SMOKERS’ CORNER: THE NEW MANICHAEANS

Nadeem F. Paracha

Published November 10, 2024

DAWN

Illustration by Abro

Just days before this year’s US presidential election, when I was wrapping up my interviews with a cross-section of voters in some US states for a research project, I was approached by an old white man in Denver, Colorado. The man asked me who I was voting for. I told him I’m not a US citizen so can’t vote. But even before I could complete my sentence, he asked, “Are you voting for Trump?”

He then declared, “Kamala Harris is evil…she is an evil, evil person.”

“Yes,” I replied. “And Trump is an angel.” And that was it. Unable or unwilling to notice the obvious sarcasm in my reply, the gentleman seemed satisfied with my reply and moved on. I had come face-to-face with an example of how ‘Manichaeism’ shapes modern populist politics.

Manichaeism was an ancient religion in Persia. It believed that the universe was dominated by two forces (good and evil) — one represented by light and the other by darkness.



Manichaean dualism, an ancient belief in the eternal struggle between good and evil, shapes many modern populist narratives. This ‘us-versus-them’ mindset, popular in the US and global right-wing politics, fuels dangerous worldviews that can justify violence

Today, the term ‘Manichean’ is used as a disparaging term to describe someone who disregards shades of grey or who adopts a strong ‘us-versus-them’ mindset. According to the American Professor of Ethics William F May, Manichaeism reduces distinctions to a ‘cosmic struggle’ between two rival powers: good and evil. A form of Manichaeism has been particularly strong in American politics, especially among right-wing groups.

Since Manichaeism was a religion, its modern political manifestation retains much of its original metaphysical essence. For example, when politicians posit an ‘us-versus-them’ position, it is not only about formulating ethnic, racial or nationalistic binaries. Added to a valorised race/ethnicity/nation is also a ‘divinely-ordained’ purpose.

So, a valorised people, though striving to achieve political power, come to see themselves a ‘chosen people’, selected by God to fulfil His purpose. Among right-wing political groups in the US in the early 20th century, this ‘purpose’ was to sustain racial segregation to protect the country’s white races, because they were the ‘chosen people.’

Later, the same chosen people were to fight against ‘international communist conspiracies.’ Communism was explained as an ‘evil.’ For right-wing groups, America’s war against communism (during the Cold War) was a war between good and evil. The former US president Ronald Reagan (1981-88) described the erstwhile Soviet Union as an “evil empire.”

Manichaean rhetoric was also present during the rise of Nazism in Germany. The Nazis enthusiastically indulged in pseudo-history and exotic theology to add to their claims of racial superiority a metaphysical dimension. The rise of Nazi Germany was viewed by the Nazis as an outcome of a battle that they were fighting against shadowy evil powers who were out to corrupt and destroy pure Germanic races, through lowly non-white races and wicked ideologies such as liberalism and communism.

Manichaean rhetoric and mindset make secular ideas seem theological/cosmological in nature. The valorised ideas/people in this context become chosen by God and opposing ideas/people are demonised as evil or driven by satanic forces or by Satan himself. Therefore, to a lot of Trump supporters, Harris is evil.

But Manichaeism is present in modern political-theocratic doctrines as well. It is very much present in Christian nationalism, which Trump constantly evokes. It is present in the Hindutva ideology valorised by India’s right-wing ruling party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). It also plays a pivotal role in the rhetoric of Iran’s theocratic regime, especially when addressing the country’s archenemy, the US. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, the US has been referred to by the theocracy as ‘the Great Satan’ (Sheytan-i-Buzurg).

In the 1970s, Islamist parties in Pakistan often portrayed the former Pakistani prime minister Z.A. Bhutto and his government as evil because, apparently, he and his ministers were serving Satan by always being drunk and holding wild sexual orgies (‘key parties’).

Such diabolical accusations, often published in right-wing tabloids, became so common that Bhutto once decided to respond to them by announcing to a crowd: “Yes, I drink, but I don’t drink the blood of the people!” Here he was referring to the Islamists who, according to him, were ‘agents’ of rich ‘bloodsucking’ industrialists.

Not all binary thinking in politics is Manichaean, though. Binary thinking in this regard becomes Manichaean only when the ‘us’ begins to describe itself as special people chosen by God to do His work in a wretched world.

