Friday, November 01, 2024

Authoritarian movements depend on political religions — not least in America

(RNS) — On Election Day 2024, one is on offer.


Republican presidential nominee former President Donald Trump arrives to speak at a campaign rally at Rocky Mount Event Center, Oct. 30, 2024, in Rocky Mount, N.C. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)














Mark Silk
October 31, 2024


(RNS) — From Russia and Hungary to Turkey and India to the U.S. of A., actual and wannabe authoritarians make a practice of imbuing their movements with religious significance, in a way that identifies them with the sacred dimension of their nations.

All nation-states sacralize themselves to some degree. In the U.S., texts from the Declaration of Independence to Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream Speech” are treated as holy, and Washington is littered with temples and shrines, from the Lincoln and Jefferson memorials and the U.S. Supreme Court to the various war memorials. Not to mention our military sites — the battlefield at Gettysburg, the Valley Forge camp and above all the burial grounds for those who served in the armed forces such as Arlington National Cemetery.

We have come to call this civil religion, defined by the Italian scholar Emilio Gentile as “the conceptual category that contains the forms of sacralization of a political system that guarantee a plurality of ideas, free competition in the exercise of power, and the ability of the governed to dismiss their governments through peaceful and constitutional methods.” In Gentile’s view, “civil religion respects individual freedom, coexists with other ideologies, and does not impose obligatory and unconditional support for its commandments.”


This civil religious inclusivity helps explain why we ban partisan political activity in U.S. military cemeteries — a ban Donald Trump was widely regarded as having violated in August, when he visited Arlington with family members of military personnel killed in the United States’ 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan. The headline on a column by USA Today’s Marla Bautista read, “Trump’s appalling desecration of Arlington National Cemetery shows he still can’t be trusted.”

Only something sacred can be desecrated.

The opposite of civil religion is what Gentile calls “political religion”: “the sacralization of a political system founded on an unchallengeable monopoly of power, ideological monism, and the obligatory and unconditional subordination of the individual and the collectivity to its code of commandments.” Political religion is therefore “intolerant, invasive, and fundamentalist, and it wishes to permeate every aspect of an individual’s life and of a society’s collective life.”

A historian of fascist Italy, Gentile is above all interested in the expressly secular totalitarianisms of the mid-20th century. Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin, he argues, constructed fascism, Nazism and communism as national political religions to some extent modeled on familiar religious beliefs and forms.

Civil religion and political religion à la Gentile are, to be sure, ideal types. A civil religion can have aspects of a political religion, and a political religion may likewise incorporate civil religious forms.

Thus, with the onset of the Cold War, American civil religion was expressed so as to exclude atheistic communists. The addition of the words “under God” to the Pledge of Allegiance in 1954 was explicitly intended to differentiate the U.S. from the Soviet Union and its godless supporters, as was the designation of “In God We Trust” as the national motto two years later.

The Air Force Academy chapel in Colorado Springs, Colo. 
(Photo by Anthony Quintano/Wikimedia/Creative Commons)

A quintessential expression of that moment is the Air Force cadet chapel in Colorado Springs, Colorado, built in 1959. It is, in form, a militarized version of a Christian church — an apparent expression of political religion. But it is very much an expression of the civil religion of the times in featuring separate Protestant, Catholic and Jewish chapels inside.

Contrast this with the cathedral of the Russian military, consecrated in 2020: a Russian Orthodox church with no nod to religious inclusion in a country that is only 40% Russian Orthodox and where fewer than half the citizens consider themselves Christians of any sort. It perfectly expresses the alliance Russian President Vladimir Putin has made with Russian Patriarch Kirill, harking all the way back to the linkage of church and state in the Byzantine Empire.

Russian Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill, center, and Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, right, at the consecration of the Cathedral of Russian Armed Forces outside Moscow, June 14, 2020. (Oleg Varov, Russian Orthodox Church Press Service via AP)



















A mini-me version of Putin’s political religion has been cooked up by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who governs with the idea of “illiberal democracy” — a nice term for populist authoritarianism. Presenting Orbán with the “gold degree” of the Order of St. Sava, Serbian Orthodox Patriarch Porfirije praised him for “defending Christianity.” Orbán “fights for the soul of Europe,” the patriarch said. Replied the prime minister, “We are peaceful people, we want peace, but there is indeed a war for the soul of Europe, and without Christian unity – including Orthodoxy – we cannot win this battle.”

Such use of religion can look like Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s incorporation of Islam into his own authoritarian regime. The difference is that where Erdogan’s Islamism serves to appeal to Turkey’s sizable conservative Muslim population, the Christianism (to put it that way) of Putin and Orbán has no significant religious grassroots constituency, but seems all about rebuilding a postcommunist authoritarian ideology. In the case of Hungary, it resists at once immigration (from Muslim countries) and the pluralistic liberal culture of Western Europe.

How religious constituencies function under authoritarian regimes depends, of course, on how they view those regimes, and vice versa. A half-century ago, Shiite Muslims protested against the authoritarian Shah of Iran, who sought a connection to the glory days of the pre-Islamic Persian Empire. In 1979, these turned into parades supporting the authoritarian regime of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, which promoted Islamic legal authority as the basis for a theocratic political religion.

A different kind of switching sides occurred in Myanmar, where religious power resides in the community of Buddhist monks. In 2007, the monks denied legitimacy to the military regime by refusing to accept its alms — symbolically represented by “turning over” their begging bowls. The regime yielded but reestablished its power via a genocidal campaign to rid the country of the Muslim minority Rohingya, in which anti-Muslim monks played an ideological role.




Meanwhile, hostility to Islam has been at the center of the Hindu nationalism successfully advanced by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Its ideology of Hindutva has generated a postsecular political religion that builds on hostility to Muslims in India dating to the Moghuls.

In America, meanwhile, Donald Trump’s incorporation of a form of Christianity into his MAGA movement is personified by his principal spiritual adviser Paula White, a Pentecostal pastor who has praised Trump as “chosen by God to protect religious values.”

