Tuesday, November 05, 2024

UK

A century of sensationalism and misinformation: The legacy of the Daily Mail

2 November, 2024
LEFT FOOT FORWARD


For its devoted readers, the Mail serves as a bastion of traditional British values. For its critics, the Daily Fail or the Daily Wail as it’s known, presents the worse curtain-twitching paranoia

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As the right-wing media uproar continues over the first Labour budget in 14 years, it’s a timely moment to reflect on how a century ago, the first-ever Labour government was toppled with the help of a forged letter sensationalised by the press.

What we now recognise as ‘fake news’ effectively originated on October 29, 1924, when the Daily Mail published the Zinoviev letter. The document, allegedly from the head of the Communist International in Moscow, purported to extend support to the Labour Party, triggering a political crisis that would change the course of history.

Ramsay MacDonald had led a minority Labour government for just nine months, proving that his party could be a responsible and formidable left-wing force. Yet, his Conservative opponents and their allies in the right-wing press sought to paint the Labour government as a dire threat to civilisation, alleging ties to the Soviet Union.

The closing stages of the general election 100 years ago was dominated by one of the most controversial letters of all time.

A history of misinformation

The infamous Zinoviev Letter, addressed to the British Communist Party’s central committee, was leaked to and sensationalised by the Daily Mail. Allegedly signed by Grigori Zinoviev, a prominent Bolshevik, the letter urged British and Irish communists to intensify their revolutionary activities, claiming that the Labour Party’s rise would strengthen relations with the Soviet Union. It suggested that a Labour government would radicalise the working class, positioning the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) favourably for a Bolshevik-style revolution.

On October 25, just four days before the election, the Mail plastered its front page with a headline, claiming: Civil War Plot by Socialists’ Masters: Moscow Orders to Our Reds; Great Plot Disclosed.

The sensationalism proved effective, as Labour suffered a crushing defeat.

The headlines surrounding the Zinoviev Letter were the climax of `a relentless onslaught of inflammatory articles targeting the Labour government throughout the 1924 election campaign. Readers were led to believe that MacDonald’s government intended “to use British taxpayer’s credit and cash for the purpose of financing a gang of thieves and murderers who have usurped power in Russia [and] wish to destroy the British empire and our civilised system of credit.”

No accusation was too outrageous. One article even claimed that six cabinet ministers had been persuaded to accept Russian jewels hidden in chocolates.

Each day, the newspaper featured “an outstanding Conservative campaign poster released today from that party’s headquarters.”

But it was Zinoviev letter scandal that delivered the decisive blow to the Labour Party, creating one of the greatest sensations in the history of British election campaigns. Known as the “Red Letter,” it became the centre of intense speculation and controversy for years to come.

In 1999, new light was shed on the scandal, when an official report claimed that the letter was forged by an MI6 agent’s source and almost certainly leaked by MI6 or MI5 officers to the Conservative Party. The study by Gill Bennett, chief historian at the Foreign Office, and commissioned by Robin Cook, points the finger at Desmond Morton, an MI6 officer and close friend of Churchill who appointed him personal assistant during the second world war, and at Major Joseph Ball, an MI5 officer who joined Conservative Central Office in 1926.

The exact route of the forged letter to the Daily Mail will never be known, Bennett said, adding “in electoral terms, the impact of the Zinoviev letter on Labour was more psychological than measurable.”

Its route aside, the infamous letter paved the way for the Mail’s deplorable antics in the 1930s, another era of extreme political intervention by the newspaper.

Hurrah for the blackshirts

The Daily Mail was founded in 1896 by Harold Harmsworth, 1st Viscount Rothermere, and his brother Alfred. The Harmsworth family has a long history of supporting right-wing political parties, including the fascists in the 1930s.

In January 1934, the newspaper published what became one of its most infamous articles. Entitled ‘Hurrah for the Blackshirts’, the article celebrated Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. The piece was penned by Lord Rothermere. In it, he praised Mosley and the Blackshirts, seeing them as the correct party to “take over responsibility for [British] national affairs.”

Harold Harmsworth had met and admired both Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini and encouraged positive depictions of their regimes in the Mail and the Daily Mirror, of which he was a major shareholder.

A move to ‘distinguished discrimination’

The Mail may have changed its editorial line and moved away from explicitly supporting fascists and their regimes, but, as Global Justice Now notes in an op-ed about the Horrible history of the Daily Mail, the “racism and xenophobia remained a key part of their ‘journalism’ and has continued through to this day.”

During this summer’s far-right riots in Britain, the Mail was accused of hypocrisy for criticising Tommy Robinson, given the newspaper’s long history of sowing division and hatred. Images of past anti-migrant frontpages resurfaced online. Among them was an article from 2013, when the Daily Mail led with a story headlined “4,000 foreign criminals including murdered and rapists we can’t throw out… and, yes, you can blame human rights again.’ The article claimed that nearly 4,000 foreign murderers, rapists, and other criminals were roaming the streets, free to commit new crimes.



Another was from 2022, when the newspaper faced criticism from the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), which accused it of exacerbating hatred by attacking Conservative leadership hopeful Penny Mordaunt for meeting the MCB’s secretary general, Zara Mohammed. The MCB accused the paper of peddling negative stereotypes against Muslims.

Hasan Patel, a strategic communications expert and former journalist, criticised the Daily Mail’s “Summer of Discontent” frontpage. He argued that the paper has significantly contributed to the climate of hate that fuelled the recent riots. “You have the @DailyMailUK acting like the #FarRight #FarageRiots was due to the Labour government, yet they as a media under Dacre have a lot to answer for in the way they have whipped up hate,” Patel wrote on X.