This outtake of Manichaeism is present when most populists describe the other side as evil and/or satanic. Pakistani politician Imran Khan and his fans lambasting their opponents as ‘corrupt’ is a classic populist ploy, but it’s not Manichaean as such. However, it does become this when some of his supporters begin to view Khan as an incorruptible messiah, having characteristics of some of Islam’s ancient luminaries.




Binary thinking can stall nuanced political debates. But it becomes far more dangerous when it is used to construct narratives that lead to serious violence. For instance, in the last two decades, Christian nationalists in the West and Islamist militants took Manichaean thinking to an extreme, in a bid to justify terror attacks.

Far-right militants in the West and Islamist terrorists are often swayed by narratives that are largely influenced by Manichaeism — especially by its ‘dualist cosmology’, based on the idea of a primordial conflict between light and darkness, good and evil. Class, ethnicity, nationality or material economic conditions eventually dissolve in this cosmic conflict. But race and faith don’t. The militants in this context explain the conflict as one that has been going on for centuries outside the material realm, and within a spiritual one that the sacred texts supposedly speak of.

In a 2018 essay, the psychologist Karl Umbrasas wrote that terror outfits that kill indiscriminately can be categorised as Manichaeans. According to Umbrasas, such groups operate like “apocalyptic cults” and are not held back by socio-political and moral restraints. They are thus completely unrepentant about targeting even children. To them, the children are also part of the larger problem that they are going to resolve through a ‘cosmic war.’

The moral codes of such terror groups transcend those of the modern world. So, for example, when an Islamist or far-right terrorist kills innocent men, women and children, it is likely they see the victims as part of the ‘evil’ in the cosmic war that they imagine themselves to be fighting. In fact, one can thus suggest that the current government of Israel is also very much Manichaean.

Published in Dawn, EOS, November 10th, 2024

PAKISTAN

Dream of political stability

In their efforts to maintain ‘political stability’, the rulers have bypassed parliamentary integrity.

Muhammad Amir Rana

Published November 10, 2024 

 DAWN

IT is often believed that engineering political stability is the solution to a nation’s economic and security challenges. The idea of this so-called stability is used to justify the suppression of dissent, stifling of political opposition, and the disregard for democratic principles and transparency in societies. Recent developments in Pakistan seem to prove this observation correct.

The ruling elite has a firm grip on power, and has successfully bypassed parliamentary integrity in its attempt to maintain ‘political stability’. The media often portrays serene images and photos and footage of cultural events in major cities, suggesting that all is well. Yet, sceptics argue that addressing the basis of Pakistan’s political turmoil is necessary for this manufactured calm to find its way to true stability.

Pakistan’s rulers have long lived under the delusion that they can consolidate their grip on power by manipulating parliament and the judiciary; in the process, they often sideline the consent and representation of political parties and rights movements. Such movements and parties are seen as peripheral because they seek certain rights and privileges in exchange for taking part in legislative business. The Balochistan National Party (BNP) of Sardar Akhtar Mengal and the National Party of Dr Abdul Malik are examples of this.

However, the rulers only consider the demands of such parties if their support is crucial for passing laws. The means employed to secure BNP’s votes for the passage of the 26th Constitutional Amendment is one recent example.

Since independence, power politics in Pakistan have always revolved around personalities. This has led to the entrenchment of dynastic politics, which not only weakens political and democratic institutions but is also heavily responsible for failures of governance. These dynasties resist the establishment only when excluded from power; mostly, though, they are not averse to collaborating with each other and sharing power. In this arrangement, the establishment’s influence has grown. Political dynasties remain content as long as their political and business interests are secured.

There is an undeniable nexus between power politics and the economy; power-sharing directly influences economic reforms in all sectors — ranging from agriculture and industry to services. Meanwhile, the challenges faced by marginalised groups and rights movements are linked to internal security, which is often overlooked by the ruling classes. The latter’s illusion of having secured political stability will remain an illusion until voices from the peripheries are accommodated.

Describing these movements and dissenting voices as having been tainted by foreign influence or being traitorous has not addressed the core issues; instead, actions by security institutions driven by such perceptions have compounded the challenges. The economy, particularly in terms of foreign investment, is still very fragile, and can be further affected by deterioration of the security situation.

