uttarakhand, on  August 12. A 10-year old girl was raped and murdered on August 21 in Kolhapur, Maharashtra. On September 12, two Army officers were robbed and their woman friend was gangraped in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh.

As evident in these instances, the disturbing trend of more rapes and murders, following protests and public outcry against atrocities on women, strongly persists. Nowadays, every headline-making rape feels like a déjà vu! To put it in perspective, according to a recent news channel report, there were 31,516 rape cases registered in India last year; which amounts to 86 cases per day, and four rapes every hour!

Staring in the face of such worrisome numbers, one wonders, why do vociferous protests prove powerless against the rampant rape culture in India? Why do demonstrations and social media campaigns against rape culture achieve little to stymie it? Stating it succinctly, why do protests fail to curb rapes? While there are no easy answers, three factors might explain this stark reality: perception, politics, and patriarchy.

Protests against rape are erroneously perceived by many as an urban phenomenon with an elitist tone attached to it. It is a nefarious perception in itself; nevertheless, it does diminish the power of protests to some extent. Nowadays, thousands of social activists, political affiliates, students, members of voluntary organisations, philanthropists, and conscientious citizens pour out on the roads whenever a rape becomes a headline. Such voluntary outrage against atrocities on women seems representative of contemporary India.

However, it appears that the perpetrators themselves hardly feel deterred by public protests. More protests and more social media coverage do not translate into fewer rape cases. Perhaps, the rapists consider protests against rape a passing phenomenon that rises quickly, garners a lot of attention, and dissipates soon after. Perhaps there is too much visibility, hype, and commotion attached to our 

‘protests’ for the felons to see them as foreboding. Perhaps, protests nowadays seem overly urban and sensational to communicate a strong sense of moral condemnation. Perhaps, our protests have become more spectacular and media-friendly to represent and communicate our collective outrage and pain effectively.

So also, the politics attached to rape often deflects the focus away from the crime itself, giving perpetrators a sense of security. While millions of Indians join protests to express their solidarity with the victims and to demand accountability from the government, numerous others participate just to get political mileage out of it. Unfortunately, most rape cases in India become politicised clashes in which vested interests seek to malign their opponents. When politics undermines justice, humanitarian, social, and ethical concerns for the wellbeing of the victims quickly become subsidiary to hidden agendas and power dynamics.

Politicisation of social issues, such as rape and atrocities on women, also neutralises the transformative power of protests and public anger. In such a scenario, the victim’s rights are often overlooked in a bid to politicise the incident. When politics deliberately converts a dehumanising crime into a blame game, the culprits inadvertently benefit from it as legal maneuvers hamper speedy justice. Politicising atrocious crimes only leads to superfluous posturing and sloganeering for calculated gains. As seen time after time in the past decade, when political motives highjack public protests, the rapists roam free, hiding in plain sight, while the victims run for cover in fear and shame.

Similarly, a deeply ingrained patriarchal mindset drives misogynists to employ rape as a form of punishment against women. Traditional patriarchal structures in India still breed an egregious amount of discrimination against women, which encourage men to treat them as inferior, weak, and vulnerable in general.

Worse still, patriarchy also covertly feeds and approves the objectification of women through material and sexual exploitation. 

Since a patriarchal mindset considers women’s subjugation a normal social practice, it also treats sexual violence as an effective means of overpowering women. Indian women will continue to become victims of sexual violence, such as rape and murder, so long as the biased patriarchal social systems prevail in India; so long as women remain deprived of the dignity and respect they deserve; so long as they continue to face discrimination and dehumanisation from a male-dominated society. Unfortunately, protests against rapes fail to desist bigoted men from committing sexual crimes against women because the latter remain ensconced within the walls of their misogynist biases.

A brooding sense of doubt over the power of protests to curtail atrocities against women lingers on because of the frequency with which violent crimes continue to occur in India, despite forceful protests after each such incident. While the accused were quickly arrested, convicted, and hanged in the 2012 Nirbhaya case, neither the widespread protests that erupted in its aftermath, nor the fate of the convicts, daunted other rapists across the country.

In the past decade, such heinous crimes have only continued to shock the nation at regular intervals. In particular, the Badaun case in 2014, the Kathua case in 2018, and the Lakhimpur Kheri case in 2022. Young women were subjected to rape and violence in these instances even after much hue and cry over the Nirbhaya case. If the protests, advocacy, and anger that accompanied these crimes had generated even a semblance of deterrence, perhaps, the recent Kolkata rape and murder case would not have occurred at all.

While a faulty perception of public protests persists, while the politics besieging sensationalised rape cases thrives; and while an impervious patriarchal system survives, public outrage alone will never eradicate rape, rape culture, or rapists from India. On the contrary, the rapists seem will continue to develop an immunity to the sociopolitical, legal, and moral pressure exerted by public protests all over the country.

Since protests are reactive by nature, something more proactive is required. Perhaps, a paradigm shift in the way women are perceived, judged, and treated in society might make a difference. It might even become a potent antidote to the menace of rapes in India.

The writer is Assistant Professor of English and Vice-Principal of Arts St. Xavier’s College, Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The views are personal.




... Against. Our Will. Men, Women and Rape. SUSAN BROWNMILLER. Fawcett Columbine • New York. Page 5. Sale of this book without a front cover may be unauthorized. If ...