White has been strongly influenced by the New Apostolic Reformation, a politically ambitious collection of charismatic Christians who are the subject of “The Violent Take It by Force,” an important new book by Matthew D. Taylor, a senior scholar at the Institute for Islamic, Christian, and Jewish Studies. Credited with providing Christian nationalists with their marching orders, the NAR should be understood as promoting a political religion based on Christian supremacy summed up in the so-called Seven Mountains Mandate.

The mandate holds that Christians should ascend to dominion over the “mountains” of contemporary culture: family, religion, education, media, arts and entertainment, business and government. As Taylor puts it in describing one of the movement’s leaders, while he “speaks the language of democracy and justice and constitutional rights, his ultimate vision is a retrenchment from democracy in the church and society.”

I don’t want to suggest that the MAGA movement is all about establishing the NAR political religion. But there’s no question that NAR ideas have spread through MAGA world.

As for Trump himself, it’s anything but clear that he knows or grasps the Seven Mountains Mandate. But like other authoritarian leaders, he is driven inexorably toward the exclusivism of a political religion. And it’s the NAR’s political religion that’s on offer from the Republican Party this Election Day.\\

Opinion

The ‘Courage Tour’ is attempting to get Christians to vote for Trump − and focused on defeating ‘demons’

(The Conversation) — The ‘Courage Tour,’ a religio-political rally, is going around battleground states. It is focused on defeating Democrats, but also on defeating ‘demonic forces.’



Michael E. Heyes
October 30, 2024

(The Conversation) — As a scholar of religion, I attended the “Courage Tour,” a series of religious-political rallies, when it made a stop in Monroeville, Pennsylvania, from Sept. 27-28, 2024.

From what I observed, the various speakers on the tour used conservative talking points – such as the threat of communism and LGBTQ+ “ideologies” taking over education – and gave them a demonic twist. They told people that diabolical forces had overtaken America, and they needed to expel them by ensuring Donald Trump was elected.

The tour is attempting to get those Christians to vote for Trump. The tour has moved through several battleground states such as Arizona, Michigan and Georgia, drawing several thousand people at every site.

The tour is not only focused on defeating Democrats but also on defeating demons. The idea that demons exert a hold over the material world is a key feature of the New Apostolic Reformation, or NAR, worldview. The NAR is a loose group of like-minded charismatic Christian churches and religious leaders – sometimes termed “prophets” – who want to see Christians dominate all walks of life.

As someone who recently finished a book on the intersection of demons and politics, “Demons in the USA: From the Anti-Spiritualists to QAnon,” I was eager to see this combination for myself. I believe it would be a mistake to think that the New Apostolic Reformation is a fringe group with no real influence.
The influence and reach

The group has an associated nonprofit organization known as Ziklag – named for a town in the Hebrew Bible that is an important site associated with David’s kingship – with deep pockets for the movement’s goals. A ProPublica investigation found that the group had already spent US$12 million “to mobilize Republican-leaning voters and purge more than a million people from the rolls in key swing states, aiming to tilt the 2024 election in favor of former President Donald Trump.”

The Southern Poverty Law Center calls the New Apostolic Reformation “the greatest threat to U.S. democracy that you have never heard of.”

The diffuse nature of NAR membership and its rapid growth make it difficult to gauge followers: Estimates have placed the number of NAR adherents between 3 million and 33 million, but individuals who may not label themselves as part of the NAR might nevertheless agree with the group’s theology.

Moreover, Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance’s presence at the meeting I attended is also a tacit and significant endorsement for this group.


The ‘Seven Mountain Mandate’


According to NAR’s theology, there are “seven mountains” that govern areas of worldly influence, and Christians are destined to occupy all of them. These mountains are religion, government, family, education, media, entertainment and business.

Known as the “Seven Mountain Mandate,” this “prophecy” first rose to prominence in 2013 with the publication of “Invading Babylon: The 7 Mountain Mandate,” written by Bill Johnson, lead pastor of Bethel Church in Redding, California, and member of the NAR, and Lance Wallnau, NAR prophet and one of the founders of the Courage Tour. In the book, the Seven Mountain Mandate is trumpeted as a message received directly from God.

The NAR perceives the majority of these mountains as currently occupied by diabolical spiritual forces. To counter these forces, the NAR engages in “spiritual warfare,” which are acts of Christian prayer that are used to defeat or drive out demons.

As religion scholar Sean McCloud writes, these prayers can be taken from “handbooks, workshops and hands-on participation in deliverance sessions.” Deliverance sessions involve diagnosing and expelling demons from an individual.

Alternatively, it is not uncommon for pastors to incorporate spiritual warfare into church services. For example, in a much-reported sermon, Paula White-Cain, the former spiritual adviser to Trump, commanded all “satanic pregnancies to miscarry.” In the sermon’s context, satanic pregnancies were not literal pregnancies. Instead, White-Cain was praying for the failure of satanic plots “conceived” by the devil.

In NAR theology, all Christians are embattled by demons, and spiritual warfare is a necessary part of life. As scholar of religion André Gagné writes, the NAR sees spiritual warfare as happening on three “levels.”


The ground level occurs in a case of individual exorcism or deliverance, a kind of “one-on-one” battle with demons. The second level is the occult level, in which believers seek to counter what they believe to be demonic movements such as shamanism and New Age thought. Finally, there is the strategic level in which the movement does battle with powerful spirits whom they believe control geographic areas at the behest of Satan.


Friday night on the Courage Tour.

The Courage Tour

The Courage Tour is part of a strategic-level act of spiritual warfare: Stumping for Trump is really about exerting Christian influence over the “government mountain” that followers of the NAR believe to be occupied by the devil.

According to the speakers on the tour, America is in trouble: It is currently being run by “the Left,” or Democrats, a group that is slowly pushing the U.S. toward communism, a system of government in which private property ceases to exist and the means of production are communally owned.

It claims that the Left wants to see this shift occur because it is populated by “cultural Marxists.” This is part of a far-right conspiracy theory that suggests all progressive political movements are indebted to the ideas of Karl Marx, whose Communist Manifesto is most closely associated with communism.