In 2016, the Daily Mail, together with the Sun, were singled out in a report on “hate speech” and discrimination in the UK. The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) specifically criticised some UK media outlets, particularly tabloid newspapers, for “offensive, discriminatory and provocative terminology.”

Its report said hate speech was a serious problem, including against Roma, gypsies and travellers, as well as “unscrupulous press reporting” targeting the LGBT community.

The Mail’s long history of campaigning against the interests of the working people while claiming to be for them, also remains at play today. One example of this is how the paper’s current owner, Jonathan Harmsworth, 4th Viscount Rothermere, has the tax-avoiding ‘non-dom’ status and owns his media businesses through a complex structure of offshore holdings and trusts.

In 2015, the newspaper ran a smear campaign against Ed Miliband, in a bid to destroy his chances of becoming prime minister. Miliband had promised to remove non-domicile tax status. Little surprise there then.

The newspaper’s role as a propagandist for the Conservatives is even recognised abroad. In 2012, the New Yorker, wrote that the Daily Mail is more than just a newspaper, it is a “middlebrow juggernaut capable of slaying knights and swaying prime ministers.”

Representative of Britain’s deep sociopolitical divide

While its readership has declined from the two million copies sold in the 2000s, the Daily Mail still manages to sell approximately 800,000 copies per day . The MailOnline meanwhile attracts around 22 million unique browsers every month, making it the biggest and most engaged English-language newspaper website in the world.

It could be argued that opinions on the paper reflect the deep sociopolitical divide in Britain. For its devoted readers, it serves as a bastion of traditional British values, effectively voicing their concerns about issues such as the EU, immigration, and ‘benefit cheats.’

For its critics, the Daily Fail or the Daily Wail as it’s known, presents the worse curtain-twitching paranoia. ‘Pure xenophobia’ was how it was described in response to its outlandish outrage about England daring to appoint a foreign manager for the men’s football team

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Throughout its 128-year history, the Mail has established itself at the centre of Britain’s political landscape. But its reputation has been marred by a legacy of sensationalism and misinformation, with its most notorious episode occurring a century ago when it played a crucial role in undermining the Labour Party during a fiercely contested general election.

Today, many recognise the newspaper for what it truly represents, and its influence has waned compared to 1924. The relationship between any newspaper and its readership is complex, yet millions of ‘ordinary’ people still read it, doubtless finding that it shares and amplifies their concerns more effectively than other newspapers. Perhaps most alarming is the sway the Mail still holds over politicians. Many ministers find themselves asking, “What would the Mail say?” when contemplating any ‘liberal’ policy that might provoke backlash from the paper.

Former Labour MP David Blunkett summed the threat of media power well when writing about the budget in the Guardian this week, “[the Zinoviev letter] did enormous damage at the time, and is a reminder of just how fragile our democracy can be.”

Right-wing media watch – the budget under siege

I got a new laptop this week, and to my dismay, the default homepage was MSN, complete with a relentless promotion of right-wing articles.

All week, I’ve been bombarded with hysterical headlines about the autumn budget, with right-wing sources hogging the spotlight. It felt less like a news feed and more like a right-wing propaganda machine.

The Daily Mail took centre stage on the news carousel on the eve of the budget with the headline: “Backlash over budget plan to take national minimum wage past £12ph.”

The Express had a top spot too: “Labour slammed for ‘threatening British holidays’ with latest proposed stealth tax.” It’s quite the stretch to frame tax discussions as a holiday crisis, even for the Express

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But it was perhaps City AM that won the absurdity prize, declaring, “London jobs market hit hard due to ‘frenzy budget speculation.’” Ironically, their own sensationalism seemed to mirror the very panic they were criticising.

With such alarming headlines vying for users’ attention every time they log on, it’s no wonder that Keir Starmer’s approval rating has reportedly hit a “shocking record low,” as trumpeted by the Express.

I wasn’t alone in my contempt of the Tory media’s budget attacks. The Guardian’s Polly Toynbee highlighted some gems, like the Telegraph’s claim that “Starmer has put the final nail in the coffin for British aspiration,” and the Daily Mail’s assertion of a “class war” against “middle Britain.”

Toynbee aptly noted that this is the same right-wing press that misled the Tories into picking another ‘small state’ and with zero self-reflection on their party’s worst ever defeat, ignores the curious fact that a majority of Sun, Express, Mail, Telegraph and Times readers voted Labour rather than Tory.

And on the contentious issue of national insurance contributions, the chastising Tory press conveniently neglected to mention a YouGov poll showing that a small majority oppose such tax increases.

As I navigated this landscape of sensationalism, I couldn’t help but question whether the true concern lay in the budget itself or in the media circus that surrounded it.

Either way, I hastily changed my default news feed, it now features a healthier mix of left-wing sources, providing a welcome escape from the right-wing clangour. As for Reeves’ budget, regardless of its content, the Tory press would have portrayed it as if Britain were on the brink of an apocalyptic abyss.

Smear of the Week – Tory press in a tizzy as Reeves ditches Nigel Lawson

In a week filled with media scrutiny aimed at the chancellor, it was no surprise that Rachel Reeves made the headlines for replacing the portrait of Nigel Lawson in No. 11. Margaret Thatcher’s chancellor was taken down and Ellen Wilkinson, a notable Labour politician and one of the first women to serve as a Labour MP, took his place.