Political instability in Balochistan and KP’s merged districts has triggered discontent, providing insurgents and terrorists the space to exploit local grievances. Data from the Pak Institute for Peace Studies on recent terrorist activities in the country highlights the concerning expansion of militant influence, especially in KP and Balochistan. In October alone, 100 lives were lost in 48 terrorist attacks — 35 in KP, and nine in Balochistan, and more minor incidents in Sindh and Punjab. These regions have become focal points for militant operations, and reflect a dangerous strategy by these militant groups to destabilise areas where operational freedom may be greater due to geographical or sociopolitical factors. Though less frequent, incidents in Punjab and Sindh signal efforts to expand influence beyond traditional strongholds.

The BLA’s recent vehicle-borne suicide attack targeting Chinese nationals in Karachi exemplifies this tactic, indicating an attempt to disrupt crucial economic partnerships. Similarly, militants from the TTP are reportedly pushing into Balochistan’s Pakhtun belt and parts of Punjab, including districts bordering KP such as Mianwali. This suggests a calculated plan to broaden their reach.

As militants attempt to regroup and to increase their violent tactics in KP, local communities have become very vocal about their fears. Protests have persisted for months since the Taliban’s resurgence in Swat and the surrounding areas. Residents, often supported by social and political groups, have organised rallies, gatherings, and jirgas to express their concern at the re-emergence of militant groups and the rising arc of violence in their areas. They have also been vocal about their distrust of the government and security forces, and have criticised their inability to ensure durable security. This growing disillusionment underscores the urgent need to adopt a more comprehensive approach to counter violence and public grievances.

The PTM’s jirga last month highlighted the growing frustration of marginalised communities with contentious state policies on counterterrorism, resource distribution, and political rights. Similarly, the presence of the Baloch Yakjehti Council is an indicator of the growing concern in Balochistan with the ruling elites’ management of provincial affairs.

Our ruling circles must broaden their political perspective to genuinely include peripheral political and rights movements, including those from Balochistan, KP, and Sindh, in the national discourse.

Many of the rights movements have appeared willing to negotiate and work within the existing political framework if respectfully approached by a government that has genuine intentions. A serious, inclusive dialogue could pave the way for meaningful reforms and reduce discontent. The ruling elite’s commitment to such an approach would signal a shift from superficial gestures to a more sustainable, participatory model of governance.

Given our rulers’ assertion that Pakistan is now on the path of stability and economic growth, there should be no hesitation on the government’s part to engage dissenting voices from Balochistan and KP. Sadly, our history is witness to the fact that whenever Pakistan appears to stabilise, the arrogance of the power elites tends to rise. This pushes the country back onto a slippery slope. The post-9/11 economic growth, for example, eventually dissipated due to Gen Musharraf’s misadventures in Balochistan and the creation of a judicial crisis. Power circles must rethink their approach.

The writer is a security analyst.

Published in Dawn, November 10th, 2024

Quetta bombing

DAWN
Editorial 

Published November 10, 2024 

THERE appears to be no end to the stream of violent incidents occurring in Balochistan, indicating a clear failure by the state to provide security to this troubled region. Saturday morning’s suicide bombing targeting Quetta railway station is the second major terrorist attack in the province within a span of 10 days.

On Nov 1, terrorists struck Mastung, causing the death of several children, among other victims. According to media reports, security personnel were the main targets of the latest tragedy, though there were also a significant number of civilian victims.

At least 26 people were martyred in the brutal act, which has been claimed by the banned Balochistan Liberation Army. Bombing a public transport hub is a clear act of terrorism, and by employing such deplorable tactics, separatist groups have shown themselves to be just as vicious as other violent non-state actors.

At this time, Balochistan faces threats from violent separatists, as well as religiously inspired outfits. Over the past few months, there have been several high-profile terrorist attacks, but the administration has yet to come up with a solid counterterrorism approach. Apart from Saturday’s bombing and the Mastung atrocity, 21 miners were massacred in Dukki last month. The provincial CTD believes the BLA was involved in the Dukki attack.

Meanwhile, in August, several apparently coordinated attacks rocked the province. There have also been numerous grisly murders targeting labourers, including two separate incidents in Panjgur in September and October. In many of these attacks, workers from Punjab have been murdered by terrorists.

According to the Pips think tank, there were nine terrorist attacks in Balochistan last month — the second highest tally nationally after KP — which resulted in 30 deaths. The organisation says that the banned TTP is also trying to find a foothold in the province’s Pakhtun areas.

The people of Balochistan are caught between various strands of militants who are growing increasingly bloodthirsty, and the heavy-handed response of the state, which often hauls away innocent people in the name of fighting terrorism. They deserve better; mainly, a state CT policy that respects human rights and also succeeds in neutralising the militant threat to the public and security personnel.

Lasting peace can only come to Balochistan through short-term law-enforcement operations and long-term strategies that can address the poor socioeconomic situation in the province that fuels separatist sentiment. Moreover, the province’s popular leaders must be allowed, through an unhindered democratic process, to formulate and execute public policy. The immediate need is to counter the various violent actors causing insecurity. And if foreign elements are involved in fuelling unrest, they must be identified and confronted. The people of Balochistan need to be protected from terrorist groups, and the growing tide of militancy must be checked.

Published in Dawn, November 10th, 2024

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for BALOCHISTAN

PAKISTAN

An unwanted fifth season; SMOG

Umair Javed 

Published November 11, 2024

PUNJAB’S unwanted fifth season — smog — is currently in full bloom. Air quality in cities like Lahore, poor throughout the year, is at its toxic worst between October and January, with AQI readings well above 500 on most days.

The government’s response so far hinges on school closures and the enforcement of location-specific lockdowns. While keeping vulnerable groups, like children, away from public spaces filled with poisonous air is understandable, it is unlikely that air quality will be much cleaner at home.

Protest and despair at poor air quality is now a standard ritual during these months. Since at least 2015, when the onset of smog became sharply apparent in October, environmentalists and other experts have deliberated on what can be done to solve the issue. The answers are wide-ranging, and the absence of government ownership of the problem in the first few years didn’t help.






Almost a decade on, we can claim some clarity on the proximate causes of the air quality crisis. We know, thanks to source apportionment studies, that transport and industrial emissions are a major source of the problem, when averaged out through the year.

On account of further work, by Cambridge- and Oxford-based scientists Abdullah Bajwa and Hassan Sheikh, we know that vehicle fleet age, two-stroke engines in motorcycles and rickshaws, along with fuel quality are significant features of the problem.


Air quality is an issue that cannot be privatised beyond the mere use of air purifiers in private spaces.

We also know that crop burning in East Punjab contributes to the spike in smog levels during these current months, partly because of wind direction and the inversion of temperature that keeps particulate matter suspended in the air for longer.

Knowing all what we know now, the set of solutions available to us is also fairly clear. Changes in fuel quality, enforcement of fitness standards to phase out polluting vehicles, stricter regulations on industrial emissions, and the development of mass transit solutions to reduce the number of private vehicles on the road are all steps adopted by cities that grappled with air quality issues during the 20th century. In the present context, we have the additional option of ensuring public transport doesn’t add to the problem, mainly by inducting New Energy Vehicles.






Similarly, given that emissions do not respect the Radcliffe line, fenced or otherwise, cross-border collaboration between the two Punjabs is a categorical necessity. Domestic standards and interventions mentioned earlier will clear up the air, through the year on average, but spikes during October-November require the two countries to cooperate more closely and forge a collective solution.

Like with many other public policy issues in Pakistan, offering a set of solutions is not necessarily the problem. In fact, many of these interventions have been identified by the government itself, including through its own source apportionment studies carried out in the last few years. The challenge for us is one of state capacity and fiscal resources. It is precisely this challenge that makes one far more pessimistic about the short- and medium-term prospects for cleaner air.

State capacity is the ability of public sector institutions to implement whatever rules, regulations, objectives it sets out to achieve. As sociologist Michael Mann put it, this ability itself is of two types of power — despotic, which usually relies on punitive and coercive capacity; and infrastructural, which relies on cooperation, coordination, and behavioural shifts.






The weakness of infrastructural power among Pakistani public sector organisations is fairly clear. Rules and regulations, when they do exist, are subverted by powerful societal actors, or undermined by state officials themselves. When the state attempts to deliver services itself, it runs into significant resource constraints, or falls prey to various forms of inefficiencies.

These weaknesses are both a cause and a consequence of increased privatisation in every domain. People who can afford to opt out of state delivery in domains such as housing, water, health, education, even energy, have done so. The market caters to all such needs, as long as people can pay. With the rich and powerful no longer reliant on the state, there is even less pressure on officials to cater to the needs of those who have no other option.

Air quality, however, is an issue that cannot be privatised beyond the mere use of air purifiers in private spaces. Given the rate at which the AQI index is climbing, even purifiers won’t be able to solve the issue. Sure, the rich will have access to better healthcare and the luxury of not going out unless absolutely necessary, but that doesn’t offer the same type of insulation that an off-grid solar system or generator does against a failing public sector electricity grid.

There is no option, then, but to address the crisis. All the steps mentioned above require not only great fiscal outlay, but also the state to perform at a level of ability and capacity that it has seldom demonstrated in recent years. Will government departments tasked with monitoring vehicle fitness levels step up and increase monitoring?






Will local administrators who carry the responsibility of shutting down polluting industrial units be given the resources and protection to take on powerful interests? Will narrow national security considerations be set aside, and meaningful cross-border collaboration initiated?

Such steps can only take place once there is a level of clarity within the government about the smog issue being a public health crisis bigger than any encountered in the past. And that it requires explicit and dedicated attention over a long period of time to solve. Praying for a change in weather is not a sound strategy; similarly hoping that people forget about it or get used to it won’t save anyone’s lungs. The capacity required to tackle the problem needs to be built by the state, and the time to do it is right now.

The writer teaches sociology at Lums.

X: @umairjav

Published in Dawn, November 11th, 2024

Time to deliver

Editorial 

Published November 11, 2024
DAWN

COUNTRIES, big and small, are gathering today in Baku, Azerbaijan, for COP29.

Pakistan’s participation in the climate summit will centre on three daily events at its pavilion, focusing on climate justice, energy transition, and gender-responsive climate policies. We will showcase our commitment to climate adaptation and sustainability with national initiatives such as the Living Indus project and Recharge Pakistan. However, the real challenge lies in securing meaningful financial support for these programmes.

Never has it been more urgent to take climate action. While developed nations are trumpeting a rise in international public adaptation financing from $22bn in 2021 to $28bn in 2022, the truth is it is a meagre increase. For Pakistan alone, the World Bank estimates a need of $348bn by 2030 for climate resilience. Add to this the current pledges to the Loss and Damage Fund, which stands at a mere $770m, and it is clear that global financial commitments are grossly inadequate.

Senator Sherry Rehman’s call for ‘Internationally Determined Contributions’ from developed nations in aid of climate-vulnerable countries deserves serious consideration at COP29. The fact is that countries like Pakistan, which hardly contribute to global emissions, bear disproportionate climate impacts. The devastating floods of 2022, causing $30bn in damage, and this year’s severe cross-border smog in Punjab show our vulnerability to sudden disasters and chronic pollution.

This year’s discussions will focus on creating a new climate finance goal that surpasses the previous $100bn annual commitment set by the Paris Agreement. Developing nations are advocating for climate finance to be provided with major concessions or as grants, instead of the typical loans, to alleviate their growing debt burdens. Azerbaijan’s proposed $1bn Climate Finance Action Fund, funded by fossil fuel producers, aims to support disaster response and community initiatives, offering a fresh approach to financing.

Pakistan’s government seems to be concerned about our participation at the summit. The parliamentary committee on climate change has stressed transparency and measurable outcomes. In the long run, success will require more than just government action. The private sector must be engaged and provincial climate initiatives strengthened.

The Global Climate Finance Framework, already signed by 15 nations, offers Pakistan an opportunity to strengthen its position in climate negotiations. Pakistan must leverage its moral authority as a climate-vulnerable nation while displaying a serious commitment to adaptation and mitigation at home.

Published in Dawn, November 11th, 2024

South Africans protest against Israeli attacks on Gaza, Lebanon

November 10, 2024

Protesters with Palestinian and Lebanese flags gather at Embassy of Israel in a show of solidarity demanding a ceasefire in Gaza and Lebanon, where Israeli attacks continue in Pretoria, the capital of South Africa on November 09, 2024. [Ihsaan Haffejee – Anadolu Agency]

South Africans on Saturday held a protest outside the Israeli Embassy in the capital Pretoria to condemn Tel Aviv’s continued attacks on Gaza and Lebanon, Anadolu Agency reports.

Waving Palestinian and Lebanese flags, protesters carried placards demanding justice, peace, and the call for an end to Israel’s attacks in the Middle East.

“Boycott apartheid Israel,” “Freedom for Palestine,” “Your silence will be studied by your grandkids,’’ read some of the posters.

Massarah Rejeb, who organized the protest, told Anadolu that they went to the Israeli mission to request and demand an immediate and irrevocable ceasefire in Palestine and Lebanon.

About 300 people, including members of trade unions, Lebanese people born in South Africa, and Palestinians, joined the demonstration.

“We came to the Israeli embassy to protest the ongoing genocide in Palestine that is now spilling over into Lebanon and threatening a regional-wide carnage,” Mametlwe Sebei, the head of the General Industries Workers Union of South Africa, told Anadolu.

Sebei said they gathered to express their solidarity with the people of Lebanon and their resistance, as South Africans have with the Palestinians.

He said it was vital to send a message that South Africans will continue holding the line, intensifying their solidarity with the heroic people of Lebanon, Palestine, and the Middle East, who continue to resist “Zionist colonialism.”

The protesters’ demands included the call to the South African government, which has filed a genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, to close the Israeli embassy in Pretoria as a firm stance against its ongoing aggression in Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon.

They also requested South Africa to stop all trade relations with Israel, particularly in coal.

Israel has continued its offensive on the Gaza Strip since a Hamas attack last year, killing more than 43,600 people, mostly women and children.

The conflict has spread to Lebanon, with Israel continuing deadly strikes across the country since late September, an escalation from a year of cross-border warfare between Israel and Hezbollah since the start of the Gaza war.

Israeli settlers attack Palestinian homes, olive farmers in occupied West Bank

Israeli settlers and soldiers carried out attacks on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank on Sunday, including against their homes and olive farms.

The New Arab Staff
10 November, 2024


Israeli forces often escort settlers attacking Palestinian civilians in the West Bank [Getty]


Israeli settlers attacked the homes of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank town of Yasuf, a local official told Palestinian news agency Wafa on Sunday.

Village council head Wa'el Abu Madi said dozens of settlers smashed windows and doors of the homes with stones.

In the al-Qanub area of Hebron governorate, settlers attacked Palestinian farmers and stole their olives.

Farmer Mohammed Abdul Hamid Shalaldeh was quoted by Wafa as saying that armed settlers forced him and other farmers to leave their olive fields and proceeded to steal their produce.

Shalaldeh added that Israeli forces had demolished tin houses and tents belonging to the families in a bid to expel them from the area.


Israeli settlers have carried out several attacks on Palestinians harvesting olives in recent weeks, since the beginning of the olive harvesting season in October.

Earlier this month, the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission reported that Israelis had carried out 360 attacks over the past month, mainly around Nablus.

The attacks include the uprooting of 1,401 trees, blocking Palestinian farmers from accessing their lands and theft of olive crops.

Settlers have also stolen harvesting equipment and vehicles of Palestinians.

Israeli settlers and soldiers have stepped up attacks on Palestinians since the beginning of Israel's war on Gaza in October 2023.

Israel forces and settlers have killed at least 760 Palestinians in the occupied territory since October 2023, and a further 6,300 have been wounded.

Over 11,600 Palestinians have been detained in that period, including journalists, children and former prisoners, according to the Palestinian Prisoners Society.

REST IN POWER

Canada remembers Murray Sinclair, trailblazing Indigenous judge and senator

Relatives, friends and leaders say Sinclair, who died this week aged 73, and his legacy will ‘never be forgotten’.

Justice Murray Sinclair speaks during the release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's final report in Ottawa, Canada, in 2015 [File: Chris Wattie/Reuters]

By Al Jazeera Staff
Published On 10 Nov 2024

Canada is holding a national memorial for Murray Sinclair, a trailblazing Indigenous judge and senator who led the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission into abuses committed against Indigenous children at residential schools.

The public event on Sunday afternoon in Winnipeg, in central Canada, comes days after Sinclair passed away on November 4 at age 73.

“Few people have shaped this country in the way that my father has, and few people can say they changed the course of this country the way that my father had – to put us on a better path,” his son Niigaan Sinclair said at the start of the memorial.

“All of us: Indigenous, Canadians, newcomers, every person whether you are new to this place or whether you have been here since time immemorial, from the beginning, all of us have been touched by him in some way.”

Sinclair, an Anishinaabe lawyer and senator and a member of the Peguis First Nation, was the first Indigenous judge in Manitoba and the second-ever in Canada.

As chief commissioner of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), Sinclair organised hundreds of hearings across Canada to hear directly from survivors of the country’s residential school system.

From the late 1800s until 1996, Canada forcibly removed an estimated 150,000 Indigenous children from their families and forced them to attend the institutions. They were made to cut their hair, forbidden from speaking their native language, and many were physically and sexually abused.

“The residential school system established for Canada’s Indigenous population in the nineteenth century is one of the darkest, most troubling chapters in our nation’s history,” Sinclair wrote in the TRC’s final report.

“It is clear that residential schools were a key component of a Canadian government policy of cultural genocide.”

Mary Simon, Canada’s first Indigenous governor general, described Sinclair during Sunday’s memorial as “the voice of truth, justice and healing”.

She said he had “a heart brave enough to expose injustices, yet generous enough to make everyone around him feel welcome and important”.

Other Indigenous community leaders and advocates across Canada also have spent the past week remembering Sinclair for his unwavering commitment to confronting the systemic racism faced by Indigenous people.

“One of the greatest insights he shared is that reconciliation is not a task to be done by Survivors. True reconciliation, he said, must include institutional change,” Alvin Fiddler, grand chief of Nishnawbe Aski Nation (NAN) in northern Ontario, said in a statement after Sinclair’s death

.

Sinclair speaks at a Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada event in 2015 [Blair Gable/Reuters]

“Reconciliation, he taught us, is ours to achieve,” Fiddler said.

“The work ahead of us is difficult, but we share his belief that we owe it to each other to build a country based on a shared future of healing and trust. Murray encouraged us to walk the path towards reconciliation. Accepting this responsibility is a fitting way to honour his legacy.”

Pam Palmater, chair of Indigenous governance at Toronto Metropolitan University, said Sinclair was someone who “never stopped educating Canadians … and making sure we never forget”.

In an interview with CBC News on Sunday, Palmater noted that Sinclair “didn’t just conduct the TRC”; he was involved in many other initiatives, including an inquiry into child deaths in Manitoba and an investigation into the police department in Thunder Bay, Ontario.

“He’s never going to be forgotten. He’s one of those people where his legacy lives on,” Palmater said. “His impact is going to be felt for many decades to come.”

Source: Al Jazeera

FAILED STATE

Haiti replaces prime minister, marking more turmoil in its democratic transition process

A transitionary council created to reestablish democratic order in Haiti has signed a degree firing the country’s interim Prime Minister Garry Conille, replacing him with Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, a businessman who was previously considered for the job

ByEVENS SANON 

Associated Press
November 10, 2024



PORT-AU-PRINCE -- A transitionary council created to reestablish democratic order in Haiti signed a degree Sunday firing the country’s interim Prime Minister Garry Conille and replacing him with Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, a businessman who was previously considered for the job.

The decree, set to be published on Monday, was provided to the Associated Press by a government source. It marks even more turmoil in an already rocky democratic transition process for Haiti, which hasn’t held democratic elections in years in large part due to the soaring levels of gang violence plaguing the Caribbean nation.

Fils-Aimé, is the former president of Haiti’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry and in 2015 ran an unsuccessful campaign for Senate. The businessman studied at Boston University and was previously considered for the position as a private sector candidate for the post before Conille took the seat.

Conille, a longtime civil servant who has worked with the United Nations, served as prime minister for only six months.

The transitional council was established in April, tasked with choosing Haiti’s next prime minister and Cabinet with the hope that it would help quell turmoil Haiti. But the council has been plagued with politics and infighting, and has long been at odds with Conille. Organizations like the Organization of American States tried and failed last week to mediate disagreements in an attempt to save the fragile transition, according to reporting from The Miami Herald.

The process suffered another blow in October when a three of members on the council faced corruption accusations, from anti-corruption investigators alleging that they demanded $750,000 in bribes from a government bank director to secure his job.

The report was a significant blow to the nine-member council and is expected to further erode people’s trust in it.

Those same members accused of bribery, Smith Augustin, Emmanuel Vertilaire and Louis Gérald Gilles, were among those to sign the decree. Only one member, Edgard Leblanc Fils, did not sign the order.

‘Trump’s victory is devastating for progressives, but our voice is more important than ever’

Matthew McGregor   

10th November, 2024

Credit: Consolidated News Photos/Shutterstock.com

While working in Chicago for President Obama’s re-election campaign, the words of one man in a focus group the team ran will always stay with me.

He said that he’d voted for Obama in 2008 but for a far right “tea party” candidate at 2010’s mid-terms. We probed him further; we needed to understand why. What he wanted from life, he said, was to have a good job that would allow him to own his home and send his kids to college.

Because of the financial crash, he’d lost his job, his house had been repossessed and he could no longer afford to support his kids. So now, he explained, he would keep voting to fire politicians until his life got better.

14 years on, as many of us around the world reel from the news of Trump’s overnight election victory, and look to understand how and why this has been possible – and the work ahead to fully digest, accept and understand the impact of this result, it is this anecdote that comes back to me – and what it tells us about the motivation of many voters.

Devastating result for progressives

There is no sugar coating it. The result is bleak, bruising and bad beyond words. The consequences of this result will be felt around the world, for years to come. It is a grim day for anyone who cares about an economy that works for working people, women’s reproductive rights, democratic norms, the climate crisis and more.

Millions of Americans are waking up feeling fearful of how this will play out in their lives and what this means for the world. We will see more attacks on reproductive rights, even on things like IVF. We will see a devastating and harsh crackdown on immigration but also on immigrants who already live in the US; the chance of a trade war with China is high; and ongoing US support for Ukraine is now in question.

How did we get here? The post-election analysis will be long and no doubt painful – for the Democrats and beyond. But, it is not without good reason that political strategist after political strategist reaches for the famous 1992 Bill Clinton messaging, ‘it’s the economy stupid’ and ‘change vs more of the same’.

It is indeed a painful fact that a candidate can have the record Trump has in terms of their treatment of groups from women, to Latinos, to the Trans community to migrants – and yet this isn’t a deal breaker amongst the electorate as a whole in electing him when confronted with a cost of living crisis which has hurt working people across the country.

Indeed, in the hours of political commentary that have followed this morning’s results, shock and disbelief amongst presenters and pundits has abounded at the record support for Trump from Latino voters and People of Colour, along with a surprising uptick in support from younger women.

If we strip it back to ‘it’s the economy stupid’ and instead consider many of these voters as working class people, who are struggling to get by and cope with high costs, we can better understand why voting for a candidate who has polled ahead on the economy through the campaign might appeal.

And on the economy, like on so many issues, we see fact and feeling collide in the mind of voters – and feeling win out. Policies Biden has pushed, focused on infrastructure, investment and new green jobs are proving successful. The rub is that they are not yet flowing through to how people feel and therefore what they think. In the course of this campaign the Democrats relied heavily on using graphs and charts to underline this point and try and convince voters of the data. What it ultimately showed is this: feelings don’t believe facts.

Learning lessons from defeat

Would their feelings have been different if voters had believed that a Kamala Harris presidency would offer change rather than more of the same? Perhaps, perhaps not. One of the moments that might most underscore whether things could have turned out differently was the televised debate, where, asked what she would have done differently to the Biden administration, she gave the answer, ‘nothing’. Despite being a new candidate, the incumbency factor cost Kamala Harris dear.

It is too early for Democratic recriminations – but those will come. They will be a grim and probably damaging post-mortem. And the shockwaves will impact us here in the UK too.

For progressives in Britain – whether in Westminster or around the country, like the one million people who are part of the organisation I lead, 38 Degrees, who are united by their desire for a fairer, more respectful and more sustainable country – there are worries about what this might mean in terms of damaging government confidence in pursuing a progressive agenda.

Many politicians have taken confidence from the bold and objectively successful policies of the last Democrat administration. The absence of the example of big bold progressive policies, and the presence of horrendous policies soon to come, could knock the Labour government’s confidence to stick to their guns on their big, bold, progressive pledges.

But I believe, as we enter this unknown new era, it is more important than ever that we stand up for the enduring values of fairness, respect and sustainability. This was a bad night but it doesn’t change the importance of that voice, it makes it more needed.

It is more important today that the government hears demands from public for progress – to counter the wobbles they might have from this defeat of progressives across the pond – the government must stick to its mandate of big bold action on the cost of living, to save the NHS, to protect our environment, and more.

The lessons from this disaster will take time to absorb. But whatever our next steps, the reality is that voters who feel their lives are not being served by politicians, or the economic system they live in, will continue to fire their representatives until their lives get better.

Matthew McGregor

Matthew McGregor is CEO of campaign group 38 Degrees. He served as digital rapid response director for President Obama in 2012 and has a 20-year history of working for political parties, trade unions and campaign groups across the globe.

@mcgregormt

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