In more extreme forms of communism, nation-states disappear – an idea reflected in speakers’ frequent criticism of “globalism,” which was generally defined as a single, worldwide governmental structure. The group rejects globalism on the grounds that God instituted nation-states as a divinely ordained form of government.

Wallnau described globalism as a sign of the beast and the end of days, and claimed that “the intent of that Marxist element in our country is to collapse our borders.”




Promotional sign on the Courage Tour for My Faith Votes, an organization that encourages voters to vote biblically.
Michael E. Heyes, CC BY


Demonizing queerness


The speakers further claimed that this demonic Marxism was perverting the educational system in the United States. For example, numerous speakers criticized schools for supposedly indoctrinating or “evangelizing” children with “LGBTQ ideologies.”

Wallnau even suggested that the “trans movement” began “in the days of Noah” when the fallen angels of Genesis 6 married human women and had hybrid children. This echoes a discussion Wallnau and Rick Renner had on the “Lance Wallnau Show,” linking such “ideologies” to fallen angels and the Apocalypse.

This negative view of nontraditional gender and sexual orientations is a long-lived feature of the group. John Weaver, a scholar of religion, notes in his book “The New Apostolic Reformation” that the group’s ideas are indebted to conservative theologian Rousas John Rushdoony, who supported the death penalty for homosexuals.

Likewise, religion scholar Damon T. Berry writes that members of the movement believe that “demonic spirits” are “acting to subvert the will of God through aspects of culture like the toleration of homosexuality, abortion, addiction, poverty and political correctness.”

Wallnau encouraged the audience on the Courage Tour to “fight for your families because I don’t want to leave behind a demonic train wreck for my children.”

As hard as it is to believe, one of the most important questions of the election might well be – how many Americans believe in demons?

(Michael E. Heyes, Associate Professor and Chair of Religion, Lycoming College. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)


The Conversation religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The Conversation is solely responsible for this content.


Meet the conservative, white religious women voting for Kamala Harris

(RNS) — Democrats and some prominent evangelical women are highlighting Donald Trump’s character and conduct, as well as issues such as abortion access, to convince religious conservative women to vote for Harris.


Supporters hold signs and cheer before Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris arrives to speak at a campaign rally, Wednesday, Oct. 30, 2024, in Raleigh, N.C. (AP Photo/Allison Joyce)

Jack Jenkins
October 30, 2024

(RNS) — Kellianne Clarke doesn’t really have time for an interview.

An active member of her Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints congregation in Chester County, Pennsylvania, she spoke to RNS earlier this month while preparing a lesson she planned to lead for her church’s women’s group the following Sunday. A mother of four with a master’s in strategic communication who regularly serves on various nonprofit boards, Clarke also helps lead the local chapter of the Relief Society, the LDS church’s international women’s group. All that, along with her long history with the church, means she is in constant conversation with her fellow Mormons.

But there’s one thing she hasn’t really talked to her faith community about: her plans to vote for Democrat Kamala Harris

“I generally don’t talk politics with the people of my local congregation, mostly because I believe I’m generally an outsider,” said Clarke, a graduate of Brigham Young University, the LDS church’s flagship university. She describes herself as a “liberal mom” — but only in the religious sense, compared with fellow Mormons.

“People tolerate that, but don’t really want to talk about it,” she said.

Talkative or not, the Harris campaign hopes women like Clarke will make their voices known at the ballot box on Tuesday (Nov. 5). In addition to outreach to Black Protestants, Hispanic Christians and many other groups, Democrats are betting big that a subset of conservative women — specifically white, suburban religious women who have traditionally voted for Republicans — will back Harris this year for a constellation of reasons, be it questions about former President Donald Trump’s character and dedication to democracy or concerns about winnowing women’s rights.

For Clarke, the choice was clear long ago. As a registered independent, she typically splits tickets when voting, dividing her support between Democrats and Republicans. But in the past few election cycles she has voted for Democratic presidential candidates, in no small part because of her ambivalence about Trump.

“My vote for Kamala is because I believe that she believes in common good, and I believe Donald Trump believes in himself, and is self-serving,” she said. Trump is “just about cronyism and lifting up only the people he believes are good enough to be up with him, rather than the commonality that binds us all together.”



Nancy French speaks on a panel during the RNS 90th Anniversary Symposium and Gala, Sept. 10, 2024, in New York City. (RNS photo/Kit Doyle)

Concerns about Trump’s character and conduct are also front of mind for prominent evangelical Christian author Nancy French, who announced on RNS’ “Saved by the City” podcast this month that she plans to back Harris.

In a separate interview with RNS, French, who said she didn’t vote for either major party candidate in 2016, cited Trump’s role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol as one of several reasons to oppose him.

“Jan. 6 changed the political dynamic for me,” she said, adding that she long ago decided to never vote for an “election-denier.”

“The presidency qualifies as an important office that needs to be filled with someone who appreciates the value of democracy and actually preserving it. That’s why I’m voting for Harris,” said French, author of this year’s “Ghosted: An American Story.”

Being public about her vote, French said, is an intimidating prospect. She recounted the fierce blowback she and her husband, New York Times columnist David French, have experienced because of their criticism of Trump. “If you could have lived my life and David’s life, you would not want to have anything to do with Trump,” she said.

Even friendly conversations can descend into political debates. French recalled how a pickleball opponent recently sent her a video from his pastor as a conversation starter about whether Democrats belong to a “satanic death cult.”

“It’s very difficult to say that out loud, because the Christian pressure in white evangelical churches to support Donald Trump is very, very strong,” she said, referring to her support for Harris. “A lot of people don’t want to deal with the hassle of being perceived as a liberal or a Democrat.”

These tensions make it difficult to track any shift toward Harris among white conservative women. There is evidence Harris has made gains among white women overall: A Reuters/Ipsos poll released on Wednesday showed Trump and Harris splitting the vote of white women 46% to 44%, a notable improvement over 2020, when they favored Trump over Joe Biden by 16 points. But there is suspicion that some white conservative women who historically vote Republican would not admit support for Harris to pollsters or campaign staffers.