 

Bengal: Girls Take Charge of Own Safety in Jangal Mahal





Encouraging response by women to self-defence camp held by Jangalmahal Aatmaraksha Samannoy', which includes residents from Bankura, Purulia, and Jhargram districts.

Karate instructors demonstrating self-defence at Shahid Khudiram Basu Madhyamik Sikshakendra premises on September 29, at Kelapathar village of Ranibandh Block, Bankura.

Schoolgirls, college students, and housewives in the Jangalmahal area have begun training in karate, judo, and boxing for self-defence, choosing to take their survival into their own hands.

"Girls must protect themselves, as the administration has repeatedly failed to safeguard the common people. When citizens are affected, the administration often evades responsibility through various tactics, eventually siding with the perpetrators. Recent incidents, including the brutal murder of a medical student from R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital, as well as several events across Bengal, particularly in the Jangal Mahal region, have opened our eyes to the shortcomings of the administration”, said Pratip Mukherjee, former professor of Bankura Sammilani College.

On September 29, Mukherjee had come to Kelapathar village to attend a self-defence training camp of Jangalmahal’s girls students and housewives as a guest.   

This is the first such initiative in West Bengal supported by an organisation called the 'Jangalmahal Aatmaraksha Samannoy', which includes residents from Bankura, Purulia, and Jhargram districts.

The self-defence training camp was inaugurated on September 29 at the Shaheed Khudiram Bose Madhyamik Siksha Kendra in Kelapathar village, 230 kilometers west of Kolkata, under the Ranibandh Block of Bankura district in Jangalmahal.

The event saw the participation of thousands of people, with over 600 female students and several housewives enrolling for training in self-defence training. More girls from neighbouring villages are joining the programme now, encouraged by their teachers and parents.

Why Are Girl Students so Keen on Self-Defence?

The areas of Ranibandh, Raipur, and Sarenga in Bankura, along with Belpahari and Banspahari in Jhargram, and Bankura and Manbazar in Purulia, are surrounded by dense forests and hills. Due to the geography, the distance between the villages is significant, and students often have to walk or cycle long distances to attend school, college, private tuition, or markets.



Girls students of Jangalmahal Ranobandh enrolling for the self-defense camp.

In addition, many female labourers in the region venture into the forest almost daily to collect leaves, branches, and Kendu leaves (used for making bidis) for their livelihood.

These women not only face threats from wild animals but also constant fear of physical assault from known and unknown miscreants, as they navigate through isolated forest paths and desolate hills to reach their destinations.

The people of Jangalmahal have endured a long history of violent attacks. In the 1980s and 1990s, many villagers were victims of violence perpetrated by miscreants from neighbouring Jharkhand. In the following decades, 568 people were killed by Maoists in the districts of Bankura, Jhargram, Purulia, and Paschim Medinipur. Additionally, 256 people are still missing, their fate unknown. Families, such as that of Chunibala Sardar of Sarenga, continue to live in hope.

Aarati Majhi, whose husband Rampada Majhi was allegedly murdered by Maoist militants, recalls the horror. “On February 22, 2002, in the middle of the night, Maoists attacked our dilapidated mud house in Bethoyala village of Ranibandh. They dragged my husband and me into the forest, where they murdered him in front of me and left me half-dead,” she said.

Many women in these areas recalled having have witnessed their relatives being taken away or killed during these tragic times.

 Archana Saren, a post-graduate student who registered for the self-defence training camp, said, "We haven't forgotten those tragic, bloody days. Even as children, we could hear the sound of gunfire at night from neighbouring villages and the cries of those who lost their loved ones."

Anita Mahato, a second-year under-graduate student, also  expressed concerns about the present situation: "The post-graduate medical student, Tilottama, whom we considered like an elder sister, was brutally murdered on the premises of R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital. What did we see after that? The state administration seems more concerned with protecting those responsible than delivering justice. People across Bengal, and even in other parts of the country and abroad, are protesting daily for justice. If the administration had acted properly, would people still be sleepless at night, fighting for justice?"

Several girls in the Jangalmahal region organised protest rallies from village to village, demanding justice for the R.G. Kar victim.

“We held torch processions in the forest villages. Every time, the police tried to stop us, which made it clear who they were trying to protect. That’s when we decided to take our security into our own hands because the administration won’t provide it,” said Namita Sardar, a 12th-grade student from Ranibandh.

The girls who attended the workshop also said they were asking their friends and relatives in other Jangalmahal districts to start their own self-defence training camps.

Girls students, housewives and others at the opening ceremony of the self- defense camp at Kelapathar village, Ranibandh.

Madhu Sudan Mahato, convener of the Jangalmahal Aatmaraksha Samannoy and a social worker from Ranibandh, explained the reason behind starting the training camps.

“Seeing the increasing interest in self-defence among girl students from different villages, we decided to establish these camps. Women and girls in Jangalmahal risk their lives daily. Whether they’re sick or need basic services, they often have to cross dangerous forests and hills. The situation has become so dire that fear dominates their lives,” he said.

Mahato mentioned two recent incidents in which female students from Bandwan in Purulia and Raipur’s Fulkusma were tortured and killed.

"The administration did not take proper action against the culprits, which has only heightened a sense of fear in the area. People are turning to self-defence as a means of protecting themselves," he added.

Moni Mahato, a CPI(M) elected member of the Rajakata Gram Panchayat under Ranibandh Block, emphasised the importance of community support for this initiative.