This media outrage bore familiarity to the earlier backlash Keir Starmer faced for removing a portrait of Thatcher herself from No. 10.

The Telegraph reacted strongly, with a headline labelling Wilkinson as one of the founding members of the Communist Party of Great Britain without referencing the fact that she resigned from the Party in 1924 because of its rejection of a parliamentary route to socialism.

The Daily Mail, which, as we know, has of history of linking Labour to Soviet sympathies, derisively dubbed Reeves “Red Rachel,” criticising her decision to replace “tax-cutting Tory Nigel Lawson” with an “image of ex-Communist education minister from 1940s.”

Wilkinson, who represented Middlesbrough East and later Jarrow, was a pioneering advocate for trade unionism, social justice, women’s rights, and educational reform. In her all too brief time as education minister in the post-war Labour government, (she died aged 55, her poor health aggravated by unremitting hard work) she raised the school leaving age to 15, established the Emergency Training Colleges to train more teachers, improved grants for further education, and introduced school meals and free milk.

She also contributed to the establishment of UNESCO, and was instrumental in organising the ‘Jarrow Crusade,’ a march from Jarrow to London in protest of the economic hardships faced by the North East community.

Despite these notable achievements, the Tory press jumped on the chance to undermine Reeves, by framing her choice as a nod to communism, as Wilkinson was briefly communist.

Surely, for Britain’s first female chancellor, the choice reflects her commitment to replacing all the portraits in No. 11 with pictures either of a woman or by a woman. Why on earth would Reeves want Nigel Lawson staring down at her, who was hung there by Rishi Sunak during his time at No. 11, especially as his famous tax cutting budget also triggered a sharp rise in inflation just as the Thatcher government seemed to have got it under control?

Perhaps the right-wing media could use a refresher on girl power. Why let a male tax-cutting Tory overshadow her vision for a more inclusive future? Which brings us to another point. As I write this, we don’t know who will win the Tory leadership contest, but even if Kemi Badenoch wins, it’s hard to see her promoting feminism. As the late Jill Tweedie, a respected feminist writer said about Margaret Thatcher, “She might be a woman, but she ain’t no sister.”



Gabrielle Pickard-Whitehead is author of Right-Wing Watch
IAQ; INDOOR AIR QUALITY

UK rates of school absence due to damp-related illnesses 80% higher than European average
3 November, 2024 
LEFT FOOT FORWARD


‘The government, Ofgem, the energy sector and industry bodies must work collaboratively to make energy more affordable for all.’



Over 4.4 million children in Britain are currently growing up in poverty, according to recent data from the Institute of Health Equity (IHE).

It is estimated that approximately 1.7 million school days are lost across Europe each year due to illnesses linked to dampness and mould. The rate of school absences among children in the UK is 80 percent higher than the European average.

The UK has the oldest and least efficient housing stock in Europe. Since 2013, installation rates of energy saving measures and insulation have plummeted by 90 percent, the IHE informs.

A separate report by Fuel Bank Foundation highlights the dire impact of cold, damp homes on children living in poverty, who often attend school feeling tired, hungry, and in dirty clothing. Such an environment condemns them to a cycle of poverty that’s difficult to escape.

The Fuel Bank Foundation is dedicated to providing emergency assistance to those unable to top up their prepayment energy meters. The charity contends that children’s lives are severely affected by fuel poverty. Many families lack the necessary energy for heating, cooking, lighting, or cleaning their homes.

According to their annual Fuel Crisis Report, entitled “Time for change. Time for a fairer Future,” nearly half (45 percent) of those supported by the foundation in the past year had children at home, with young families (aged 18-35) being the most vulnerable to fuel poverty.

15 percent of the young families surveyed reported running out of money to top up their meters on a daily basis, while 26 percent were already disconnected from their energy supply when they sought emergency fuel vouchers from the Foundation.

Matthew Cole, head of the Fuel Bank Foundation, said that we might think of fuel poverty as something that mainly affects the elderly, but it’s a “blight on the lives of people of all ages, from young children to pensioners.”

“Our latest research shows that by ignoring the issue of cold homes, we are preventing children from achieving their potential and consequently trapping them into lifelong poverty.

“Absenteeism from school is a big issue. As well as being off sick due to damp and mould related illnesses, children are refusing to go to school because they are being bullied, shunned or shamed because their clothes smell or they haven’t been able to have a bath or shower. Without good health or a good education, what chance have these children got of pulling themselves out of poverty when they grow up?”

The foundation says it welcomes the government’s decision to reduce the amount that can be taken from Universal Credit repayments to repay debt from 25 percent to 15 percent from April next year. But it says more need to be done to “address the root causes of fuel crisis and to provide the strategic and tactical mitigation that’s needed.”

“The government, Ofgem, the energy sector and industry bodies must work collaboratively to make energy more affordable for all, provide more financial support and better protection for people who prepay, especially those who use alternative fuels, and upgrade the UK’s housing stock so that everyone has a good quality home that is inexpensive to heat,” said the charity in a statement following the autumn budget.


Opinion

Labour should ensure every child has access to a high quality arts and cultural educatio
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Flora Dodd, Yesterday,  Left Foot Forward

Flora Dodd from the Fabian Society makes the case for rejuvenating arts education


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In his first speech as Prime Minister at Labour party conference, Keir Starmer outlined his government’s commitment to ensuring all people can access the arts. He argued ‘everyone deserves the chance to be touched by art. Everyone deserves access to moments that light up their lives’.