That hasn’t stopped the Harris campaign from launching robust efforts to court the group, including a string of events featuring the vice president and former U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney, a cradle Republican and a United Methodist who as a congresswoman from Wyoming led a House inquiry into the Jan. 6 riot and has been staunchly critical of Trump.


The Rev. Jennifer Butler. (Photo by David F. Choy)

“I think we have an opportunity there to engage particularly evangelical women in this conversation,” said the Rev. Jennifer Butler, a Presbyterian minister, shortly after she became the faith outreach director for the Harris campaign in August.

“I’ve seen a lot of evangelical women coming our way who want us to join in common cause, to support women and families,” Butler continued. “I think they’re seeing the hypocrisy and the Republican approach … to put women and doctors in jail, to be very punitive. That kind of criminalizing of abortion actually does not create the conditions for strong family life (or) for protection of women and strong families.”

The Harris campaign unveiled a new effort in early October to court members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Arizona, and an initiative by the group Evangelicals for Harris, which operates separately from the campaign, has convened calls specifically for conservative Christian women.

Another group, Vote Common Good, led by progressive evangelical pastor Doug Pagitt, released two new digital ads this week with voice-overs by actors George Clooney and Julia Roberts. In the latter, women wearing patriotic clothing are shown casting ballots for Harris in voting booths in apparent defiance of a man in a bald eagle hat, who later asks if they “made the right choice.” The ad, which organizers say they are hoping to run on cable networks, ends with Roberts saying, “Remember: What happens in the booth, stays in the booth.”

The ad speaks to a dynamic Clarke said impacts many women navigating patriarchal pressures.

“I think a lot of it is fear-based,” she said. “They don’t speak out because they’re afraid of whatever the retribution is from a husband, from a boyfriend, from a neighbor, from a workplace.”

But while some may not be public about their politics, Clarke said conservative religious women sometimes reveal their support for Harris in private moments. Clarke has been surprised to hear from several religious women in her hotly contested county — Mormons and members of other religious traditions, such as Catholicism, she said — who told her they planned to back Harris as well.

“They told me it’s about character leadership and servant leadership, rather than sort of strictly party and religious responsibility,” Clarke said.


Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris speaks during a campaign rally in Washington, Tuesday, Oct. 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Ben Curtis)

In addition, Clarke noted some conservative women may be drawn to Harris for reasons not altogether different from more traditional liberal voters, such as their wish to take a stand in favor of abortion rights. Clarke grew emotional as she described how she “had to experience health care for an untenable pregnancy,” which had a profound impact on her.

“My view of, let’s even say, abortion, has grown more compassionate and empathetic and generous,” she said.

French said she would be “pleasantly surprised” if a cadre of conservative religious women break for Harris but that in Tennessee, where she lives, “almost every single person that I meet is supporting Trump.”

“I’m pretty despondent over the whole thing, honestly,” she said.

Clarke was more optimistic, saying she wouldn’t be surprised if “women come out in more numbers than expected for Kamala Harris,” noting that “women tend to rally around other women.”

“I think that there’s a great deal of fear of what Donald Trump could and would do in terms of women, women’s rights, women’s bodily autonomy, just what he would do for women in general,” she said.

Clarke, herself one of eight children, has two sisters who live in the swing states of Georgia and North Carolina. She said they, too, plan to vote for Harris, and like Clarke, they’re busy: They are currently working to convince their parents — who just moved to North Carolina — to join them in casting a ballot for the Democrat.

“We have been in a full court press,” she said. “We’re like, ‘Do not follow your tradition of voting for Republican candidates.’”
Black churches and 'Divine Nine' fraternities and sororities partner to boost Black vote

(RNS) — Theologian Candice Marie Benbow said, ‘We live at this intersection of being Black faith people and Black people who are in Greek letter organizations who are committed to communal uplift.’



Linda Chapman of Waterbury, Conn., left, a member of the Zeta Phi Beta Sorority Inc., talks with U.S. Rep. Jahana Hayes, D-Conn., at a Souls to the Polls voting rally at Grace Baptist Church, Oct. 26, 2024, in Waterbury, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Adelle M. Banks
October 31, 2024

(RNS) — Soon after Vice President Kamala Harris shifted from vice presidential candidate to presidential nominee, 44,000 of her supporters dialed into a call dubbed Win With Black Women that quickly became something of a sorority rally.

“Folks were shouting out their Greek letter organizations,” recalled Tamura Lomax, associate professor of religious studies at Michigan State University and a member of the Delta Sigma Theta sorority.

The call, typically, also opened and ended with prayer.

Like no other previous campaign, the 2024 election season has illuminated the convening power of the more-than-a-century-old relationship between twin pillars of the Black community: Black churches and the “Divine Nine” fraternities and sororities that Black Americans have turned to for solidarity on campuses and beyond them for generations.

Though just a nickname, the organizations dubbed the Divine Nine have multiple overlaps with the Black church. Nonetheless, said Candice Marie Benbow, a Black theologian and member of Alpha Kappa Alpha, to which Harris also belongs, “This is the first time that we’ve actually had a candidate for a major political party that is a product of both.”

Benbow added: “There’s a certain level of ownership and understanding of, like, we know her.”


Vice President Kamala Harris speaks at the Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority Inc. annual convention during the 71st biennial Boule at the Kay Bailey Hutchison Convention Center in Dallas, July 10, 2024. (AP Photo/LM Otero, File)

Benbow, who has canvassed in Atlanta with other Christian women and sorority sisters, said the sorority connections have created a unity of purpose among those getting people out to vote. “There is a rhythm that’s instinctual, because we live at this intersection of being Black faith people and Black people who are in Greek letter organizations who are committed to communal uplift,” she said.

RELATED: With Election Day looming, Harris ramps up engagement with Black church

Clergy across the country are capitalizing on the connection, whether they participate in Greek life or not. Bishop Edgar Vann II, senior pastor of the nondenominational Second Ebenezer Church in Detroit, doesn’t belong to a fraternity, but he enlisted Greek brothers and sisters to boost his efforts to ensure his congregants were prepared to vote.