“The people of Jangalmahal must come together to support this self-defence movement. On the inauguration day, we hired vehicles at our own expense to bring people to Kelapathar village. All the school headmasters and mistresses are supporting this initiative,” he said.

Paresh Majhi, headmaster of Kelapathar School, who was present at the inauguration of the camp, noted that boys and housewives also registered for karate, judo and boxing training.

The camp was inaugurated by Md. Naosad Alam, the All-India Joint Secretary of Kickboxing. State karate trainers AnnapAuli from Khatra, Bankura, and Sankar Thapa from Jhargram conducted demonstrations at the event. Chirosree Mahato, who won first place in the state boxing competition this year, also attended with her instructor, Dibakar Shil.

Madhu Sudan Mahato, convenor of Jangalmahal Aatmaroksha Samonway.

The training camp will be held free of cost every Sunday at Kelapathar School. Trainers have confirmed that all necessary self-defence techniques, including karate, judo, and boxing, will be taught. Within a few months, these girls will gain the strength and confidence to protect themselves, they added.

When asked if the time spent practicing was interfering with their studies, the girls responded: "Life is more precious than anything else. We don’t want our parents and relatives crying over our dead bodies. We will protect ourselves, and we believe we can."

When asked to comment on the camp, Khatra SDPO (Sub divisional police officer) Abhishek Yadav told this reporter, “We encourage steps like these to promote safety and empowerment.”

The writer covers the Jangal Mahal region for ‘Ganashakti’ newspaper in West Bengal. The views are personal.

(All pictures by Madhu Sudan Chatterjee)

INDIA

Goa: Protests Erupt as RSS Leader’s Remarks on St. Francis Xavier Spark Outrage


Sabrang India 


Provocative statements threaten the harmony of Goa’s diverse communities, igniting protests, demands for accountability and arrest; Church condemns the hurtful statement made by former RSS chief, raises calls for peace.


Image: THE GOAN NETWORK

Over the past few days, Goa has witnessed escalating tensions following provocative remarks made by Subhash Velingkar, a former chief of the state’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) branch. The uproar was in response to Velingkar’s call for a “DNA test” on the relics of St. Francis Xavier, the revered patron saint of Goa. Velingkar’s uncalled remarks sparked widespread outrage among the Christian community and beyond over the past three days. His comments not only provoked protests across various regions but also led to police action, including multiple complaints and an FIR filed against him for “outraging religious feelings.” As protesters took to the streets in Goa, calling for his arrest, political leaders from various opposition parties joined the fray, accusing the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of deliberately stoking communal tensions in the state.

Amid this turmoil, local authorities have stepped up efforts to apprehend Velingkar, who is currently reported to be evading capture. Demonstrators from the Christian community, along with political leaders from opposition parties, gathered outside police stations in places like Margao, Panaji, Old Goa, Canacona, Anjuna, and Ponda, demanding Velingkar’s immediate arrest. Protesters voiced their outrage over his call for a “DNA test” on the saint’s relics, which they deemed as deeply disrespectful and an attempt to incite communal discord. They organised marches, blocked roads, and sang hymns in solidarity, emphasising the need for Velingkar to face legal consequences for his remarks.

As tensions continue to rise, the demands of the protestors centre around issues of  accountability and arrest of Velingkar, the protection of religious sentiments, and a reaffirmation of Goa’s longstanding tradition of coexistence among diverse communities. As communities rally for justice and accountability, calls for peace and restraint by the Church have also emerged, underscoring the delicate balance that must be maintained in a region known for its diversity and harmony.

Protests across Goa

  1. Panaji: Members of the Christian community from Taleigao, Caranzalem, Panaji, St. Cruz, and Merces marched to the Panaji Police Station on Sunday morning, demanding Velingkar’s arrest. They sang hymns and prayed outside the station, expressing their outrage over his statements. As per the report of The Goan, protesters also gathered at the Panaji police station to submit a memorandum demanding action against Velingkar.
  1. Margao: In Margao’s old market area, a heavy police presence was deployed to prevent road blockages. Tensions surged late Saturday night when police used batons to disperse protesters, resulting in several injuries. A local youth, who was not part of the protest, reported being assaulted during the lathi charge while returning home from work. Police cane-charged a group of protesters and detained five individuals who had blocked a national highway, demanding Velingkar’s arrest. The protests led to clashes, with some demonstrators being injured.
  1. Vagator: In Vagator, locals blocked the Vagator-Anjuna road, burning tires and other materials in their demand for Velingkar’s arrest. The situation turned violent when a photographer was reportedly assaulted by police during the protests in Margao, where many demonstrators were detained.
  1. Valpoi: In Valpoi, dozens marched to the police station, insisting that protests would continue until the government takes action against Velingkar. Local political leaders and citizens expressed outrage, and a large crowd of over 100 protesters gathered outside the Valpoi police station. They submitted a memorandum to Police Inspector Videsh Shirodkar, demanding immediate action against Velingkar. Fr. Robert Fernandes from the Valpoi Church emphasised that Velingkar’s remarks not only hurt the Catholic community but also disturbed the overall peaceful atmosphere in the region.

Brief background of the statement made by Subhash Velingkar

Subhash Velingkar, a figure infamous for his previously inflammatory remarks, has ignited controversy once more with his recent comments about St. Francis Xavier, a highly revered figure in Goan Christian history. His recent assertion that the “DNA” of St. Francis Xavier has negatively impacted Goan society can not only be characterised as provocative but also indicative of a dangerous attempt to undermine the peaceful coexistence of various religious communities in Goa. Such divisive language threatens the very essence of Goa, a state celebrated for its harmonious integration of Hindus, Muslims, and Christians who have coexisted for centuries.

Velingkar’s remarks are part of a broader pattern of incendiary statements aimed at offending religious sentiments, particularly those of the Christian community in Goa. In 2022, former Goa minister Francisco Mickky Pacheco had lodged a police complaint against Subhash Velingkar for giving an offensive speech wherein Velingkar had stated that “St Francis Xavier should not be revered as the patron saint of Goa, as he was involved in atrocities during the inquisition, and Lord Parshuram was the real “Goencho Saib” (patron saint of Goa).” Even then his remarks had led to widespreak protests and condemnation.

His ongoing targeting of this group with intentional and bigoted comments raises significant concerns. This is not only an affront to the Christian community but also an insult to the enduring unity that characterises Goan society. His latest statement regarding St. Francis Xavier, whose impact on Goan culture and heritage is indisputable, exemplifies the perilous nature of his rhetoric.

Response by Goa Chief minister Pramod Sawant

Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant has appealed for calm, assuring the public that the law will take its course. He reiterated that similar action would be applied to Velingkar as was done in the case of Father Bolmax Pereira, a priest previously arrested for allegedly making provocative remarks.

Notably, amidst these protests, the Bicholim police issued a notice for Velingkar to appear for questioning. His residence in Panaji was searched late night of October 4, but the accused was reportedly not found. As per media reports, significant police force has been deployed in these areas to ensure law and order is maintained.

Former PWD Minister Churchill Alemao criticised Chief Minister Sawant, asserting that he would be held responsible for any unrest arising from Velingkar’s remarks. Alemao demanded that the Chief Minister either arrest Velingkar or take responsibility for any law-and-order issues that may arise.

As per The Goan, Churchill emphasised that the sentiments of all who venerate St. Francis Xavier, including Christians and Hindus, have been hurt by Velingkar’s statements. He further added that Velingkar has made numerous controversial statements that have upset the public, insisting that the agitation would continue until the government takes appropriate action against him.

Calls for peace by Church

In a statement released on the evening of October 5, Fr. Savio Fernandes, executive secretary of the Council for Social Justice and Peace (CSJP), condemned the “insulting and derogatory” remarks made by Subhash Velingkar. The Goan Catholic Community expressed deep concern over Velingkar’s comments, which they believe have offended not only Catholics but also many individuals from other faiths who honor St. Francis Xavier.

The CSJP, a social work arm of the Goa Church, urged protesters to exercise restraint to maintain peace and communal harmony. The statement emphasised, “Velingkar’s statements have deeply hurt the religious sentiments of not only Catholics but also of many others who have received numerous favours in their lives after praying to the saint.” They called on government authorities to take strict action against Velingkar for attempting to disrupt communal harmony by intentionally pitting one community against another.

Fr. Fernandes also highlighted pressing issues facing Goa, such as environmental concerns and demographic changes, which require immediate attention from authorities. He urged citizens to focus on these significant matters rather than being sidetracked by Velingkar’s remarks.

Following the above statement, protests in South Goa’s Margao were called off on October 6. This decision came amid appeals from Church representatives and activists to exercise restraint and uphold peace.

Opposition leaders mobilise against Velingkar

Leaders from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Congress, and several other parties lodged police complaints against Subhash Velingkar and participated in the agitation.  As per the report of The Goan, the protests across Goa were significantly fuelled by a complaint filed by Aam Aadmi Party MLA Cruz Silva, who accused Velingkar of attempting to drive a wedge between the two major communities in Goa with his remarks. Silva called for legal action against Velingkar, asserting that the derogatory comments were inflammatory and detrimental to communal harmony. His statements played a crucial role in mobilising public sentiment against Velingkar, prompting protests across various regions in Goa.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has accused the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of deliberately inciting communal tensions in Goa due to Velingkar’s remarks about St. Francis Xavier, the state’s patron saint. In a post on X, Gandhi stated, “Goa’s appeal lies in its natural beauty and the warmth and hospitality of its diverse and harmonious people. Unfortunately, under BJP rule, this harmony is under attack.”

Gandhi further noted, “Across India, similar actions by the Sangh Parivar continue with impunity, backed by support from the highest levels.” He criticised the BJP’s strategy in Goa, asserting that it seeks to divide the populace while exploiting ecologically sensitive areas by illegally converting green land and ignoring environmental regulations—an assault on Goa’s natural and social heritage. He concluded, “BJP’s attempts will not go unchallenged. The people of Goa and all of India see through this divisive agenda and are standing united.”

Action taken against Velingkar so far

On the night of October 4, the Bicholim police in North Goa police booked Velingkar for “outraging religious feelings and insulting religious beliefs” due to his “maligning speech against St. Francis Xavier.” It is crucial to be noted that Velingkar had also filed for pre-arrest bail after evading two notices by Bicholim police to appear for investigation.

In a statement on October 6, the Goa Police announced that multiple raids had been conducted across Goa and Maharashtra to locate Velingkar, who is currently “absconding.”

Additionally, police registered FIRs against protesters for obstructing the national highway within the Fatorda police station jurisdiction in Margao. The FIR reported that over 500 individuals formed an “unlawful assembly,” blocking National Highway 66 and impeding vehicular traffic and the public’s movement. The report also stated that the protesters assaulted a motorcycle rider and other commuters, using “criminal force against police personnel by pelting stones” while they were performing their lawful duties at the Old Market circle.



 INDIA

As Tourism Juggernaut Moves From Maldives to Lakshadweep, Who Pays the Price?



Anaha Jaishankar 


A public diplomatic furore between India and the Maldives earlier this year led to calls for a boycott of the island nation by Indian tourists and the promotion of Lakshadweep as the hot new tourist destination by no less than the Prime Minister of India, but how are the coral islands faring?

Trouble in Paradise? Or just some good old-fashioned commerce mixed with a little bigotry against the politically weak? Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent endeavour regarding transforming the Lakshadweep archipelago into a new ‘hot’ tourist destination is clearly coming at the cost of a hale and hearty ecosystem.

After the election of Mohammed Muizzu to the presidency of the Maldives in 2023, bilateral ties between the two countries have been experiencing unprecedented strain. Modi’s promotion of the Lakshadweep Islands as the next tourist hotspot replacing the Maldives for Indians has led to a troubling state of affairs in the Indian Ocean.

Modi’s visit to the Lakshadweep Islands was followed by derogatory comments by a certain Maldivian minister on India’s desire to promote the archipelago as the next tourist destination.

Modi’s visit to the Lakshadweep Islands was followed by derogatory comments by a certain Maldivian minister on India’s desire to promote the archipelago as the next tourist destination.

He said, “The move is great. However, the idea of competing with us is delusional. How can they provide the service we offer? How can they be so clean? The permanent smell in the rooms will be the biggest downfall.”

This evoked a strong reaction from the Indian side and there was a significant drop in Indians visiting the Maldives and an upswing in the number of tourists visiting Lakshadweep.

As the diplomatic row continued, even industry giants from the Indian tourism sector joined in. For example, the CEO of EasyMyTrip, an Indian multinational online travel company, decided to temporarily suspend booking on flights to the Maldives to display solidarity with the Indian government, stating on X (formerly Twitter), “Our company is entirely homegrown and made in India. We have decided that we will not accept any bookings for Maldives.”

Maldives’ loss, Lakshadweep’s gain, one would think, but only if one were naïve to the ways in which modern industrial-scale tourism functions take over entire ecosystems within countries.

Rising disaffection

In the last few years, disaffection against voracious, uncontrolled tourism has been growing all over the world. City, provincial and country governments have responded with measures to make tourism ‘sustainable’, both in terms of its ecological costs as well as ensuring that the everyday lives of locals are not disturbed.

For example, in New Zealand, the country’s Indigenous Maoris take you on wilderness walks through the Urewera rainforests, which interestingly is one the first forests to be granted legal personhood. This allows travellers to experience authentic meals with the locals, learn about rare flora and fauna and experience what life would be like being one with your surroundings.

In their conservation efforts, they have also implemented plans to substantially increase visa prices and implement the International Visitor Levy (IVL), a fee paid by tourists towards the protection and conservation of their environment.

Similarly, earlier this year Venice became the first city in the world to charge a payment for visitors to the city. This fee, which comes after years of sporadic clashes and growing disaffection, is meant to discourage mass tourism in the city and make it more liveable for its residents.

Local residents have long complained that overtourism drives prices up and has been transforming the city into “a souvenir-laden theme park”. The estimated number of local residents (50,000) is far outnumbered by the number of visitors, which stood at 5.7 million in 2019.

As the diplomatic row continued, even industry giants from the Indian tourism sector joined in.

In Barcelona, Spain, the month of June saw a spike in clashes between tourists and locals. Resident protestors threw items and sprayed travellers with water guns and canned drinks, shouting ‘tourists go home’ and ‘tourists are not welcome’ slogans.

The surge in tourist numbers in the city has put pressure on the ecological and municipal resources of the city, besides dramatically increasing the cost of living, making it unsustainable for locals.

Last year, Amsterdam in the Netherlands ran a digital discouragement campaign to keep British male tourists between the ages of 18 and 35 out of the city, in an attempt to clean the city of its sleaze reputation and improve the daily life of residents.

The campaign showed males in the age group being handcuffed and taken away by the police in order to discourage others like them from visiting the city. For many years, locals have complained that drunken and doped Brits urinate in public, throw up in canals, strip off and engage in drunken brawls.

In Japan too, city governments have been struggling with post-pandemic over-tourism and its impact on the environment and public services like transport and garbage disposal.

Sometimes these clashes can have cultural and religious ramifications as well, a good example of which is the clash between tourists and officials over a new ‘dog-catcher’ policy. While Turkish authorities are trying to contain what they see as the problem of stray dogs, dog-lover foreign tourists are finding the way authorities handle the dogs inhumane, giving rise to conflict and ethical questions.

Closer home, some of the more media-visible recent clashes between tourists and visitors took place between Punjabis and Himachalis in Manikaran town of the Kullu district earlier this year. At the centre of the clashes was access to the Gurudwara at Manikaran.

The bottom line of this new area of conflict is clear from a banner used during anti-tourist protests in the Canary Islands in April this year: ‘Tourist: respect my land!’

Lakshadweep under the Modi administration

Ever since the Modi-led Union government appointed former Gujarat minister of state for home, Praful Khoda Patel as the administrator of the Union territory, the locals have been facing a maelstrom of fire, battling draconian laws, administrative practices and aggressive development plans for tourism.

Khoda has also banned beef in the mid-day meal scheme in schools, a move that showed a blatant disregard for local cultural and dietary norms.

During his time as the administrator, Khoda has instituted a variety of changes that have suffocated Lakshadweep’s local economy to make way for a robust tourist hub.

Cutting down on the frequency of ferries between Lakshadweep and the mainland from seven a day to just two, the daily lives of all the inhabitants of the archipelago who travel to Kerala for work, education or daily essentials have been heavily impacted.

This move has triggered unrest among the people, especially students, but rather than addressing these issues, the government created a completely new ferry route between Lakshadweep and Mangaluru.

The ferry line, christened the ‘Parali’, was launched by the Lakshadweep Islands Tourism Development Authority (LITDA), cutting down travel time between the archipelago and the Indian mainland significantly from thirteen hours to just five.

It sounds great for tourists to reach their holiday destination in record-breaking time, but not much heed has been paid to the route frequented by the locals.

Khoda has also banned beef in the mid-day meal scheme in schools, a move that showed a blatant disregard for the cultural and dietary norms of an archipelago where beef is a staple and Muslims constitute 96.5 percent of the population.

Most importantly though, he has brought in the Draft Lakshadweep Development Authority Regulation, 2021 (LDAR) that gives him, as administrator, special powers to remove or relocate islanders from their property, ostensibly for development projects— in simpler words, he has institutionalised land grabbing. This would imply that if tourism were to be considered ‘development’, the government has unbridled powers to exploit the archipelago as it wishes.

The draft, which has been described as ‘anti-people’, defines ‘development’ in an extremely narrow and restrictive sense, as carrying out building activities, engineering, mining, quarrying or causing any material change to land (or a hill).

Pertinently, the draft was published only in English and not in Malayalam, giving residents only a few days to comment during a time when the Covid pandemic was rampant.

There have been protests against these moves, including in the Kerala legislative assembly, where demands for the protection of people’s livelihoods and the removal of Khoda have been made.

Another controversial act introduced by the administration was the Prevention of Anti-Social Activities Act, which gives the administrator the power to detain a person without legal representation for up to a year if he thinks they are committing acts prejudiced to the maintenance of public order.

The government recently began cutting down coconut trees on Pandaram lands, but were temporarily stopped by a stay Order from the Kerala High Court.

Under the Act, the administrator also has the power to withhold the reasons for arrest, citing ‘public interest’.

A history

To understand the complex issues surrounding these islands it is important to first take a look at their history and relevance.

The Pandaram lands were originally passed from Tipu Sultan to the Arakkal Beevi, a royal family from Kerala, and eventually the British. During the reign of the Arakkal Beevi, the land was given to the local population to cultivate on as per a lessee–lessor agreement.

These collective rights over the island were given to the entire community through their village heads, and rules were created to ensure that the environment continued to be preserved.

Even though they are commonly called the ‘uninhabited islands’, their vital role in the livelihoods of the people should not be underplayed. These islands are used for agriculture, cultivating coconuts and fishing, providing the people with a rotation of seasonal employment derived from the islands.

Fast forward to 1965, the Lakshadweep Revenue and Tenancy Regulation was framed to clarify Pandaram land ownership. Tenants who had been living and residing on Pandaram lands were allotted them under the 1965 Regulations. Though they were legally not the owners, as occupants their rights were respected and the government seldom interfered in the islands’ affairs.

Considering the ‘Scheduled Tribe’ status of this Muslim population, the transfer of land rights to non-inhabitants was restricted under the 1965 Regulations. Consequently, the locals frequently gave out the Pandaram lands under their control to the government for fair compensation for various purposes, but with the 2021 Regulation, even the requirement of fair compensation or voluntary transfer of property by the local Muslims to the government has been done away with.

One of the most recent projects in conversation is the military and civil airport to be constructed in the southern part of the Minicoy islands.

The government, through these various drafts and regulations, has been laying the foundation for tourism to become the pulse of the island, and the falling out with the Maldives after their negative comments by ministers and withdrawal of the Indian army has laid the perfect path leading to it.

Dealing with the fragile ecology of the islands

The government recently began cutting down coconut trees on Pandaram lands but were temporarily stopped by a stay Order from the Kerala High Court. The Order restrained the respondents from taking any coercive action or eviction of the islanders in possession of Pandaram lands, till September 15, 2024, pending final disposal of the writ petition, but the government has allegedly continued marking trees presumably for the purpose of felling.

One of the most recent projects in conversation is the military and civil airport to be constructed in the southern part of the Minicoy islands. Initially, the airport was proposed to be built in the barren northern part, but now the plan has been shifted to the south. Shockingly, one of the few parts of the island on which the residents are able to do some cultivation.

The archipelago consists of a complex web of islands, coral reefs, lagoons and mangroves supported by a variety of flora and fauna. Its ecology is resilient to the natural changes around it but bulldozing through the islands in the name of development could prove catastrophic.

It is imperative that the government strike a balance between preserving the environment and protecting the rights of the locals and pursuing development with a sustainable approach. To analyse whether there is a need for wider roads and more buildings, and most importantly ask the question, who are they doing it for? And is this the right time and place for bulldozer politics or the use of a gentle hand?

A sustainable model for tourism in the islands should focus on indigenous-led tourism similar to New Zealand.

It is most important in the era of climate change to promote sustainable models of development that balance the environment and tourism with the purpose of employment. Advocating policies where the local people are fairly compensated for others’ enjoyment of their land should be instituted.

A sustainable model for tourism in the islands should focus on indigenous-led tourism similar to New Zealand. Charging a special fee to tourists that goes directly into the conservation and protection of the environment could go a long way in terms of protecting the Islands. Having the locals heavily involved in preserving the biodiversity of the area and promoting tourism for nature instead of tourism for pure pleasure’s sake.

On the global stage, this could set a precedent for other nations to implement indigenous-led tourism models, protecting the planet in the destructive times of climate change, and protecting people’s peace in a profit-driven world.

Anaaha Jaishankar is a student at NMIMS School of Law, Mumbai. 

Courtesy: The Leaflet

INDIA

A Year After NewsClick Raids, Journalists Call for United Fight Against Assaults on Independent Media


Peoples Dispatch 


Many former NewsClick employees are struggling to find an alternative job even after months of unemployment due to the vilification and fear mongering campaign launched by the ultra-right government in India.


The attack on NewsClick by Indian authorities was based on accusations that cited a New York Times article targeting the news outlet along with other similar progressive platforms.

Journalists unions and civil society groups came together to commemorate the first anniversary of the Indian government’s crackdown on independent media outlet NewsClick and arrest of its founding editor Prabir Purkayastha, on Thursday, October 3 at the Press Club of India (PCI) in New Delhi.

The press conference and public meeting was organized by Delhi Union of Journalists (DUJ), Press Association (PA), Indian Women’s Press Corps (AWPC), and Kerala Union of Working Journalists, in collaboration with PCI.

Along with Prabir, several other senior journalists including P Sainath, founding editor of People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI) and N Ram, former editor of India’s leading English daily The Hindu along with the office bearers of the unions addressed the gathering. All speakers expressed concern about the shrinking spaces for free press in India under the government under the leadership of Narendra Modi of the Hindu supremacist and ultra right Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and called for a concerted and organized resistance to save the freedom of media.

Speakers condemned the fabricated charges against Prabir and NewsClick underlining that the attacks on the organization and its founding editor was the lowest point of media freedom in the history of the country since 1975 when the emergency was declared.

In the early morning of October 3, 2023, nearly 100 homes and offices of over 70 journalists, ex-employees, and other staff members, were raided in a massive operation by the Delhi police. Those individuals and in many cases, their family members, were interrogated for hours and their electronic equipment such as laptops and mobile phones were confiscated. Prabir and Amit Chakraborty, the then head of human resources, were arrested.

After spending over six months in jail, Prabir was released on May 15, 2024, when a Supreme Court ruling found his arrest illegal. A charge sheet was filed against him and NewsClick weeks prior, which accused them of receiving illegitimate funding and using it to fund terror and anti-state activities. NewsClick had maintained that those charges are completely concocted and false.

Addressing the gathering, Prabir underlined that both print and electronic media in India today are compromised and do not represent the diversity of voices and opinions the country has. He claimed that the rise of alternative media through digital platforms in India was an assertion of that diversity which was lost due to state pressure.

Prabir maintained that because the BJP-led government feels threatened by diverse opinions and voices, it has sought to control digital space as well through the use of oppressive state agencies as well as threats of regressive legislation such as the proposed broadcasting bill.

Prabir stated that he had hoped that due to, “sheer number of people empowered by technology and digital revolution, shutting them all down completely would be a difficult task for any government.”

“India is the one of the worst places to be a journalist today”

Highlighting that the BJP government in India has tried every maneuver to suppress the voices of dissent including threatening them by using the central law enforcement agencies and using draconian laws such as Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), N Ram cited a report of Reporters without Borders (RSF) which had called India to be one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist.

Speakers affirmed that in India, the pressure on journalists is such that those who fail to surrender to the state’s political line are either killed, jailed, or forced into unemployment. Different campaigns have also been launched on social media to vilify some of these voices, which has made finding work next to impossible.

NewsClick was forced to let most of its employees go in February this year because it was unable to pay salaries after the tax authorities effectively shut down its bank accounts in December 2023. It has been forced to rely on largely unpaid volunteer contributions by reporters to keep its site running.

Seven months later, many former employees are still searching for jobs and now face dire economic situations. Most of those who spoke to Peoples Dispatch claimed that they are unable to get new jobs primarily due to the stigma attached to the name of the organization after a concerted misinformation campaign launched by the government aligned media groups.

The crackdown was sparked by a hit piece published by the New York Times (NYT) in August 2023 which claimed that NewsClick was part of an international propaganda network run from China.

NewsClick and its funders denied the charges claiming the article in the NYT was based on false and baseless accusations in order to vilify and attack alternative and critical voices in media and civil society, and curb the freedom of speech. However, BJP politicians and major media outlets in India magnified those false claims to delegitimize it.

Former employees told Peoples Dispatch that the spectacle of the government crackdown and the media vilification campaign created fear among potential employers. They fear that hiring former NewsClick staff may invite unnecessary state scrutiny to their own organizations.

A year after the raid and seizure of their work equipment, including dozens of computers, hard drives, cellphones, and other devices, none of the NewsClick employees have got them back, further hampering their chances of employment. A resolution adopted at the end of the meeting on Thursday reads that “seizure of professional equipment like laptops, phones and computers without following due process and for an indefinite period of time amounts to an attack on livelihood and the right to work without intimidation.”

“Right to work and to profess one’s occupation and profession is a constitutional right” under Indian constitution, “journalists and all those associated with the profession have to be given” this right, the resolution adopted at the meeting demands.

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

 

Why BJP’s Loss in J&K is More Problematic Than its Haryana Win


S N Sahu 





It is likely that BJP’s electoral success in Haryana will drive its leadership to accentuate its communal agenda to seek votes in the upcoming state polls.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has won Haryana Assembly elections for the third time consecutively. The most striking fact is that the party’s campaign in the state never centered around Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his much trumpeted ‘Modi Ki Guarantee’. Therefore, to say that BJP would once again rely on Modi as a vote-catcher in the elections to be held in Maharashtra and Jharkhand this year, and Bihar and Delhi next year, does not sound convincing.

Of course, one gets an impression from Modi’s speech delivered on Tuesday following the victory of BJP in Haryana by defeating Congress, that the party’s triumph is on account of his leadership and that it is he who would take the party forward in registering many more successes in the forthcoming elections.

But, more than the election victory in Haryana, BJP’s defeat in Jammu and Kashmir at the hands of the National Conference (NC) and Congress alliance is more scathing, because people in the Valley have rejected BJP in toto. Its success in winning 29 of 43 seats in the Jammu region looks only a face-saving mechanism.

The much vaunted and unstated objective of the Modi-Shah (Home Minister Amit Shah) duo to usher in the first Hindu Chief Minister of J&K, after they abrogated the state’s special status and reduced it to a Union Territory, without factoring in the wishes of the people of the region, has met with utter failure. The implications of BJP’s defeat in J&K for the party, therefore, are much huger than those of it winning Haryana for the third time.

The manner in which J&K has been harshly treated by the BJP regime led by Modi and the punitive measures adopted by it against media and dissenters there, negates the PM’s claim that India is the ‘mother of democracy’. Modi, Shah and other BJP leaders asked people in the rest of India to vote for BJP on the ground that special status provided in Article 370 to J&K had been repealed. They also claimed that what they did to J&K had ushered in “unprecedented peace and progress” for the people. Yet, BJP did not field candidates in 28 seats in the Valley.

Such an electoral abandonment of the Valley and its people by BJP clearly shows its lingering fear that the party would be rejected by the people. The defeat of BJP in J&K, therefore, is a clear signal that it is not acceptable to people, who, with the power of vote clearly indicted the party and its measures to humiliate them by downgrading the state to a Union Territory and not conducting elections for several years.

It was only on the orders of the Supreme Court that elections were conducted in J&K. Possibly, without explicit directions from the apex court, the elections might not have been organised for a longer period.

 

By rejecting BJP, the people of J&K have sent a signal to the entire nation and the world at large, conveying the crucial point that they suffered immensely by the harsh policies adopted to deal with them, without in any way containing terrorism and addressing their livelihood issues. In addition, more military and police measures were taken, compromising their rights and dignity as citizens.

In an article in The Wire, ‘A Local Victory for BJP in Haryana Can't Compensate Modi for His National-Level Setback in Kashmir,’ columnist Harish Khare observed, “It should be obvious that the outcome in J&K is of much greater consequence than the Haryana vote. In Haryana, the election results are reflective of the dynamics of social cleavages, while the post-‘370 abrogation’ vote in Jammu and Kashmir saw a contestation over continuing national arguments. The Haryana electoral victory for the BJP is mostly a local affair, the re-organized state of Jammu and Kashmir was clearly the electoral theatre for a national and global audience. No one in the BJP or in the larger Sangh parivar is entitled to any kind of satisfaction over the Kashmir vote”.

So, the manner in which BJP’s victory in Haryana is being projected as a “booster dose” for the party after it lost majority in the Lok Sabha elections held in May this year, need to be tempered by the party’s rejection in the Union Territory of J&K.

There is no doubt that the success of the party in Haryana will be used by its top leadership to promote its electoral prospects in Maharashtra and other states going to polls soon. But it is unlikely that voters of those states will be influenced by BJP forming the government for the third time in Haryana.

It is quite likely that BJP’s electoral success in Haryana will drive its leadership to accentuate its communal agenda to seek votes. It is feared that there could be accelerated polarisation on religious lines to consolidate votes. Prime Minister Modi, who spewed venom against Muslims while campaigning for his party during the 18th Lok Sabha elections, is likely to step up the tone and tenor of that toxic campaign following the party’s victory in Haryana. Divisive narratives were integral to the poll strategy and speeches by Modi while appealing for votes.

The Haryana elections was devoid of a Modi-centric campaign. With the BJP’s victory in the state, Modi would like to throw himself into centre of campaign strategy in the forthcoming Assembly elections. It would be instructive to see if such an approach would help BJP in doing well in Maharashtra, where the party and its alliance partners performed poorly in the recently concluded Lok Sabha elections.  

 

S N Sahu served as Officer on Special Duty to President of India K R Narayanan. The views are personal.