Whether it is music, dance, drama, art, design, or craft, arts education is valuable. Engaging in the arts in school can improve wellbeing and aid social mobility. Far from being ‘nice to have’ subjects, the arts are an essential part of a broad and balanced curriculum, and help increase attainment in other subjects. Studying the arts offers young people a wealth of skills which future employers seek such as collaboration, social skills, self-confidence, communication and adaptability. Importantly, young people enjoy the arts; they want to participate in them, and many consider creative careers. A good quality arts education is critical to Labour’s mission to break down the barriers to opportunity.

Despite the benefits of arts education, it has been eroded in state schools. The past fourteen years of Conservative governments have promoted policies that has reduced the amount of time children spend on the arts in school.

For example, the EBacc and Progress 8 – accountability measures introduced in 2010 and 2016 respectively – exclude the arts from the longlist of subjects which pupils are encouraged to take at GCSE level. Both are a performance measure for schools, rather than a qualification for pupils. They have resulted in the de-prioritisation of arts subjects, and a 47 per cent reduction in the number of arts entries at GCSE between 2009/10 and 2022/23.

There is also an arts workforce crisis in schools. Evidence suggests a majority of primary teachers lack confidence in teaching the arts effectively, largely because they are generalists and not specialists. The number of secondary school arts teachers (excluding dance) fell by 21 per cent between 2011/12 and 2022/23. Recruitment targets for both music and art and design have been consistently unmet.

On top of this, schools have faced real-term budget cuts, affecting the purchasing of supplies and equipment and the utilisation of external arts provision. For many children, trips to museums, galleries and heritage sites are an important part of the school experience. They boost children’s development, yet fewer children have been accessing school trips as teachers grapple with budget cuts.

Accountability measures, workforce crisis and budget cuts have created a stark inequality in provision. Unlike state schools, private schools invest substantially in arts and culture provision, promoting a broad curriculum that allows children to pursue their passions and strengths and to build their skills and confidence.

To address this inequality in access to good arts education and break down the barriers to opportunity, the Fabian Society’s Arts and Creative Industries Policy Unit published a range of recommendations in Arts for Us All: Putting culture and creativity at the heart of national renewal.

The pamphlet recommends that the arts should be fully embedded in a reformed national curriculum – and valued as an essential part of a broad and balanced education. Labour has committed to a curriculum review, which must restore regular, high-quality arts education for every pupil. At primary school, we propose that 10 per cent of the school week is devoted to teaching the arts.

Labour should implement their manifesto pledge to require the EBacc and Progress 8 accountability metrics to include a creative subject. Labour’s pledge to end one-word Ofsted judgements is also welcomed, but this should go further. New ‘report card’ assessments for school should include a specific arts section to measure the quality and accessibility of arts provision.

Greater engagement with local and national heritage should be encouraged through a museum loan box service. This would mean the government requires all publicly funded museums, galleries and other appropriate institutions to provide a school loan box scheme for primary schools. Funding could come from both the Department for Culture, Media and Sport and the Department for Education, with additional support from charitable foundations. Labour should also consider ‘twinning’ schools with local arts organisations, focusing on community connections, increased participation in the arts, and wider opportunities for children.

That the Prime Minister chose to speak passionately about the impact of the arts on his own childhood in his Labour Party conference speech suggests that tackling inequality in arts education is a government priority. Over the next five years, Labour must transform ambition into action and ensure that every child has access to a high quality arts and cultural education that breaks down barriers and enriches lives.

Flora Dodd is a Researcher in the Fabian Society’s Arts and Creative Industries Policy Unit and a co-author of Arts for Us All: Putting Culture and Creativity at the Heart of National Renewal.

Image credit: Keir Starmer – Creative Commons
UK
Former Labour MP Beth Winter quits party


Chris Jarvis Yesterday


"I cannot in all conscience remain in a political party that is pursuing an authoritarian political agenda whose primary objective is to retain the neoliberal status quo"



The former Labour MP Beth Winter has announced that she has left the Labour Party. Winter served as the MP for Cynon Valley from 2019 to 2024.

Winter said that the Labour Party no longer represents a ‘socialist vision’ and accused it of ‘pursuing an authoritarian political agenda’.

In a statement, she said: “It has been the greatest honour of my life to serve as the MP for my home, Cynon Valley, elected on the transformative Labour manifesto of 2019. As a proud socialist I have remained committed to that manifesto’s vision for a fairer, more equal, and greener society ‘for the many, not the few’.

“Sadly, the Labour Party no longer represents that socialist vision and I have, therefore, decided today to cease my membership.”

She continued: “Today’s Labour Party is unrecognisable. I cannot in all conscience remain in a political party that is pursuing an authoritarian political agenda whose primary objective is to retain the neoliberal status quo, serve corporate interests and protect the ruling class”.

When in parliament, Winter was a member of the Socialist Campaign Group – the left wing group of Labour MPs in the House of Commons. Following boundary changes in advance of the 2024 general election, she lost a local selection battle to be the parliamentary candidate for the newly formed Merthyr Tydfil and Aberdare constituency to Gerald Jones and subsequently left parliament.

Chris Jarvis is head of strategy and development at Left Foot Forward

 

A Little Help for the Non Voter

from Surviving Leviathan by Peter Gelderloos

Election seasons tend to be stressful times for anarchists, especially if we’re not going to vote. There are very few common features that all anarchists share, but one of them might be that we care. We care about injustice, we care about oppression, we care that the wealthy and powerful are destroying life on the planet and trampling underfoot anyone who gets in the way of accumulation. We don’t look the other way. Granted, there are anarchists who get burned by caring without learning patience, without putting down roots. They tend to fall into deep depression, cynicism, addiction, or some form of Leftism (usually as single-issue progressives or smug Stalinist trolls), but that’s another topic.Also, people become anarchists not through declaration, but through action, by putting beliefs into practice. So when a Get-Out-the-Voter who turns to a little politics once every four years accuses us of being apathetic or inactive, it feels insulting, because it is insulting.Other times, we’re getting the lecture from dedicated progressives who actually do the work, in their way. In those cases what we deal with is not insult but extreme frustration: the patterns we name show up in our history time and time again. Voting—even though it is a normal, legal thing to do in well over a hundred countries around the world and has been that way for decades, if not centuries—has never delivered us to the Promised Land. In fact, things are getting worse.And to head off the ignorant quip that many a centrist or progressive will think themselves original for devising: no, the fact that we don’t currently have whole functional societies without any State is not a valid comparison, for two very simple reasons.

  • While voting is encouraged and even rewarded, one of the few things the Right, Center, and Left can all agree on is that they will kill or imprison as many anarchists as they have to; they will evict, enslave, and genocide entire societies to make sure that there is no inhabited country in the world that is not ruled by a State.
  • The entire world used to be stateless. Over the last three thousand years, we have won dozens of revolutions to overthrow the State and recreate self-organizing societies. In those free territories, society didn’t collapse. Often, the State was only able to take back control through military conquest, and plenty of times they tried and got their asses handed to them by our anti-state forebears. Five hundred years ago, just before European powers accelerated an unprecedented campaign of mass genocide and mass enslavement on every single inhabited continent, probably one-third to one-half of the world’s population was stateless, most of them intentionally so – meaning they were aware of neighboring states or past states, and possibly resisted state encroachments and reproduced a culture that celebrated its reciprocal aspects as well as its history of revolution, warfare against, or flight from state authority. They knew their lives were better without the State. As for the half of the human population that were state subjects? Most of them were slaves or servants. So… you can drop your masks now, apologists for the State.

People who put their trust in the State build their sense of history on embarrassing beliefs regarding human nature, unexamined assumptions about the inevitability of progress, or by simply accepting that “history is the history of the State” and erasing everything else. Just like the modern State is built on a foundation of violent erasure. Anarchists, on the other hand, have actually done the work to try and understand how and why states form, how and why they don’t form, how and why they get overthrown, and how and why societies resist state formation. You can find just a few examples here and here and here and here. (Going back to 1896, then the early 20th century, then the mid 20th century, then the 21st century, that’s Kropotkin, Reclus, Clastres, and finally my own imperfect contribution.)When we feel insulted or frustrated, we’re more likely to say hyperbolic things like, It doesn’t make a difference, which doesn’t help things, because clearly there is a difference between the Democrats and the Republicans; between Labor and the Tories; the AfD, the CDU, the SPD, and the Greens; the PP and the Socialists; the Liberal Party and the Workers’ Party… But as soon as we say they’re all the same, they spring on us, happy to have an easy route to missing the point entirely.So, though I’m sure it’s too little and too late, here is a little polemic you can share with that friend, co-worker, or family member who you just don’t want to talk with about the election one. more. time.Copy and paste what follows into an email, or—if you really want them to know how you feel—send along the whole newsletter. Hell, there might be a few others you’ll want them to read.Surviving Leviathan with Peter Gelderloos is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.hoods, and planning for collective survival.

Why I’m Not Going to Vote

I’m not going to vote, because the difference between these parties is not enough to save life on this planet. Whether the Left, the Right, or the Center has been in the saddle, emissions have been rising, life-sustaining habitats and ecosystems are being destroyed, and false solutions get more free advertising. We are now crossing irreversible tipping points. Tens of millions of people are already dying every year because of this catastrophe. If we are not personally facing starvation, disease, and homelessness already because of so-called natural disasters, our children will, and it will get worse every generation after that. The forces that are causing this still have all the power and resources and what they are doing now will be felt most acutely fifty or a hundred or two hundred years from now. We need to dedicate all our imagination and all our energies to a deeply rooted social transformation, in order to urgently create a society of survival, a society of healing, and a society of mutual aid, rather than propping up the system responsible for this massive death and suffering. No single party is responsible. They all bear responsibility.

I’m not going to vote, because I refuse to support people or institutions that are complicit in genocide. Genocide is a red line for me. Both the Republicans and the Democrats are funding and arming the Israeli military, which in a year has killed over 100,000 people, destroyed the homes of two million people and forced a million more to flee their homes. Their military has been caught systematically carrying out torture, bombing hospitals, using children as human shields, summarily executing prisoners, again and again. I’m not the one who needs to justify not voting. You’re the one who needs to justify condoning this, or explain what you’re doing to offset the harm your chosen allies are causing.

I’m not going to vote, because the Democrats silenced any meaningful responses to police killings and police racism. As they lose support from Black and Muslim voters, rather than addressing the racism in our society they simply try to appeal to more suburban whites. In swing states, where Republican campaigns rest almost exclusively on race-baiting portrayals of immigrants and dehumanizing paranoia about trans people, directly encouraging more rightwing violence against these groups, the Democrats enable that violence by refusing to push back on the bigotry. Instead they claim they are also tough on immigration rather than building solidarity between people of any origin. They repeat Republican slurs like “trans biological men” or claim it was the Trump administration that was guilty of allowing healthcare for trans people in prison, rather than standing up for trans people and showing how false the rightwing sex panic is.

I’m not going to vote, because the Democrats systemically sabotage any progressive movement in this country, and if you don’t believe in revolution then some kind of ethical progress is the only vision you can offer for change. In 2016, Hillary Clinton got caught rigging the contest to clinch the party nomination and keep out the progressive wing, led at the time by Bernie Sanders, even though Sanders consistently polled as having a much better chance at beating Trump and other potential Republican nominees. Party elders and super delegates closed ranks around Clinton, who had her origins in the pro-segregation wing of the Party, because they were more afraid of the progressive politics of Sanders than the extreme bigotry and climate denialism of Trump. Likewise, during the Trump administration, rather than focusing on the reality of police racism or the frequent assassinations and mass killings carried out by white supremacist vigilantes, and again today with the ongoing genocide in Palestine, powerholders amongst the Democrats waste no opportunity to snipe or sabotage the new progressive wing that coalesced around Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

The last time in this country there was a truly progressive movement directly connected to either major party was during the FDR administration in the 1930s, and his brand of progressivism only arose as a strategy to co-opt and institutionalize the subversive organizing of the working class from Black sharecroppers to the multiracial and multiethnic workers in urban factories to the army of unemployed: it was to prevent an anticapitalist revolution. So even if your sincere goal is to create a progressive, pro-State movement, you’re contradicting yourself. Voting wouldn’t be the way to do it. Supporting revolutionary movements would.
Whether we are voting or not, we know that we keep us safe.

We know that the only way to guarantee access to abortions, hormones, and gender affirming care is to organize it ourselves, whether its legally or illegally.

We know that the only way to keep ourselves safe from white supremacists and transphobes, whether they’re wearing badges or hoods, is to arm ourselves, to train, to understand operational security, and to learn surveillance and countersurveillance.

We know that the most effective responses to so-called natural disasters come not from the government nor from humanitarian agencies but from our neighbors and from total strangers practicing mutual aid; that to become even more resilient for the next disaster, the best strategy isn’t some political party, it’s building up stashes of food, water, first aid, and tools, establishing relationships of solidarity globally and in our neighborhoods, and planning for collective survival.

 

Book review: No Harmless Power

From Freedom News by bob ness ~

This warts-and-all bio of Nestor Makhno is folksy and refreshing

I’m an old-fashioned guy, a romantic, even. In my heart of hearts what I really, really want to do is to ride down capitalism with cavalry and lop off its head with our sabres. We tried that already, but it didn’t work. When something doesn’t work, we try something else. We’re still trying.

Over the years, there has been a lot of talk among anarchists about why cavalry didn’t work against capitalism. Failure often illuminates more than success. The anarchists’ historic retreat across Ukraine in the summer of 1919 was a thing of grief and glory. Some things that happened there had effects that never went away. Consider tachankas. These highly mobile weapons transformed cavalry warfare. This played a dramatic role in the Russian Civil War. Their evolution forked. One fork evolved into the sound truck, which strikes fear in the hearts of riot cops. The other fork evolved into the technical, a (usually light) pickup truck with a heavy machine gun in the back. They cast Makhno’s shadow far and wide. There’s even a war named after them. They called it the “Toyota War”. Look it up.

Many reliable sources trace the invention of this vital piece of improvised military hardware to Makhno himself. This alone is enough to cement his name in the annals of military history. Then there was his renowned tactical prowess. But he was more than an inventor who knew how to fight. What anarchists like best about him were his politics. They are legendary.

We all know at least the legend of the Makhnovists. It’s anarchist canon. At least we think know it. Even less do we know what really happened. For decades it was a major effort to find a book about him or even a book he was mentioned in. What could be found ranged from slander to hagiography. What we really need is a warts-and-all bio that includes an account of the people around him. To that end I recommend No Harmless Power.

Allison really did his homework. He devotes a long chapter to very brief bios of anarchists that even I had never heard of but who all had Makhno-era links to Ukraine. Some were born in Ukraine and grew into anarchists there. Others came from as far as Japan, like ÅŒsugi Sakae. There is lots of fascinating trivia in this story. One anarchist cavalry commander had had both feet amputated in WWI. A cavalryman with no feet! Sometimes his battalion dismounted and fought as dragoons. His men wheeled him into battle in a wheelbarrow. That’s a story you don’t hear every day, not in the works of ableist historians anyway.

Then there’s the gossip. Makhno really did drink too much sometimes (it’s not what killed him though; that’s a lie). Ida Mett thought his partner Galina was a gold digger… stuff like that. Who slept with who last and who owes who money have plagued our praxis forever. Somehow, we manage to work around it.

Allison explains Makhno’s predilection for drag as having grown out of his school drama program. At first glance it does seem out of character. He was a pretty butch guy. Some of his feats smack of classical machismo. But he wasn’t afraid to be thought of as a harmless old woman sitting on a tree stump, munching on sunflower seeds within earshot of some enemy brass who were discussing strategy. To them, (s)he was as invisible as the stump (s)he sat on. That’s how disguises are supposed to work. That’s also how patriarchy works. Patriarchy is a scourge upon humanity, but on occasion it can be turned against its practitioners.

Makhno wore other disguises, too. Sometimes he would dress as an enemy soldier of one sort or another. He had many enemies, and they wore different uniforms, which made them easy to deceive. It was in a Cheka uniform that he escaped into exile. This had been the idea of his righthand man, Lev Zinkovsky, the head of the anarchist intelligence service. I would have liked this book more if Allison had devoted more time to this part in the struggle. After all, a war without spies never happens. Anywhere. Ever. Fortunately, we have “Kontrrazvedka: The Story of the Makhnovist Intelligence Service”, by V. Azarov to flesh out this part of our story.

There could have been a chapter devoted to another fascinating character, Maria Nikiforova. She played a much bigger role in the story of the Makhnovshchina than Sakae, which is not to denigrate Sakae in any way. Sakae was a shining example of anarchists in action, but he managed to get deported before he could even meet Makhno. Nikiforova, on the other hand, fought in the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine (on horseback with a sabre, and with a squadron of cavalry at her back and under her command). Fortunately, we have “Atamansha: The Story of Maria Nikiforova, the Anarchist Joan of Arc”, by Malcolm Archibald to fill us in.

When Allison gets to the Platform, he goes deep into the machinations and personal interactions involved in the debate surrounding this document, but on the Platform itself he’s pretty neutral, at least in print. That’s wrong of him. The Platform was a colossal mistake; its adoption would have been an even bigger one. It needs to be condemned in no uncertain terms, and this needs repeating, even today. Emma Goldman herself spoke out against Platformism. Bolshevism without Bolsheviks?! Preposterous. They’d just become Bolsheviks, and we’d be back to square one. Besides, all states excel at decapitating frontal attacks. Only a decentralised movement is immune. It has no capit to decate. Why give it one?

Despite these flaws, No Harmless Power is an excellent book. Its folksy style provides a refreshing counterpoint, for example, to Skirda’s more pedantic “Anarchy’s Cossack”, which is also an excellent book.

Allison’s judicious use of snark and vernacular does much to make it accessible to modern sensibilities. It gives us moderns a look inside the anarchist movement as it used to be and to a certain extent still is today. It’s more about the people than it is about the ideology. Anarchism itself should be more about the people than the ideology. All anarchists would do well to read this book. We’d all do well to read all of anarchist history. Without history the wisdom of our ancestors eludes us. So does their folly. We need for that not to happen. So read history. Start today.

No Harmless Power: The Life and Times of the Ukrainian Anarchist Nestor Makhno, by Charlie Allison; Illustrated by Kevin Matthews and N.O. Bonzo. PM Press, 2023. 256 pages

 

Malcolm Archibald: 50 years of Black Cat PresS  

EDMONTON, ALBERTA


The brick facade of Black Cat Press beneath a blue sky

From Freedom News by Sean Patterson

In this interview, the founder of Edmonton’s anarchist publishing house looks back on its legacy

For the past five decades, Black Cat Press (BCP) in Edmonton, Canada, has served as a local hub for the city’s radical community and as an important publisher of anarchist material. Over the years, BCP has produced many notable titles, including the first English translations of the collected works of the Ukrainian anarchist Nestor Makhno in five volumes. Other stand-out works from BCP include The Dossier of Subject No. 1218, the translated memoirs of Bulgarian anarchist Alexander Nakov; Lazar Lipotkin’s The Russian Anarchist Movement in North America, a previously unpublished manuscript held at Amsterdam’s International Institute of Social History; and Kronstadt Diary, a selection of Alexander Berkman’s original diary entries from 1921.

Amongst reprints of classic works by the likes of Kropotkin, Bakunin, and William Morris, BCP has also highlighted the work of anarchist researchers from around the globe, including Alexey Ivanov’s Kropotkin and Canada, Vadim Damier’s Anarcho-Syndicalism in the 20th Century, Ronald Tabor’s The Tyranny of Theory, and Archibald’s own work Atamansha: The Story of Maria Nikiforova, the Anarchist Joan of Arc.  

Sadly, Black Cat Press closed its doors in 2022, an economic victim of the Covid pandemic. Any future hopes to revive the press were subsequently shattered in the wake of a second tragedy. On June 26, 2024, an early morning house fire started by arsonists destroyed BCP’s remaining equipment and inventory. The loss of BCP is painful not only locally for Edmonton but nationally as one of Canada’s few anarchist publishers. Sharing BCP’s five-decade-long story will hopefully inspire others to follow in the steps of BCP’s legacy and the broader tradition of small anarchist publishing houses.

This month, BCP founder Malcolm Archibald sat down with Freedom News to reflect on a lifetime of publishing and his personal journey through anarchism over the years.

You have been involved with the anarchist community for many years. Can you tell us a little about your background and how you first became interested in anarchism?

Growing up in Halifax, Nova Scotia, during the Cold War, I certainly had no exposure to anarchism. Nor did my family have any predilection for left-wing politics. The only book on socialism in the public library was G. D. H. Cole’s History of Socialist Thought, which I devoured. In 1958, at age 15, I attended a provincial convention of the CCF (Cooperative Commonwealth Federation) as a youth delegate. The CCF in Nova Scotia was a proletarian party with a strong base in the coal mining districts. After that, I was hooked on left-wing politics.

I became interested in anarchism by reading books about the Spanish Civil War. The first real anarchist I met was Murray Bookchin at a conference in Ann Arbor in 1969. Bookchin understood that many student radicals were anarchists in practice, even if they called themselves Marxists, so he emphasised the libertarian elements of Marx in his propaganda.

What anarchist organisations/groups have you been involved with over the years?

As a graduate student at the University of Illinois in Champaign-Urbana, I was on the staff of underground newspapers, including an anarchist tabloid, The Walrus. Later, I helped start an anarchist magazine in Edmonton called News from Nowhere (printed by Black Cat Press). In Edmonton in the 1970s we had a branch of the Social-Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (SRAF), but most anarchist activity was centred around the IWW, Black Cat Press, and Erewhon Books. Anarchists were also involved in the newspapers Poundmaker (circulation 19,000!) and Prairie Star. In 1979, the North American Anarchist Communist Federation (NAACF, later simplified to ACF) started up, and I was active in two of their branches for a number of years but was unable to get much traction for the organisation in Edmonton.

When did you start Black Cat Press, and how did it evolve over time? What are some key moments in its history you’d like to share with our readers?

Black Cat Press started when I purchased an offset press and copy camera in 1972. The previous owner had tried to earn a living with this equipment and ended up in a mental institution, which was not auspicious. BCP became a “printer to the movement” in Edmonton, used by almost all the left groups and causes. In 1979 BCP became the unofficial printer of the ACF and printed a number of pamphlets for that organisation.

From 1989 to 2001, BCP shared space with the Boyle McCauley News, the monthly newspaper of Edmonton’s inner city, with an all-volunteer staff. The newspaper generally tried to print positive news about the community, but an exception was the issue of juvenile prostitution, a terrible blight until we started printing stories about it and the authorities finally took action.

In 1994, the government printing plant where I worked was shut down, and BCP began to operate full-time with three partners who had been laid off at the same time. Our customer base included social agencies close to our shop in Edmonton’s inner city plus various unions. In 2003, I purchased a perfect binding machine and was able to start printing books. Our first book was Kropotkin’s Anarchist Morality, a perennial favourite. Eventually, about 30 titles were printed, which were distributed by AK Press, independent bookstores, and literature tables at anarchist book fairs.

How did you come to translate Russian-language radical and anarchist texts?

I studied Russian at university and later took night courses in German, French, Ukrainian, and Polish. I first became aware of Nestor Makhno in the 1960s from a book by the British historian David Footman. Ending up in Edmonton, it turned out that the University of Alberta Library held four books by Nestor Makhno, bibliographical rarities.

I’m constantly amazed at the richness of the anarchist tradition in the Russian Empire and the USSR. For many years, The Russian Anarchists by Paul Avrich was the only survey work on the subject, but recently, two histories have appeared in Russia and one in Ukraine. It is a measure of the depth of the movement that these histories are practically independent of one another and pay hardly any attention to Avrich.

My first works of translation from Russian were physics articles, which don’t give much scope for originality. In translating historical texts, most of the effort goes not into the actual translation, but research on the names of places, persons, etc. and preparing annotations. I try to provide the reader with maps, graphics, and indexes, which make it easier to understand the text.

Although I generally do not work with literary texts, I did translate some poems by Nestor Makhno. He wrote a poem called “The Summons” while in prison in 1912. A search of his cell in 1914 discovered this poem, for which he was given one week in a punishment cell. While in this cell, he composed another poem, which he wrote down as soon as he was allowed back to his regular cell. But another search discovered the second poem (more bloodthirsty than the first one), and he ended up in the punishment cell again. So, it wasn’t easy being an anarchist poet!

Some of your major contributions to anarchist studies are the translations of Russian and Ukrainian primary sources. In particular, you translated and published the first English edition of Nestor Makhno’s three-volume memoirs. Can you describe this translation project?

The University of Alberta library holds copies of Makhno’s memoirs, including both the French and Russian versions of the first volume. I started translating these memoirs as early as 1979 when BCP published a pamphlet entitled My Visit to the Kremlin, a translation of two chapters in the second volume. This pamphlet was eventually published in many other languages.

Most of the work involved in preparing translations of Makhno’s works went into research about the people and places he mentions. An effort was made to provide enough material in the form of notes and maps to make the narrative intelligible to the reader.

Black Cat Press recently closed its doors after fifty years in business. The economic environment for publishing is increasingly difficult in general, and especially so for small anarchist presses. What are your thoughts on the current prospects for anarchist publishing, and what changes might have to be made to maintain its long-term viability?

Most anarchist publishers have to order a substantial press run up front and then hope to sell the books over a (hopefully) not-too-long period. BCP was ahead of its time in using a print-on-demand model where inventories were kept low so that capital wouldn’t be tied up in stock that wasn’t moving. The publishing arm of BCP was not much affected by the pandemic; rather, it was the job printing that suffered, forcing the business to close.

How have you seen anarchism (particularly in Canada) change over the decades? Canada has rarely seen an organized anarchist movement in the same way as some groups in Europe or the United States. Why do you think this is so, and do you see any hope for an organized Canadian movement in the future?

When I became active in the anarchist movement in Canada in the 1970s, the anarchists were all poverty-stricken, trying to survive in minimum-wage jobs. The next generation was much better off and had a lot of money to throw around. Now, the current generation is back to being dirt poor again, lacking the resources to make an impact. But I think the prospects for the future are good because (a) the old left (communists, Trotskyists, i.e., the alphabet soup brigade) are intellectually and morally bankrupt, and (b) the New Democratic Party (in Alberta, at least) is environmentally irresponsible. This leaves a lot of room on the left for anarchists to stake out their territory and attract young people into the movement.

Malcolm Archibald at the Edmonton Anarchist Bookfair, 2013.

Thanks to Kandis Friesen for sharing previously collected interview material.