Bishop Edgar Vann II. (Courtesy photo)

“Each one of the fraternities or sororities had a Sunday, and for those nine Sundays, they registered people to vote, and a lot of them were young people,” he said. Divine Nine members registered dozens of voters, including many under 35.


Pastor Mike McBride, co-founder of Black Church PAC, which has sponsored virtual events called Win With the Black Church and First Ladies United for Kamala Harris, the latter attended mostly by wives of pastors leading Black churches, said at least a third of Black Church PAC’s founding board members belong to Black Greek organizations.

Harris, who is a member of a Black Baptist church in San Francisco and graduated from Howard University, a historically Black school in Washington, has appeared at the national gatherings of all four Divine Nine sororities in the past 18 months.


The Rev. Cynthia Hale. (Courtesy photo)

In July, in a speech to Alpha Kappa Alpha, she enlisted the organization’s political power. “In this moment, once again, our nation is counting on the leaders in this room to guide us forward; to energize, organize and mobilize; to register folks to vote; and to get them to the polls in November,” Harris said. “Let us fight for freedom, opportunity and equality. Let us, as always, fight with optimism, with faith and hope.”

The Rev. Cynthia Hale, senior pastor of Ray of Hope Christian Church in Decatur, Georgia, heard Harris give that address and said she was motivated by the words of her famous soror, as sorority sisters call each other.

“As a pastor and activist and an AKA,” said Hale, using the acronym for the sorority, “everywhere I go to speak I share the message of how critical this election is because it will determine the future of our nation for years to come.”

On Sunday (Oct. 27), in Dallas, the Rev. Frederick D. Haynes III, senior pastor of the city’s Friendship-West Baptist Church and an Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity brother, helped lead a Souls to the Polls event at his megachurch, which has a voting center in a large lobby area where people could vote ahead of Election Day.

“In Texas and North Carolina, because of the partnerships between Black Greek letter organizations and the Black church, we’re doing all we can to make it easier to vote in states where they’re trying to suppress the vote,” he told RNS on Oct. 21, the first day of early voting in Texas, where a long line had formed at the voting location at his church by the 8 a.m. start time.

“That’s the other thing that a number of churches and a number of fraternities and sororities are pushing this time more than ever before, and that is that every person in our community has a voting plan and that we bank the vote as early as possible,” said Haynes.

Rhonda Briggins, president of Delta4 Women in Action, a lobbying organization created by the Delta Sigma Theta sorority in 2020, said Greek letter organizations and churchgoers collaborated to keep a new voting precinct open at Atlanta’s Flipper Temple African Methodist Episcopal Church, which is close to Morehouse College, Spelman College and the Interdenominational Theological Center, all historically Black institutions.

“The community fought to get a precinct there,” said Briggins, who attends a Baptist church in Atlanta, noting that a “Party at the Polls” event near the church on Sunday was supported by the Divine Nine organizations and other congregations. “We want to make sure we have high voter turnout so that we can keep that precinct open and alive, and it becomes a community precinct after this election cycle.”




More than 1,200 members of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority Inc. converge on the Capitol to advocate for and advance robust reforms as part of the 35th anniversary of Delta Days in the Nation’s Capital, March 12, 2024, in Washington. The legislative priorities include voting rights, education reform, economic justice, environmental justice and health equity within the halls of Congress. (Eric Kayne/AP Images for Delta Sigma Theta Sorority Inc.)

Briggins said her organization also is working with churches in “Stroll to the Polls” events in Texas, a play on the “Souls to the Polls” tradition that features the dance movements for which sororities are known.

The connections between Greek letter societies and Black faith are long-standing and deep. When people gather for a funeral of a Divine Nine member at a Black church, prior to the hymns and the eulogy, as Haynes put it, “there is a ceremony that helps to celebrate the life and usher the spirit into the afterlife.”

Though religious Divine Nine members voiced their personal support for Harris in interviews, they said that some sororities’ and fraternities’ members are among the increasing number of Black voters who, pollsters have found, plan to stay home or vote for former President Donald Trump.

Benbow, a consultant for Black Church PAC who led a “Millennials for Harris” webinar for the group, said she’s heard the hesitancy to back Harris while canvassing, especially among fellow millennials. “In addition to the angst that people have around what’s happening in Palestine and the economy, we’re also having to just confront the really blatant in-your-face overt sexism and ‘misogynoir’ that is (about) a Black woman running for the highest office in the country,” she said, using a common portmanteau of “misogyny” and the French word for “black.”

Lomax, the Michigan State professor, said doubts about Harris, including among members of Black churches, sororities and fraternities, have mostly to do with her gender.


Tamura Lomax. (Courtesy photo)

“I would say the majority will likely be voting for Harris in the election because the majority of Black people vote Democratically,” Lomax said. “Even in that majority, maybe they always vote Democratically, and they’re like, ‘I’m just not voting for a woman.’”

U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock, the senior pastor at the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta and a member of Alpha Phi Alpha, urged Black women to encourage Black men to vote at a recent appearance with Harris at Divine Faith Ministries in Jonesboro, Georgia. “Brothers, show up. We need your voice. Real men vote,” he said, according to The Washington Post

Hale said sorority sisters will be applying pressure in the coming days to the men in their lives. “I’m a female pastor of this church who started this church and so the men know that I’m quite strong on what I believe and I challenge them on many occasions,” said Hale, who has invited members of her AKA chapter to attend her church on the Sunday before Election Day to pray for the election.

“We are definitely speaking to our husbands and boyfriends and sons and uncles and cousins and nephews to get them to the polls and I think it’s being effective.”

RELATED: Pastors’ first ladies, other Black church leaders organize support for Harris
These Latina Christians are shaping the future of abortion in Florida

(RNS) — Latina Floridians told RNS their faith has guided them as they work to engage their communities to vote for or against Amendment 4.


People argue about abortion rights at an event kicking off a national “Reproductive Freedom Bus Tour” by the Harris-Walz campaign, Sept. 3, 2024, in Boynton Beach, Fla. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)
Aleja Hertzler-McCain
October 31, 2024

(RNS) — Since the Supreme Court returned the question of abortion to the states in 2022, voters have consistently sided with abortion rights. In every state where abortion measures have been put on ballots, abortion rights have come out on top. But that may change in Florida next week.

Abortion is on the ballot in 10 states this election, but Florida is seen as anti-abortion groups’ best chance to notch a win, as they need to convince just slightly more than 2 in 5 Florida voters to vote no on Amendment 4, a ballot initiative that would constitutionalize Floridians’ right to abortion before viability. Florida currently has a ban on abortion after six weeks — a restriction, passed by the Florida Legislature and signed by Gov. Ron DeSantis, that in May 2024 replaced a previous 15-week ban. Because the ballot measure is an amendment to the state’s constitution, Amendment 4 requires a 60% support threshold in order to pass.

The stakes are high for both abortion rights and anti-abortion groups as they fight for and against the amendment. If Florida were to open up abortion rights, it would be the only abortion access point in the southeastern United States, as all the states bordering Florida — and the states bordering those states — have abortion bans or restrictions on abortion earlier in pregnancy than Roe v. Wade had. If Florida maintains its abortion ban, one of the strictest in the country, it would offer a first voter victory against abortion. And, according to some anti-abortion advocates, it could offer an example of a six-week ban with more popular support because of its exceptions for rape, incest, human trafficking, life of the pregnant person, as well as serious irreversible health impacts to the pregnant person and fatal fetal abnormalities.


Religious groups and people of faith have been at the forefront on both sides — advocating for and against the amendment.

Catholic bishops, though they have spent less money in Florida than on some of the 2022 state abortion ballot measures, are still one of the largest anti-abortion donors in the state, while clergy members from five other faiths have argued that the abortion ban violates their religious freedom. Catholics for Choice and the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism have been actively working to mobilize voters in support of the amendment.
RELATED: Catholic bishops are spending millions less to fight abortion this election

With Latinos making up more than a quarter of Florida’s population — and most of them identifying as either Catholic or evangelical, two groups with staunchly anti-abortion doctrine — they have become a key constituency for both sides and are expected to play a crucial role in deciding one of Tuesday’s most contentious races beyond the presidential election.

RNS spoke with three Latina Floridians who said their faith has guided them as they work to engage their communities to vote for or against the amendment.

When Luz Alvarado thinks about Amendment 4, the abortion rights measure, she thinks about her daughter, Génesis Alba.

Alvarado became pregnant with Génesis after finishing breast cancer treatment. The mother of two had just lost a pregnancy in her third trimester while undergoing that treatment, and her doctor told her it was not wise to have another pregnancy so soon and advised her to get an abortion.

The Colombian lifelong Catholic ended up in one of the Archdiocese of Miami’s pregnancy help centers, not realizing the center was anti-abortion.



Luz Alvarado celebrates the first birthday of her daughter, Génesis Alba. (Photo courtesy of Luz Alvarado)

“We got the place wrong, but we ended up in the right place,” Alvarado told RNS in Spanish.

The center sent her to get a second opinion from another doctor, who told her and her husband she could proceed with her pregnancy, as well as helped her with medical costs.

Génesis was healthy, and eight years later, Alvarado’s cancer has not returned.

Since her third month of her pregnancy with Génesis, Alvarado has regularly volunteered with the Respect Life center. She sees abortion as an error that humans make because of a “lack of knowledge” and believes pregnancy crisis centers can provide that knowledge, as well as concrete resources.

When pregnant women hear their fetus’s heartbeat, “bad decisions become good decisions,” Alvarado said. “A baby’s heartbeat is the most heavenly sound you can hear,” she said. “I say it’s the voice of God.”

As the election approaches, Alvarado believes the best way to combat Amendment 4 is to share stories like hers, which she has done through the Archdiocese of Miami and within small groups.

As for the Catholics who are supporting the amendment, Alvarado doesn’t see them as truly Catholic. “They have not known the Word of God well,” she said.

But across several opinion polls, a majority of U.S. Latino Catholics support abortion being legal in most or all cases, ranging from 6 to 7 in 10 Latino Catholics. These opinions stand in contrast to teaching from Catholic bishops, who have instructed Catholic voters that the “threat of abortion” should be their “preeminent priority” when voting.
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Before she wrote an op-ed in the Miami Herald supporting Amendment 4, Olga Granda told RNS that “people probably knew me as a quote unquote pro-lifer,” having worked because of her Catholic faith against the death penalty and for the “health and lives of women and babies.”

In her article in the Miami Herald, Granda wrote that, as a practicing Catholic, her opinion on abortion began to shift as she saw friends go through difficult pregnancies, including a friend who nearly lost her life carrying a baby medical professionals knew would not survive.

Still, it wasn’t until she began to hear about the impacts of new anti-abortion laws after the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, and particularly Florida’s six-week ban, that Granda was motivated to publicly take a stand.

Granda told RNS that as she heard more stories of women experiencing negative health outcomes due to abortion restrictions, she felt “this is getting out of hand.” She asked herself, “Is that really what the church wants? Are we trying to force people to be in positions in which their lives are in danger and they don’t have access to the health care that they need?”

So at the invitation of a friend and mentor, Granda joined forces with Catholics for Choice, a national nonprofit organization advocating for abortion rights from a Catholic social justice lens, and “started to learn how you could reconcile being Catholic and advocating for reproductive freedom.”

Beyond her op-ed, Granda has organized house meetings to speak with her community, especially other Latino Catholics, about the importance of the amendment.

The Cuban-American business owner and mother said she shies away from “hands off my body language,” saying families, medical professionals and even sometimes spiritual leaders should be involved in those decisions. She emphasized, “It should not be something that is dictated by politicians.”

“Does that mean that I’m encouraging people to have abortions?” Granda asked. “Of course, the answer is no.”

Lucy Rodríguez, Florida state director for voter engagement organization Mi Vecino, has handed out Catholics for Choice pamphlets as her organization goes door-to-door advocating for Amendment 4.

But Rodríguez herself is not Catholic, instead coming from an evangelical Christian family full of “pastors and great leaders of the Christian church.” The organizer, who said, as a mother hen, she treats her team like her children, told RNS in Spanish that her faith is strong because “I have seen many miracles.”



Lucy Rodríguez, right, canvasses with colleagues from the Mi Vecino organization in Florida. (Photo courtesy of Lucy Rodríguez)

Rodríguez attends Centro Cristiano El Pan De Vida, or the Christian Center The Bread of Life, in Kissimmee, part of the Pentecostal Church of God of Prophecy denomination.

While she hasn’t heard anything about abortion from the pulpit recently, when it is preached about, “they say it’s a sin,” Rodríguez said.

“That’s why I tell you I’m a conservative on the issue,” Rodríguez said, adding it’s also something she tells voters. “But I’m not in agreement with the government coming to your house,” she said. “It’s an issue the government should not get involved in.”

Having immigrated from the Dominican Republic, Rodríguez has seen the impact of a complete ban on abortion. “Many people have lost their lives, and many people have turned to secret clinics, and things have happened that shouldn’t have because of such a strong taboo,” she said.

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Rodríguez wants to be sure of the health of her 26-year-old daughter in any future pregnancies. “For me, the life of my daughter is worth more,” she said.

While her focus — and Mi Vecino’s focus — has shifted to advocating for Amendment 4 in this election, including gathering 13,000 signatures to put the amendment on the ballot, Rodríguez’s roots with the organization are in voter registration, including reaching disengaged voters.

“I never go to a house and say goodbye without first saying to the person, ‘Please, get out and vote,’” Rodríguez said.

 

Bengal: Junior Docs Withdraw ‘Fast Unto Death’, to Continue Week-End Protests



Sandip Chakraborty 



The fast was called off late last night following an appeal by the parents of the RG Kar Hospital victim and the CM’s assurance on certain demands.

Kolkata: After 10 days of their 'fast unto death', protesting junior doctors on Monday climbed down and called off the hunger strike following an appeal made by the RG Kar victim’s parents. However, the doctors said they would continue with "week-end protests".

The ‘fast unto death’ by junior doctors, spanning over 240 hours, was over a 10-point demand charter demanding the immediate arrest of all perpetrators of the murder of Tilottama/Abhaya (as named by the protesters), erosion of ‘threat culture’ in the state’s medical sector, removal of the state health secretary , filling up vacancies in state-run medical services, proper restroom facilities and surveillance facilities, workplace security, election to all student bodies in the health sector, eradication of corruption in the West Bengal Medical Council and West Bengal Health Recruitment Board with immediate effect, a central referral system in all medical colleges and hospitals, digital bed vacancy monitor in all medical colleges  and hospitals, among others.

Contrary to some reports, the junior doctors (other than those on fast), though on a warpath with the state government, had already joined their hospital duty to ensure that patients do not suffer, and were taking part protest rallies in their off hours.

However, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee remained reluctant to adhere to some of the key demands raised by the junior doctors, who have given a call for a state-wide strike in the health sector on Wednesday.

Following the strike call, on Monday, the Chief Minister, Chief Secretary, Home Secretary and others held an over two-hour-long meeting with a 17-member delegation of junior doctors, where it was decided to form a state-level task force in the health sector, including five representatives of the junior doctors. The meeting was live-streamed on Bengal’s electronic media. 

It was also decided to set up a college-level grievance mechanism. The Chief Minister also agreed to the demand for elected student bodies in the health sector by March next year.

However, the Chief Minister remained adamant on the demand for removal of the state health secretary.

As per reports, the junior doctors came out of the meeting “empty-handed” but decided to withdraw the hunger strike that had entered a crucial phase, as the health of the fasting doctors had started deteriorating in the past two days.

The call for a strike on Wednesday was also put off for now. Instead, the junior doctors have given a call for a Maha Samabesh (mega rally) before RG Kar Hospital on Saturday to decide their next course of action, said sources.

It may be recalled that after each round of talks with the Chief Minister or chief secretary, the junior doctors’ representatives came back to the protest site and held general body meetings to decide their next step.

In the meeting, the Chief minister was reportedly “snubbed” by the junior doctors when she “openly advocated for the suspended rogue doctors (accused of instigating ‘threat culture’ in RG Kar Hospital). “Madam, don’t stand up for notorious elements who had ushered this culture in RG Kar Hospital that took the life of Abhaya,” they reportedly told her.

NewsClick spoke to some patients to understand their take on the protest by junior doctors.

Shaktinath Banerjee, 73, a regular patient in SSKM Hospital, who is undregoing treatment for advanced osteoarthritis and diabetes, said the doctors’ demands, if fulfilled, would help patients.

“Now there is a lack of transparency in the medical fraternity and the quality of drugs supplied is not up to the mark. The movement started by the doctors is the right step,” he said, noting that while junior doctors had been on strike, senior doctors had worked overtime to attend to patients in their respective departments.

Dr Subarna Goswami, a representative of senior doctors and one of the leaders of doctors’ movement, told NewsClick that there “is no question of buckling down. The movement will continue, and whether a strike is imminent or not will depend on the progress of the state government on the promise it has made to deliver justice to the junior doctors and the medical fraternity.”

 

In the US, Voting is a Privilege, Not a Right



Natalia Marques 



People in the US are set to head to the polls soon to decide their next president. But the country has yet to contend with a past and present reality of voter suppression.


People stand in line to vote in Washington, DC (Photo: GPA Photo Archive)

As US presidential elections approach in the coming weeks, activists and organizers are ringing the alarm bells about the broad practice of voter suppression that still exists in the United States.

On October 19, a group of students and activists at the historically Black institution of Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia marched in protest of election measures that they compare to Jim Crow laws that enshrined racist oppression into law for decades in the US South.

A 2021 law, dubbed the Election Integrity Act, has made it illegal in Georgia for anyone to hand out water to those waiting in line to vote—polling lines which can often last for several hours in the Southern heat. At the march this past Saturday, Nicole Carty, the executive director of the youth-led organization Get Free dubbed such measures as “inhumane laws that attempt to suppress the vote for Black and brown people.”

“It is so visibly dehumanizing to actually criminalize such an act of humanity and dignity,” she said, as reported by NBC News. “It really exemplifies the broader inhumanity and inequality of all these voter laws that are happening.”

Mass incarceration and disenfranchisement

The Election Integrity Act is only one example out of many regarding how in the United States, voting is not an accessible right for many working class people. Estimates from 2022 by the Sentencing Project estimate that 4.4 million people in the US, around 2% of the voting-age population, cannot vote due to laws and policies that ban people with felony convictions from voting. These conditions are especially acute in two Southern states, Alabama and Tennessee, where one in thirteen adults cannot vote due to these restrictions.

The US is a country that is notorious for its prison policies that have created conditions of mass incarceration, which disproportionately affect Black and Latino people (people of color account for nearly 7 out of 10 people in US prisons) as well as people impacted by poverty, lack of housing, and lack of access to education. This means that any voting restrictions that target those with felony convictions will primarily disenfranchise the most systematically oppressed groups in the United States, taking the country backward to how it was originally founded: as a state where only white, landowning men had the right to vote.

According to the Sentencing Project, “One in 19 African Americans of voting age is disenfranchised, a rate 3.5 times that of non-African Americans. Among the adult African American population, 5.3% is disenfranchised compared to 1.5% of the adult non-African American population.”

The falsehood of “election integrity”

The Election Integrity Act is only one part of a wave of anti-voter laws being passed across the country in recent years. The Brennan Center for Justice reports that “states enacted more restrictive laws and more expansive laws in 2023 than in any year in the last decade except for 2021, which was itself an unprecedented year. Early indicators for 2024 suggest more of the same.” Research by the Brennan Center revealed interesting conclusions on how these voter restrictions are linked to racial oppression, finding that lawmakers from whiter districts in more racially diverse states were most likely to sponsor voting restrictions, as compared to lawmakers in less diverse states.

“While the four whitest uncompetitive Republican states (Wyoming, North Dakota, Montana, and West Virginia) collectively introduced 28 restrictive provisions in 2021, the four least-white uncompetitive Republican states (Mississippi, Alaska, South Carolina, and Oklahoma) introduced 63 restrictive provisions—more than twice as many,” the Brennan Center reported. “Thus, race seems to be a driving factor for voting rights backlash in Republican-dominated states even when those states aren’t electorally competitive.

A history of racist voter suppression

The United States, especially in the South, also carries a long history of racist voter suppression, dating back to the moment that Black people were officially permitted to vote in the country. During the Jim Crow era, which spanned from the late 19th century to the mid 20th century, white supremacist groups employed violent terrorism to scare Black people away from the polls while lawmakers enacted a barrage of voting restrictions to formally disenfranchise the Black population. Many in the US view the continued existence and resurgence of voting restrictions in the southern part of the country as a continuation of this racist legacy. 

Several popular movements have emerged throughout the country’s history to fight back against racist voter disenfranchisement. Notably, one of the many victories of the Civil Rights movement, which many view as the era which put an end to Jim Crow, was the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which sought to prohibit racial discrimination in voting. 

But part of the VRA was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2013. In the Shelby v. Holder decision, the Supreme Court ruled to declare a section of the VRA unconstitutional. The VRA required certain states with a history of election discrimination to preclear changes to statewide election laws. While this section of the VRA remained intact after Shelby v. Holder, the section which outlined the formula to select which jurisdictions would be subject to preclearance was eliminated, effectively eliminating the preclearance practice.

In 2022, some congress members attempted to pass the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act, which would have included a new preclearance formula. However, because Senator Kyrsten Sinema, at the time a Democrat, rejected changes to the Senate filibuster rule, the Act was struck down in the Senate

After Shelby vs. Holder, the voting gap between Black and white voters, (the difference in voter turnout between the two groups) only increased. This contrasts with 2012, when Black voters had voted in higher percentages than white voters for the first time on record. By 2020, Black voters had voted less than white voters by 8.6 percentage points.

The “purging” of votes

Ahead of the November elections, Republicans have launched a legal strategy to purge the voter roles of several states that could be key in deciding which candidate ultimately takes the presidency. As of October 22, at least three dozen cases are pending across 19 states relating to voter rolls. These lawsuits seek to limit, not expand, the numbers of voters who are registered to vote, and are largely based on conservative claims that large numbers of undocumented (so-called “illegal”) immigrants are voting. However, the current voter registration system in the US is set up in a way that makes non-citizen voting difficult enough to be a nonissue.

A federal judge recently blocked Alabama’s purge of the state’s voter rolls. Alabama Secretary of State Wes Allen had announced in August that he would be removing several thousand registered voters from voter rolls due to claims that these were non-citizen voters. Republicans in North Carolina attempted to remove nearly a quarter of a million voters from voter rolls, but this attempt was shot down by a federal judge last week. 

No third option

Peoples Dispatch interviewed Claudia De la Cruz, a socialist candidate running against both Trump and Harris, who as a third party candidate has faced her own challenges in running for office outside the two-party duopoly. De la Cruz directly referenced this attempt at voter purging in North Carolina. “It’s important for us to understand just how undemocratic this system is,” she said. 

“We’ve received a lot of attacks from both the Republicans and the Democrats. The Democrats [are] attacking [us] even more,” she said, referring to the successful attempts by the Democratic Party to get De la Cruz’s name off the ballot in key election battleground states such as Pennsylvania. “We know that they are attacking third party candidates, and I would say even explicitly a socialist candidate, because people are tired and people are exhausted. And when people are tired and exhausted, they look for another alternative. They look for other options.”

“The real problem here is that you have one party with two names, and both of these sections of the ruling class are gaslighting, blackmailing and bribing our people into believing that they have to vote against their interests, against their values, and against what they understand to be their principles,” De la Cruz said.

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch