Friday, November 15, 2024

WORKERS  CAPITAL SEIZED BY THE STATE

Braid: Stephen Harper at AIMCo and UCP's pension drive go hand-in-hand

Smith keeps laying down sovereignty building blocks at a furious pace, playing on support still fuelled by public anger at Trudeau

Author of the article:
By Don Braid • Calgary Herald
Published Nov 14, 2024

Former prime minister Stephen Harper delivers the keynote address at a conference on Wednesday, March 22, 2023 in Ottawa. Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press

Within days, former prime minister Stephen Harper will almost certainly be the new chair of Alberta Investment Management Corp. (AIMCo).

Some people wonder if this has anything to do with the UCP drive for a provincial pension plan.

Ya think?

Five years before he became prime minister, Harper signed the famous Firewall Letter sent to then-premier Ralph Klein on Jan. 24, 2001.
The letter urged the Alberta government to “Withdraw from the Canada Pension Plan to create an Alberta Pension Plan offering the same benefits at lower cost, while giving Alberta control over the investment fund . . . The legislation setting up the Canada Pension Plan permits a province to run its own plan, as Quebec has done from the beginning.

“If Quebec can do it, why not Alberta?”

Premier Danielle Smith obviously wants AIMCo to manage this new pension fund, just as the Caisse de Depot handles Quebec’s stand-alone pension.

To that end, AIMCo has to be a lot more visible — and successful — than it was when she recently fired the entire board.

The Caisse is an investment whale with $434.4 billion under management. AIMCo has a relatively paltry $168 billion.

The UCP wants to top that up with a $334-billion divorce settlement from the CPP — 53 per cent of the national fund.

This is politically impossible, as Harper himself showed when he became PM and did nothing to advance the Firewall pension push.


Ted Morton, a former Alberta minister who also signed that letter, says the best Harper could do was “leave Alberta alone.” And he did; for nine years the federal government was friendly to successive provincial PC regimes.


Province eyes former PM Stephen Harper to be next AIMCo chairman


AIMCo upheaval resurrects questions over future of proposed Alberta pension plan


Morton says hopefully that if Harper now leads AIMCo toward a provincial pension, he would “come full circle.”
Ted Morton speaks at the Value of Alberta conference in Calgary on Jan. 18, 2020. Darren Makowichuk/Postmedia
Article content

Harper would certainly bring stature and profile to AIMCo, at least among conservatives. He was by far the most successful Alberta prime minister (the others being Joe Clark and, far back in the 1930s, R. B. Bennett).

The pension plan is not popular with most Albertans. It’s a scary move with direct impact on everybody’s bank account, sooner or later.

Herald columnist Chris Nelson argues with his usual verve that Smith and the UCP should drop the plan entirely, lest it destroy them

That isn’t about to happen. Smith’s chief of staff, Rob Anderson, is an author of the Free Alberta Strategy, which the premier rode into office. It argues fiercely for the Alberta pension.


Varcoe: Smith heading to Trump's inauguration, but 'not worried' about U.S. tariffs on Canadian energy


'Needs to be resolved': Canada Post workers strike in Calgary, across Canada


Despite widespread fear of the concept, the pension plan probably could be sold to the public, eventually.

Before a referendum, the big incentive would be a promise of lifetime monthly payments higher than the CPP.

The Firewall Letter only referred to “the same benefits at lower cost.” The payoff would have to be much bigger than that.




The government is also pushing hard for other key sovereignty measures, including a provincial police force. The dream of a provincial tax collection agency is still active, although quiet for now.


Soon we’ll see a major provincial claim to new powers, stemming from the federal emissions cap.


But Smith and the UCP are working furiously because they have a problem. His name is Pierre Poilievre.

If the Conservative leader becomes prime minister, much of the local fury at Liberal Ottawa will disappear, along with the hunger for sovereignty measures.

Poilievre will be an ally on many issues, especially in energy.

But like Harper before him, Poilievre would never agree to gutting the CPP. He could hardly endorse the Free Alberta Strategy, which raises the prospect of separation as a last resort.

Conservative L Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks in the House of Commons on Tuesday, Sept. 24, 2024. Adrian Wyld The Canadian Press


The thinkers behind this movement have always said no federal government will ever redress what Morton, in his new book titled Strong and Free, calls the “deeper structural vulnerability to predatory federal policies.”


To them it doesn’t matter what party runs the country. The trouble is baked in. The UCP want Poilievre to get that message.

And so, Smith keeps laying down sovereignty building blocks at a furious pace, playing on support still fuelled by public anger at Trudeau.

Re-enter Stephen Harper, stage right.

Don Braid’s column appears regularly in the Herald
X: @DonBraid

Public ambush sends alert to $169 billion Alberta pension: Government’s in charge

By Layan Odeh, Paula Sambo and Dawn Lim
November 15, 2024 a

(Bloomberg) -- It was supposed to be a bonding experience.

Evan Siddall, then-chief executive officer of Alberta Investment Management Corp., gathered about 170 senior staff at The Westin Edmonton for a meeting and an exercise on “how to lead from a place of joy” taught by The Moth, a nonprofit dedicated to the art of storytelling.

Things quickly turned joyless.

Nate Horner, Alberta’s finance minister, showed up to tell Siddall and three other executives they no longer had jobs. The four left the building after their phones and laptops were confiscated. Horner then broke the news to the remaining Aimco employees. He also dismissed the entire board.

The public purge sent a clear message: The government of Alberta is the boss, and it’s taking back control.

Horner has temporarily become the fund manager’s chairman and sole director, and the conservative regime that rules the Canadian province plans to overhaul the firm and cut costs.

“To restore confidence in the agency, Alberta’s government has decided to reset the investment corporation’s focus with a new CEO and board,” the government of Alberta said in a statement.

Canada’s biggest pension funds — dubbed the Maple Eight – have long been the envy of peers. They’re admired as among the world’s most sophisticated money managers, known for independence from politics, managing most of their assets internally, hiring world-class talent and paying top executives millions of dollars.

Aimco has invested with elite alternative asset shops such as Blackstone Inc. and KKR & Co.

Now Aimco is controlled by a populist government, which has been considering putting an ex-politician, former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, in charge of the board. The Edmonton-based firm manages about C$169 billion ($120 billion) of public pensions plans and government funds, all of which have a stake in who’s running the show.

“No well-run firm replaces all of its executive team and whole board at once,” pension expert Alexander Dyck, a finance professor at the University of Toronto’s Rotman School of Management, said in an interview. “That’s a recipe for disaster.”

Some staffers and government officials didn’t view the ousters as politically motivated, but rather as a responsible move after complaints about churn and cost under Siddall. Others see it as an attack on the Canadian model of independence that has helped the pension funds attract top talent.

Either way, the intervention has stoked panic among staff over their jobs and pay. In recent years, Aimco has lured people from firms such as Carlyle Group Inc., Royal Bank of Canada and Barclays Plc. Employees have already told acquaintances they want new jobs, anticipating the province will begin treating the pension manager like a state agency and slash their pay.

There are few leaders left at the firm who can reassure them.

Aimco has been without a permanent chairman since the end of last year, and its audit committee chair left in April. Even before last week’s deposition, Aimco experienced senior staff turnover under Siddall.

A chief legal officer and a chief corporate officer left during his tenure. Four different people held the title of chief investment officer in a little more than three years. The last, Marlene Puffer, departed in September as the Alberta government intensified pressure on the company.

To politicians, Siddall seemed disconnected from Alberta’s fiscally conservative culture, neglecting complaints about rising costs.

He grew corporate, non-investment functions and made splashy expenditures along the way, including renting an office in high-end tower One Vanderbilt in New York despite the reservations of some staff.

While an internal study showed the fund’s costs were near the bottom of its peer group in 2022, the appearance that it was spending lavishly posed a problem for the provincial government.

(Aimco annual reports)

And it wasn’t the only issue. Siddall’s positive stance on green investing and his globe-trotting irked officials in oil-rich Alberta, who preferred their pension manager to keep a lower profile.

Along with Siddall, the other senior executives dismissed by Horner included the chief legal officer, the chief of staff and the chief people, culture and engagement officer. None of those executives worked on investments directly.

This story is based on conversations with multiple people familiar with Aimco and Alberta’s government. The people asked not to be identified to discuss confidential matters; some cited concerns over retaliation. A spokesperson for Aimco declined to comment.
New offices

Siddall, the former head of Canada’s federal housing agency, became CEO of Aimco in July 2021 after it lost C$2.1 billion on a bet against market volatility that blew up when the pandemic hit.

Fast-talking and blunt, Siddall aimed to elevate Aimco’s profile on Wall Street. Hired with a mandate to revamp the operation, he created new roles such as chief technology officer. While most of staff were in Edmonton, he wanted to attract people beyond Canada, too.

Early this year, Aimco opened the office in New York in One Vanderbilt. The real estate team had suggested at least five cheaper locations for the New York office, but Siddall thought it was important to have an office that attracted staff to work, according to people familiar with the matter.

Several months earlier, Siddall had opened an outpost in Singapore to focus on investments in Asia-Pacific. Aimco’s investments in Asia stood at around 3% of total assets as of last year.

He hired GIC Pte’s Kevin Bong to lead the efforts there. Aimco, which also opened an office in Calgary in 2022, has around 600 people working from seven offices, while giving them the flexibility to work remotely. In London, Siddall caught people’s attention with a renovation to accommodate more staff.

The global expansion suggested to some within the government that the pension fund was shifting priorities away from Edmonton, where its presence has supported the city’s economy. Aimco invests more than 40% of its assets in Canada, with a large chunk of that deployed in its home province.

Alberta Teachers’ Retirement Fund, one of Aimco’s clients, said in the past it has raised issues regarding costs with both the government and the fund. Aimco management has always been transparent about expenses, according to people close to the firm.

Aimco’s clients had asked for an almost doubling of allocations to private assets, driving more costs, according to a letter from former board Vice Chair Ken Kroner to government officials.

“Aimco hired the talent necessary to support this client-led growth, and this should not be misinterpreted as evidence of costs being out of control,” he wrote, adding that fees to outside managers grew at a slower pace than assets.

But as IT and human resources budgets added up, new expenses became a flashpoint.

Staff costs ballooned by 71%, and headcount grew by 29% from 2019 to 2023, according to a statement from Horner’s office. Third-party management fees also increased by 96% during the period.

(Annual reports of the three fund)

Another source of friction: Aimco awarded a contract worth millions of dollars to BlackRock Inc. for its portfolio management software Aladdin.

Some insiders saw this as a necessary expense to replace an inferior risk-management tool. Others viewed it as an unnecessary contract that cost too much. BlackRock declined to comment.

Aimco spent C$276 million on salaries, wages and benefits in its last fiscal year, and awarded Siddall more than C$4.5 million in direct pay.

New York State Teachers’ Retirement System, a US fund that oversees a similar amount of money but relies more heavily on outside managers than Canadian funds, spent $59 million on salaries and benefits, according to its most recent annual report.

Aimco ultimately falls in the lowest third on cost relative to peers, according to a study by CEM Benchmarking for 2022, the latest such study available. Its costs were 23% lower than those of average peers.

As for returns, Aimco beat its benchmarks in two of the three years Siddall was in charge, and recent internal surveys showed employee morale substantially improving. That gave the board few reasons to question his investment judgment.

But for politicians in Alberta’s capital city, it wasn’t quite so simple.

‘First kick’

Alberta produces the vast majority of Canada’s crude oil — close to 4 million barrels a day — and its economy relies on fossil-fuel revenues for creating jobs and boosting growth. In fact, government royalties from oil and gas form a part of the pool of money Aimco manages.

The province is led by Premier Danielle Smith, a conservative and outspoken booster of the oil and gas sector who frequently fights with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s left-leaning government in Ottawa. Recently, Smith said she was “pissed” about federal draft rules to cap oil and gas emissions and vowed to challenge them.

Siddall didn’t embody Alberta’s conservatism.

A longtime public servant who has Parkinson’s disease, he increased the focus on human resources at Aimco and boosted diversity and inclusion initiatives — including hiring a chief people officer.

On Instagram, he posted photos from a COP climate conference in Egypt and reflected on Canada’s treatment of indigenous people.

While he rejected fossil-fuel divestment — a political non-starter in Alberta — he also pitched decarbonization as an attractive investment strategy.

In February, Aimco said it was creating a C$1 billion fund dedicated to the energy transition, including “low-carbon renewable energy production,” to be led by then-CIO Puffer.

Some clients complained to the government that the pension fund manager was steering away from Aimco’s principles. Others backed its direction.

Ultimately, Horner sided with the first group. The government has for months been mulling giving the chairman’s role to Harper, according to people familiar with the matter. He’s a longtime politician who led the Conservative Party of Canada to three straight election victories — and he’s deeply trusted by conservatives in Alberta.

The finance minister waited for an opening. Then came last week’s purge at the Westin hotel. More changes are certain, potentially destabilizing Aimco further.

“You’re kicking at the foundation, and the concern is that when you kick at the foundations enough, at some point they’re all gonna fall down,” said Dyck, the pension expert, speaking about Canadian pension funds in general and their history of political non-interference. “It’s just, this is the first kick.”



Fired AIMCo chair disputes Alberta’s narrative on costs in letter to Horner

AIMCo is a low-cost manager compared to similar funds and has 'solidly' exceeded benchmarks over the years, says Kenneth Kroner

Published Nov 14, 2024 • 
Alberta Finance Minister Nate Horner at the Alberta Legislature. Photo by Shaughn Butts/Postmedia files

The former interim chair of Alberta Investment Management Corp. has written a letter to the Alberta cabinet minister who fired him last week to dispute what he calls an “incorrect narrative” and “misinformation” about the performance of the asset manager and Crown corporation.

In a letter to Alberta Finance Minister Nate Horner that was viewed by the Financial Post, Kenneth Kroner disputes the data and a number of assertions used to justify the government’s “reset” at AIMCo, which saw the entire board of directors, including Kroner, as well as chief executive Evan Siddall, removed from their posts. The letter goes on to say that while the government is within its rights to replace the board, the faulty narrative that AIMCo’s costs are out of control will make things difficult for the next board and management team.

“Over the last week, there have been numerous public statements made about AIMCo’s performance and costs,” wrote Kroner, who was on the board of AIMCo for eight years and had been acting chair since the beginning of this year. “I have concerns that these are tarnishing AIMCo’s reputation, which will only make it harder for Albertans to have confidence in the public asset manager, and will create unnecessary barriers for AIMCo in its goal to deliver strong investment performance for Albertans.

Contrary to skyrocketing costs and poor performance, he said AIMCo is a low-cost manager compared to similar funds and has “solidly” exceeded benchmarks over the years.

“The data contradicts the very negative narrative that is out there,” Kroner wrote in the letter, which was also sent to the government’s bipartisan standing committee on the Alberta Heritage Savings Trust Fund, which is managed by AIMCo.

“The misinformation will make it unnecessarily difficult for the next management team to be effective,” it said.

In statements to media since the board and Siddall were let go en masse last Thursday, Horner has said he and his team had asked for changes at AIMCo and applied “constant” pressure on costs.

“We asked for change. Weren’t seeing it. Weren’t seeing it. We were seeing the opposite,” he told the Calgary Herald.

“It became evident things were not going to change even with constant pressure from me and the team.”

In a statement announcing the board purge, the government said that AIMCo’s third-party management fees increased by 96 per cent in the 2019 to 2023 period, the number of employees increased by 29 per cent and salary, wage and benefit costs increased by 71 per cent. The government said the cost increases had not come with a commensurate increase in returns.

In Kroner’s response, dated Wednesday, Nov. 13, he said the government’s measure of AIMCo’s total returns ignores the fact that clients, such as operators of pension funds for teachers, judges and police officers, direct how much of each asset class the pension management organization should invest in on their behalf

“AIMCo’s mandate is to outperform the benchmarks that clients given them,” Kroner wrote. “This is why I’ve consistently emphasized that AIMCo’s contribution can only be measured by returns versus their client-directed benchmarks, not total returns.”


He said AIMCo has consistently added value on this metric, the only one it can control. For example, the provincial government’s Heritage Fund has seen an annualized 10-year return that is half a percentage point above its benchmark after all costs through the end of June. Returns outperformed the benchmark in seven of those years, and, after all costs, added $1 billion to the Heritage Fund, according to the letter.

“This is not poor investment performance as the narrative states, but rather is a performance record that Albertans can be proud of,” wrote Kroner, who holds a PhD in economics from the University of California at San Diego and was a senior managing director at Blackrock and predecessor Barclays Global Investments for more than 20 years.

As for the government’s statements about AIMCo’s costs, he said they were indeed rising, but so were assets under management. Moreover, independent firm CEM Benchmarking pegged AIMCo’s costs at 23 per cent below what an average peer would incur to manage AIMCo’s client assets.

“That $258-million (based on 2022 figures) goes straight into Albertan’s pockets,” Kroner wrote. “AIMCo has always been, and remains, a cost-conscious, high value-for-money asset manager.”

The government figures that Kroner says “are being used to tarnish AIMCo’s reputation” include an assessment of third-party management fees. Third-party assets rose by two and half times in the 2019 to 2023 period, so fees naturally went up. “But these fees went up at a much slower pace than assets,” he wrote, “and the data shows that AIMCo’s average third-party management fees dropped by a third … over that window. This is evidence of effective cost management not undisciplined cost management.”

He said AIMCo’s headcount increases have also drawn much public discussion, but that the staffing reflects client request for a near doubling of the illiquid investments such as real estate, private equity and infrastructure in the period between 2019 and 2023. It was well known that this would require expanding investment and legal teams, strengthening risk controls, and building a global presence.


“AIMCo hired the talent necessary to support this client-led growth, and this should not be misinterpreted as evidence of costs being out of control,” Kroner wrote.

Horner stepped in as acting chair following the board and executive purge last week. Alberta’s deputy minister of executive council, Ray Gilmour, the province’s top bureaucrat, was named interim chief executive.

Since then, speculation has emerged that former prime minister Stephen Harper will become AIMCo’s next chair. Sources say his name has been in the mix for nearly a year, since shortly after Mark Wiseman, former CEO of Canada Pension Plan Investment Board, announced plans to step down as chair of the Alberta pension and investment manager.




Stephen Harper's name in mix as potential head of AIMCo


AIMCo's performance before last week's ‘shocking’ purge



Representatives for Harper have not responded a request for comment.

On the day the board was let go, Horner said he expected to have a new board in place within 30 da

Canada Post strike: Purolator workers won’t handle packages, union says

By Sean Previl Global News
Posted November 15, 2024 

RELATED: ‘Not a lot of progress’ made on big issues during talks, MacKinnon says

With Canada Post workers on strike, the union that represents workers at Purolator says its members won’t handle packages that were postmarked or identified as coming from the Crown corporation.

In a statement to Global News, Teamsters Canada said the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) has its “full support” in its strike action.


“Purolator is a subsidiary of the Canada Post group. Our goal is to stop Canada Post from diverting their freight wholesale, thereby using a subsidiary to break a union,” Christopher Monette, director of public affairs for Teamsters, wrote.

“Teamsters Canada firmly believes that good union jobs — with living wages and secure retirement — are essential pillars of Canadian society. Unfortunately, Canada Post has taken a different stance at the bargaining table.

Monette said individual businesses that ship directly with Purolator will still get their packages delivered.

CUPW members at Canada Post began a nationwide strike on Friday, after the union said it failed to reach new collective agreements for its rural and urban members.

With the strike underway, Canada Post warned Canadians they will face delays in receiving their mail, and postage already in the system will not be delivered, with a few exceptions.


 Holiday shopping impacted following Canada Post strike

It’s not the first time Canada Post has gone on strike, previously doing so in 2018 and 2011.

Both times they were legislated back to work by the majority federal governments of the time, however, Labour Minister Steven MacKinnon, part of the Liberal minority government, signalled on Friday Ottawa was not looking “at any other solution other than negotiation.”

He added that negotiations between the two sides were “extremely difficult,” with “big issues” to solve that have seen little progress made.

There will be no delivery of mail or parcels during the strike and some post offices will close, according to the Crown corporation.

However, Canada Post workers will still deliver benefits cheques on Wednesday, Nov. 20, according to a notice posted in the window of a shuttered postal office in Ottawa on Friday.
  
Canada Post strike: Ottawa not looking at forced end, minister says

UNLIKE THE LONGSHOREMENS STRIKE

By Sean Previl & Craig Lord
Global News
Posted November 15, 2024 

Canada Post workers are on strike after failing to reach a negotiated agreement with their employer. As Troy Charles reports, some BC workers are among the roughly 55,000 that are now off the job.


Canada’s labour minister said the federal government is focused on getting an agreement at the bargaining table as Canada Post workers have walked off the job in a nationwide strike.

“I’m not looking at any other solution other than negotiation,” Labour Minister Steven MacKinnon told reporters in Montreal. “Right now, every day is a new day in collective bargaining and we are going to continue to support the parties in any way we can and make sure they are able to try and get a negotiated agreement.”

Canada Post is warning Canadians will face delays in receiving their mail, and postage already in the system will not be delivered, with a few exceptions after the union said negotiations failed to reach an agreement by Friday.

MacKinnon said that he had directed all resources in his department towards helping the parties reach an agreement, but said he would characterize the negotiations as “extremely difficult.”

“There are many big issues to solve at the table, and not a lot of progress has been made on those big issues,” MacKinnon said.

What does a strike mean for your mail?

The union had delivered a strike notice on Tuesday, warning it would be in a legal position for job action as of 12:01 a.m. Eastern on Friday. When that deadline passed, the union said it had begun strike action.

“Some 55,000 postal workers represented by the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) went on a nationwide strike on Friday, November 15 at 12:01am ET,” the CUPW said in a statement on Friday morning.

Canada Post warned in a statement Friday that “customers will experience delays due to the strike activity,” affecting millions of Canadians and businesses. Service to remote and Northern regions that rely on Canada Post deliveries will be shut down.

There will be no delivery of mail or parcels during the strike and some post offices will close, according to the Crown corporation.

Retail analyst Bruce Winder told Global News on Friday that Canadians who need to send letters or packages on a tight turnaround will have to turn to private carriers, but he warned “it’s going to cost a little more.”

“Realistically if you’ve got gifts to send to loved ones, you probably should use alternate methods like the couriers,” he said.

Service guarantees on any items already in the postal system will be affected and no new items will be accepted for mailing until after the strike ends.

However, Canada Post workers will still deliver benefits cheques on Wednesday, Nov. 20, according to a notice posted in the window of a shuttered postal office in Ottawa on Friday.

Nationally, this includes the Canada Pension Plan, Old Age Security, Veteran Affairs Pension Plan and the Canada Child Tax Benefit; in Quebec, the provincial pension plan and child assistance payments will still go out; in Alberta, pension cheques from Alberta Seniors will be delivered as usual.

View image in full screenA Canada Post office on Sparks Street in Ottawa posts a notice informing customers that benefits cheques will still be delivered despite a national strike on Friday, Nov. 15, 2024. Amanda Connolly / Global News

Canada Post warned that any disrupted postage will be delivered on a first-in, first-out basis once operations resume, but warned the impacts will likely be felt in the days after the strike ends.

Why is Canada Post on strike?

CUPW issued a 72-hour notice of strike action on Tuesday, with it entering a legal strike position as of 12:01 a.m. Eastern this morning.

Hours after the union announced its plans earlier this week, Canada Post issued its own notice of lockout to take effect Friday, noting that its collective agreements with both rural and urban workers would no longer apply.

A Canada Post spokesperson told Global News in an email Friday that the shutdown is not considered a lockout.

“This is a work stoppage resulting from CUPW’s decision to launch a nationwide strike. Canada Post was committed to maintaining operations while talks continue,” the statement read.

The CUPW meanwhile said the decision to strike was a “difficult” one that came after a year of bargaining with the employer.

“Canada Post had the opportunity to prevent this strike, but it has refused to negotiate real solutions to the issues postal workers face every day. Instead, Canada Post left us no choice when it threatened to change our working conditions and leave our members exposed to layoffs.”

The statement continued: “Our demands are reasonable: fair wages, safe working conditions, the right to retire with dignity, and the expansion of services at the public post office. Postal workers are proud to serve their communities, and we want to do the job we love. A strike is a last resort. We still believe we can achieve negotiated collective agreements, but Canada Post must be willing to resolve our new and outstanding issues.”

Canada Post said the shutdown comes at a “critical juncture” for the postal service, which has posted losses of more than $3 billion since 2018.

The employer claimed that it has made offers for wage increases of 11.5 per cent over four years in addition to measures protecting defined-benefit pensions and job security.

“To help secure the future of the company and grow our parcel business, Canada Post has put forward proposals to offer seven-day-a-week parcel delivery, more competitive pricing and other important improvements. This new delivery model is essential for the future of the company, and critical to our ability to afford the offers,” the Canada Post statement read.

The union has previously said Canada Post’s offers “fall short.”

CUPW is not convinced that this seven-day delivery plan will protect workers’ regular full-time routes on weekdays.

On short-term disability, CUPW is demanding to include 10 medical days and seven personal days in the collective agreements, but Canada Post refuses to budge from 13 personal days, the union has said.

What could Ottawa do?

This isn’t the first work stoppage at the Crown corporation, with union members having conducted rotating strikes in both 2018 and 2011, and Canada Post locking out employees in the latter case.

In both cases, the federal governments at the time — the Liberals in 2018 and Conservatives in 2011 — passed back-to-work legislation to end the strikes.

Organizations representing businesses have warned of the impact ahead of the holiday season.

Matt Poirier, vice-president of federal government relations for the Retail Council of Canada, told Global News on Wednesday this was the worst time for a work stoppage.

“This is one of the main suppliers for mail delivery for retail,” he said. “It couldn’t come at the worst time during the holiday season.”

The Canadian Federation of Independent Business said Thursday it was disappointed about the potential for another work stoppage impacting small businesses and urged both sides to come to an agreement.

MacKinnon has previously said the federal government is hopeful both sides will achieve a deal at the table, adding that Ottawa is providing mediation support to both parties.



If Ottawa were to consider back-to-work legislation, it would need support from either the Bloc Quebecois or Conservatives to pass as the NDP have said they would not vote for such a bill.

The government could also impose binding arbitration to end the work stoppages, as it did earlier this week to end work stoppages at Canada’s largest ports in British Columbia and Quebec.

— with files from Global News’ Saba Aziz


 

EDMONTON
Local Canada Post workers hit the picket line as nationwide strike begins



'We've suffered enough': Union president on strike


Canada Post workers strike in Edmonton


Diego Romero
CTVNewsEdmonton.ca 
Journalist
Updated Nov. 15, 2024

Edmonton-area Canada Post workers walked off the job Friday as a nationwide strike began.

The Canadian Union of Postal Workers issued a 72-hour strike notice earlier this week, saying it's been asking for fair wages, safer working conditions and other improvements over nearly a year of bargaining.

Approximately 55,000 workers are striking, the Canadian Union of Postal Workers said.

RELATED STORIES
Canada Post workers go on strike Friday morning, disrupting deliveries

In the Alberta capital region, CUPW 730 asked workers not to report to work as of Friday morning and to hit the picket line instead.

There are three picket lines in Edmonton, one in St. Albert and one in Sherwood Park.

"It's very disappointing for everyone involved, we'd rather not be doing this," CUPW 730 interim president James Ball told CTV News Edmonton. "We would rather have come to a negotiated solution six months ago but we're not meeting anywhere. The sacrifices that are going to be made by our members are not small. They're big issues…and it's unfortunate that it's going to affect the public."

Mail and parcels will not be delivered during the strike and some post offices will be closed, Canada Post said.

A number of City of Edmonton services will be impacted during the strike.

With files from The Canadian Press

Canada Post workers hit the picket line in Edmonton on Friday, Nov. 15, 2024.

Canada Post workers went on strike early Friday after failing to reach a negotiated agreement with their employer, exactly one year after talks began.


The Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) says approximately 55,000 workers in its urban, rural and suburban mail carrier (RSMC) bargaining units are striking, claiming little progress has been made in the bargaining process.

"Canada Post had the opportunity to prevent this strike, but it has refused to negotiate real solutions to the issues postal workers face every day," the union said in a statement.

"Instead, Canada Post left us no choice when it threatened to change our working conditions and leave our members exposed to layoffs."

The strike action comes ahead of Black Friday and the beginning of the holiday season, when Canadians rely on the postal service to send and receive gifts, packages and cards.

Canada Post said in a statement Friday morning that its operations will shut down, affecting millions of Canadians and businesses.

Mail and parcels, the Crown corporation said, will not be processed or delivered during the strike, and some post offices will be closed. Service guarantees will be affected for items already in the postal network and no new items will be accepted.

Related video: 55,000 Canada Post workers go on nationwide strike, union says (cbc.ca)


cbc.ca A Canada Post strike is looming. Here's how some N.B. businesses could be impacted
2:52


\cbc.caCanada Post workers go on strike across country
0:53


\cbc.ca Canada Post workers on strike, mail and parcels won't be delivered
2:51



The union and the company have agreed that benefit cheques will still be mailed out during the strike, including for the Canada Child Benefit, Old Age Security and the Canada Pension Plan.

Once operations resume, the corporation said, mail and parcels will be delivered on a first-come, first-serve basis, but "a national strike of any length will impact service to Canadians well after the strike activity ends."
No plans for back-to-work bill right now, says labour minister

Earlier this week, Canada Post said progress in the negotiations had been "slow and lacking on major issues." The two sides began talks toward a new contract on Nov. 15, 2023.

Mark Lubinski, the Toronto local president of CUPW, said that Canada Post workers have fallen behind as the cost of living has gone up, with high rent and inflation leaving employees "unable to survive."

"We're prepared to be out here as long as we need to be," Lubinski told CBC News.

He said Canada Post workers know that they provide an essential service and that they have no other choice after a year of negotiations with the Crown corporation.

"The climate seems to be that Canada Post and other employers are waiting for the government to legislate us back to work," Lubinski said. "We want to negotiate a fair contract for our workers."

A Canada Post employee is pictured in Richmond, B.C, on Thursday. (Ben Nelms/CBC)

During work stoppages in 2011 and 2018, the federal government passed legislation to send Canada Post employees back to work.

So far, government officials say they have no plans to introduce legislation to end the strike.

"I'm not looking at any other solution other than negotiation right now," Labour Minister Steven MacKinnon told reporters in Montreal on Friday morning.

"Every day is a new day in collective bargaining, and we are going to continue to support the parties in any way we can and make sure that they are able to try and get a negotiated agreement."

In a post on social media platform X Thursday evening prior to the strike announcement, MacKinnon said federal mediators have been working with the union and the Crown corporation, and a special mediator has been appointed to support the two sides.

The labour minister or either party in a dispute can request a mediator, per the Canada Labour Code, as has been done in the work disruption at B.C. ports.
No alternative, small business owner says

Workers gave Canada Post 72-hour notice on Tuesday, as the Crown corporation warned that a potential strike would further impact its already dire financial situation.

Canada Post served the union with a lockout notice not long after but said it didn't intend to lock workers out.

CUPW was in a legal strike position as of Nov. 3, after a legally mandated cooling-off period. In a vote last month, more than 95 per cent of both urban and rural workers backed a strike mandate, the union has said.

Canada Post's latest contract offer included annual wage increases that amounted to 11.5 per cent over four years. It also offered protection of the defined benefit pension for current employees, as well as job security and health benefits.

CUPW said that wasn't enough and that the two parties remain far apart on several issues.

"Our demands are reasonable: fair wages, safe working conditions, the right to retire with dignity, and the expansion of services at the public post office," it said in its statement.


A Canada Post mail carrier delivers fliers on their route in Montreal on Wednesday. A strike of urban, suburban and rural postal workers began early Friday, a disruption that comes just ahead of the busy Christmas holiday season. (Christinne Muschi/The Canadian Press)

The Canadian Federation of Independent Business (CFIB) called on the federal government Thursday to use all its powers, including binding arbitration or back-to-work legislation to end the disruption.

The CFIB said in its statement that about 80 per cent of small businesses in Canada rely on Canada Post for shipping goods or for invoicing or receiving payments.

"Letter mail doesn't have an alternative, and that's what most of our shipping is," Rémi Vienneau LeClair, owner of Comic Hunter in Moncton, told CBC News. "It's asking people if they want to pay $20 instead of $2. It's not really an alternative."

Meanwhile, Teamsters Canada has said its members at Purolator won't handle any packages postmarked or identified as originating from Canada Post.

Spokesperson Christopher Monette said in an email ahead of the strike announcement that the CUPW has the Teamsters' full support, and that they believe good union jobs are essential pillars of Canadian society.
Canada Revenue Agency eliminating nearly 600 term positions by end of 2024
The Canada Revenue Agency sign outside the National Headquarters at the Connaught Building in Ottawa is seen on Monday, March 1, 2021. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang


Josh Pringle
CTV News Ottawa Producer and Digital Lead
Follow |Contact
Published Nov. 15, 2024 7:50 a.m. MST

The Canada Revenue Agency (CRA) will be eliminating approximately 600 temporary and contract employees across the country by mid-December.

In a statement to CTV News Ottawa, the agency said it has decided to "release" term employees early, in accordance with the terms of the employment contract. The employees have been given four weeks notice, and the contract date will end by Dec. 13, according to the CRA.

"Throughout the pandemic, the Canada Revenue Agency (CRA) received a large increase in resources to deliver crucial COVID programs," the CRA said in a statement Friday morning.

"As a result of that added capacity, we were then able to help administer a number of new initiatives, such as the Canadian Carbon Rebate and the interim administration of the Canadian Care Dental Plan. As we transition away from pandemic operations, the CRA safeguards responsible use of public funds while providing quality service to Canadians."

RELATED STORIES
Federal union warns government 'widening the net' to reduce spending
Two more federal unions call for Commons committee to investigate 3-day a week office mandate
Feds cutting 5,000 public service jobs, looking to turn underused buildings into housing

"We carefully reviewed our term workforce and decisions were made to reduce term employees where we had the flexibility in program areas to do so. The CRA prioritized maintaining the workforce for the tax-filing season."

The Canada Revenue Agency says it notified the Union of Taxation Employees and the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada about the elimination of positions.

"There is no easy way to share this news, and we recognize that this can cause stress especially so close to the end of the year," the agency said. "The CRA does not take these decisions lightly. We continue to analyze how to manage our operations within our approved budget while limiting human resources impacts."

Last week, federal public unions warned the government was "widening the net" to reduce spending(opens in a new tab), and the plan would result in job cuts.

The Treasury Board Secretariat met with public service unions lto discuss the government's "Refocusing Government Spending Initiative."

The 2023 federal budget included a plan to find $15.4 billion in public sector spending reductions over five years, and the 2023 fall fiscal update included a pledge to "extend and expand"(opens in a new tab) efforts to refocus government spending by $345.6 million in 2025-26, and $691 million a year from 2026-27 onward.

In April, the government announced plans to reduce 5,000 public service(opens in a new tab) jobs through attrition over four years.

"These savings are expected to be drawn from operating budgets and through natural attrition to the greatest extent possible," said a spokesperson for Treasury Board President Anita Anand. "This must be done without impacting programs and services that benefit Canadians and in a way that continues to support a diverse public service workforce."

According to the Treasury Board of Canada Secretariat, there are 376,772 federal public service workers, up from 357,247 in 2023. A total of 282,152 employees work in the core public administration.
Ta-Nehisi Coates describes what he saw in Palestine as ‘apartheid’, resembling America’s segregated Jim Crow South


THE CONVERSATION
Published: November 11, 2024 

In May 2023, renowned Black American writer Ta-Nehisi Coates spent ten days in the West Bank and Israel, where he spent half his time with Breaking the Silence, a group of former Israeli soldiers who now oppose the occupation.

Going to Palestine was “a huge shock to me”, he told the New York Times. Coming back, he felt, as he told US journalist Peter Beinart, “a responsibility to yell” about what he’d seen – which he describes as apartheid and compares to the segregated Jim Crow South in the United States.

As he was writing his new book, The Message, the October 7 Hamas attacks happened, followed by the ongoing war in Gaza. He doesn’t cover these events in the book, though he has talked about them in interviews, including one in which he described the decision not to allow a Palestinian state legislator to speak at the Democratic National Convention that nominated Kamala Harris as “deeply inhumane”.

Review: The Message – Ta-Nehisi Coates (Hamish Hamilton)

Coates is among the most celebrated and accomplished writers in the US. He is also, importantly, a Black writer in a world still dominated by white Americans. He first grabbed attention with a 2014 essay on America and slavery in The Atlantic, titled “The Case for Reparation”. Subsequently, he has written five books, including a novel, The Water Dancer, set on a Virginia slave plantation. He was even hired to write a Superman movie.

Coates has deliberately cast himself as part of the legacy of Black American writing, most notably through lyrical language that echoes the writer and civil rights activist James Baldwin. After reading his memoir about the experience of being Black in America, Between The World and Me, fellow writer Toni Morrison said she regarded him as Baldwin’s heir.

Slavery, censorship and culture wars

The Message is a series of three essays directed at Coates’ writing students at Howard University. In it, he chronicles three very different journeys. The final essay, about his trip to Israel–Palestine, takes up almost half the book

.


His first trip is to Senegal, in search of the origins of Afro-American slavery. In the second, he visits a small town in South Carolina where there have been attempts to ban Between The World and Me from being taught in schools. Not surprisingly, all three sections are haunted by his awareness of racism and colonialism. His name, Ta-Nehisi, is a deliberate reference to the ancient Egyptian term for the kingdom of Nubia, sometimes translated as “land of the Blacks”.

Coates recognises that Western defence of slavery depended on defining the African as subhuman, just as Western colonialism justified itself with an ideology of racism. In Senegal, he visits the island of Goree, for four centuries the largest slave trading port on the African coast, now a world heritage site.

But like other African-American writers who have gone to Africa in search of their roots, he recognises that he is an outsider: “We have a right to our imagined traditions, to our imagined places, and those traditions and places are most powerful when we confess that they are imagined.”


Coates visits Goree, for four centuries the largest slave trading port on the African coast, now a world heritage site. Nic Bothma/AAP

These thoughts echo again when Coates struggles to come to terms with Israel, where both Palestinians and Israelis hold deeply felt emotional connections to the land, which makes compromise difficult.

In Chapin, South Carolina, teacher Mary Wood faced calls for her firing for teaching Between the World and Me, and pushed back against an attempt to ban her teaching it. The Message is frustrating in its lack of detail about the case, but Woods’ battle with the local school board has been widely reported as part of ongoing conflict within the US over censorship of books dealing with racial and sexual injustice. Coates is too focused on the fate of his own book to stand back and analyse the bigger conflict it represents.

America’s culture wars, which are echoed in Australia, are essentially battles over how to define a national identity – or, as Coates writes, to “privilege the apprehension of national dogmas over the questioning of them”. Our attack on “black armband” history (as named by Geoffrey Blainey in 1993) is paralleled by right-wing American denials of the centrality of slavery to the creation of the US, and debates over “critical race theory”.

Coates: Israel is not a democracy


Coates’ account of his trip to Palestine has been the most controversial aspect of his book. Significantly, he begins this section with an account of his visit to the World Holocaust Remembrance Center.

His sense of the horrors recorded there makes his account of Israeli occupation and dispossession of Palestinians more poignant. Reflecting on the memorial, Coates writes: “Every time I visit a space of memory dedicated to this particular catastrophe I always come away thinking that it was worse than I thought, worse than I could ever imagine.”

Aware of the racism that surrounds him as a Black American, Coates can imagine himself as both Palestinian and Israeli. This generosity of imagination does not prevent critical analysis. His accounts of life in the occupied West Bank underline the reality that Israel has imposed a regime that is effectively based on the subordination and dispossession of Palestinians – and a deliberate attempt, he writes, to deny any possibility of a genuine two-state solution.

The Israeli lobby is outraged by claims Israel has created an apartheid regime: many see the term as motivated by anti-Semitism. This is the implicit message of much of the pro-Israeli lobby, as summed up in the demands that Australian universities adopt a particular definition of anti-Semitism.


Coates’ sense of the horrors recorded at Israel’s World Holocaust Remembrance Center makes his account of Israeli dispossession of Palestinians more poignant. Abir Sultan/AAP

The strength of Coates’ analysis is that he minimises neither the reality of anti-Semitism, nor that of Israel’s domination of Palestinians. Defenders of Israel struggle to accept that once-persecuted people can become the persecutors. Yet, as Coates writes, “There was no ultimate victim, that victims and victimizers were ever flowing”.

In Coates’ view, Israel is not a democracy. To claim otherwise, he believes, is to deny the reality of Israel’s effective control of seven million Palestinians living on the West Bank and Gaza, who are now subject to dispossession and destruction in ways that resemble the worst carnage of World War II.

It is extraordinary that our politicians who can extol the virtues of multiculturalism remain blind to the realities of Israeli occupation, and indeed to the growing assertion of Jewish supremacy over those Israeli residents, around 25% of whom are not Jewish.

“Those who claimed Israel as the only democracy in the Middle East were just as likely to claim that America was the oldest democracy in the world,” he writes. “And both claims relied on excluding whole swaths of the population.”

Coates comes closest to explaining this paradox in his account of a plaque in Jerusalem that bears the name of a former US ambassador and proclaims “the unbreakable bond” between the two nations. This bond, it reads, is based on the shared ideals of the Bible, language that reverberates among many evangelical Christians today.

For millions of Americans, criticism of Israel becomes criticism of the US itself. The strength of the Israeli lobby in the US is enormous. The Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), which spent over 100 million dollars this year, helped at least 318 American politicians win their seats in the recent US elections.

Not surprisingly, Palestinian voices go largely unheard in the US. Coates points to a study that demonstrates over a 50-year period ending in 2019, only 2% of opinion pieces discussing Palestine had Palestinian authors. (The study covered four major mainstream publications, including the New York Times and Washington Post.)


Palestinian voices go largely unheard in the US. Protests at the Democratic National Convention earlier this year tied to counter this. Olga Fedorova/AAP


Honesty and egocentrism

Many reviews of The Message have been critical. Paul Sehgal in The New Yorker described it as “a public offering seemingly designed for private ends, an artefact of deep shame and surprising vanity which reads as if it had been conjured to settle its author’s soul”. I think the book is stronger than Sehgal suggests.

The Message is written as a conversation with Coates’ writing students, and his growing realisation that “becoming a good writer would not be enough”. He acknowledges his own limits: “I had gone to Palestine, like I’d gone to Senegal, in pursuit of my own questions and thus had not fully seen the people on their own terms.”

In fact, though, he did pay attention. The section on Palestine includes conversations with both Palestinians and Israelis, as well as references to the voluminous literature on the conflict. (Unfortunately, he does not include footnotes or a bibliography.) Since the publication of this book, Coates has become an active advocate for Palestinian rights. He recognises he has come late to this debate.

Yes, as his own words suggest, there is egocentrism in The Message. But I read it as an honest attempt to think through how a writer can best influence the world when confronted by slaughter and inhumanity. The Message is an unashamedly personal book. At times, it reads as if the author were in analysis, working through the privileges and burdens of being a successful writer and intellectual.

At several points, he refers to himself as both a writer and a steward, with an obligation to speak out about injustice to others. He writes of his books as his children, which “leave home, travel, have their own relationships, and leave their own impressions”. (He hints that of his five “children”, his favourite is his novel, The Water Dancer.)

I only wish the ardent defenders of Israel who occupy our parliament could be persuaded to read Coates’ book. At least it might persuade them that criticism of Israel’s refusal to recognise the claims of Palestinians is not equivalent to anti-Semitism.

Author
Dennis Altman
Vice Chancellor's Fellow and Professorial Fellow, Institute for Human Security and Social Change, La Trobe University
Disclosure statement
Dennis Altman is affiliated with the Jewish Council of Australia


COP29: Canada needs to start a real conversation about international carbon markets



THE CONVERSATION
Published: November 14, 2024

In a world coping with climate setbacks and Donald Trump’s re-election in the United States, the growing prominence of international carbon markets may just be the good news we have been looking for. Canada should take notice.

More than a decade after the collapse of the Kyoto Protocol in 2012, the most recent United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) global Conference of the Parties (COP29) meeting appears to have already seen important breakthroughs. This includes a decision on a new UN carbon offset mechanism under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, while finalization of rules for emissions trading continue.

Similarly, in North America, voters in the state of Washington rejected a ballot initiative on Nov. 5 that would have revoked the state’s climate mitigation efforts. This paves the way for the state’s planned linkage of its emissions trading system with that of California and Québec.

As the International Carbon Action Partnership reports, emission trading systems are on the rise. New York and Maryland are developing carbon markets that might see advantage in linking with California-Québec-Washington. Looking globally, the same report indicates that a number of emerging economies are also developing emissions trading systems — including India, Brazil and Indonesia.

However, the Canadian federal government’s 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan hardly mentions international carbon markets.

As the world warms, there is an urgent need to discuss how Canada can engage with growing international carbon markets. More than simply a way to bring down the costs of climate change mitigation for Canadians, they are a form of international co-operation. International carbon markets are a means of sharing the cost of climate change mitigation across participating jurisdictions.


Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley speaks during a plenary session at the COP29 UN Climate Summit, on Nov. 12, 2024, in Baku, Azerbaijan. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)
Carbon markets 101

There are two variants of the carbon market, emissions trading and carbon offsetting.

Emissions trading is based on firm-level emission inventories that are aggregated by the government to form a hard cap that is reduced over time. Carbon offsets are individual projects where the project developer argues that emissions will decline relative to a counter-factual baseline scenario. This counter-factual baseline is what emissions would be if the investment into the carbon offset project were absent.

Emissions trading systems allow regulated firms flexibility to reduce emissions at lowest cost. Firms that are able to reduce their emissions below a government-imposed quota— the “cap” — can sell their surplus to firms unable to do so. Governments require that aggregate emissions across firms in a particular jurisdiction decline over time. As such, a price for carbon emerges through this system, measured per tonne of carbon dioxide equivalent (tCO2e).

Firms can trade carbon within the same jurisdiction but different jurisdictions can also link their carbon markets, allowing trading between firms across borders. This is what California and Québec have been doing since 2014.

The costs of reducing emissions varies significantly around the world due to a range of factors. For example, research suggest that the costs of decarbonization are relatively higher in Canada than in the United States. International carbon markets could help spread out these costs. Important differences in the costs of decarbonization globally make the benefits of an interconnected carbon market perhaps even more attractive.

For example, the International Monetary Fund has suggested that the goals of the Paris Agreement might be achieved through introduction of a uniform global carbon price of approximately CDN $104 per tCO2e by 2030. This is substantially lower than the $170 to which the revenue-neutral carbon tax of the federal Canadian government is slated to rise by 2030.

A video explaining how carbon markets work produced by The Economist.



Carbon offsetting, by contrast, tends to be restricted to emissions in sectors that are difficult to measure or in developing countries where there is insufficient capacity for emissions trading. Organizations developing carbon offset projects are usually tasked with collecting baseline information against which the emission reductions of their projects is measured.

The prospect of project developers manipulating baselines continues to raise concerns. However, counter-factual baselines are routinely used in development co-operation.

Political headwinds in Canada

Canadians should seriously consider a carbon market system linked with other jurisdictions — including across Canada, globally and with individual U.S. states.

The Canadian federal government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has started to “bend the curve” as Canada’s emissions dropped one per cent from 2022 to 2023. But to reach the federal government’s 2030 emission reduction target of 28 per cent below 1990 levels, Canada will need to reduce emissions at least five per cent year-upon-year through 2030.

Read more: Global carbon emissions inch upwards in 2024 despite progress on EVs, renewables and deforestation

At the same time, support for federal climate policy appears to have declined.

While the growing popularity of the Conservative Party cannot be attributed to any single factor, Pierre Poilievre’s promise to “axe the tax” has resonated. This should not come as a surprise. Public opinion research consistently finds that climate policy support declines as carbon prices rise.

In contrast, there is little noise being made by major political parties in Québec about the province’s carbon market. One reason is that current carbon market prices are half that of the federal carbon tax at $40 versus $80. Many outside of Québec have decried this discrepancy as unfair. But instead, it should rather be seen as politically astute.

Québec has cut its cost of reducing emissions by linking with California, where it is relatively cheaper to do so. Indeed, if one factors in emissions allowances imported from California, then Québec in fact met its 2020 emissions reduction target — reaching 27 per cent below 1990 levels



Emissions in Canada will need to fall much more quickly for Canada to meet its 2030 targets without recourse to international carbon market. (Mark Purdon), Author provided (no reuse)

That being said, some observers have raised concerns about financial outflows from Québec to California. However, Québec firms have, so far, generally supported the carbon market. And for good reason.

Economic modelling suggests that if Québec were to seek to achieve its 2030 emission reduction target unilaterally, without linkage to California, the price of carbon would need to rise to at least $300. That means that Québecers would see the price of carbon paid at the pump rise sharply from the current approximately nine cents per litre to 57 cents. Such a rise would be ripe for political backlash.

Carbon markets can work

Overall, the Québec experience suggests that international carbon markets can work both globally and here in Canada.

There are legitimate concerns about carbon markets on issues ranging from stifling innovation and “mitigation deterrence” to administrative loopholes as well as moral concerns about “selling out.”

Any serious conversation would have to address these concerns, though many of these are perhaps more down to neoliberal economic policy, which has seen its legitimacy erode significantly. A green industrial policy could help address many of these concerns.

Read more: 3 innovative ways to help countries hit by climate disasters, beyond a loss and damage fund

One idea to build bridges between carbon markets and industrial policy is to introduce carbon price floors. These would allow buyer countries to prevent capital flight, while selling countries can ensure climate finance inflows are priced high enough to lead to transformational change.

International carbon markets are a way for Canada to take responsibility for its emissions while supporting emission reductions elsewhere in the world. It is imperative that whoever is in power in Ottawa in the coming years take them seriously.


Author

Mark Purdon

Professor, École des sciences de la gestion & Holder, Chair in Decarbonization, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

Disclosure statement
Mark Purdon has received funding from various academic research organizations including SSHRC, IDRC, CGIAR, MITACS, Energy Modeling Initiative, Réseau de recherche en économie circulaire as well as UQAM who has supported the work of the Chair in Decarbonization. He has consulted on issues of climate finance and climate policy with organisations such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), Government of Cameroon, The Gold Standard, Transparency International, Equiterre, Ouranos and Government of Quebec.



How the far right is evolving and growing in Canada


People walk along downtown Ottawa’s Wellington Street during the so-called “freedom convoy” protest against COVID-19 measures on Feb. 17, 2022. The pandemic served as the perfect platform for far-right conspiracies to spread their narratives. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang


THE CONVERSATION
Published: November 14, 2024 

In early 2022, thousands of Canadians descended on Ottawa as part of the so-called “Freedom Convoy” in protest of the government’s pandemic-related restrictions. Many were opposed to the government’s power to impose lockdowns, masking and vaccine mandates.

Wittingly or not, they were also taking part in a vast communications effort from various groups and individuals on the far right.

Our new book on the far right in Canada, The Great Right North, shows that events like the Freedom Convoy are representative of where the far right is going, how it is recruiting, how it is communicating internally and with Canadians at large, and how it is progressing in the national political discourse.


Historically, Canada has always had a few active far-right groups, including the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s and Nazis and fascists before the Second World War.

It also saw various semi-successful attempts at federating smaller formations during the 1980s and, in the 1990s, under the umbrella of the Heritage Front, which turned out to be co-founded and led by a CSIS operative.

But that was then. Now, the far right has a different strategy.



Ku Klux Klan members in Kingston, Ont. on July 31, 1927.
 (National Archives of Canada/John Boyd)


The evolving far right

Inspired by the widespread Islamophobia that followed the 9/11 attacks, old and new groups, influencers and ideologues have started blending their narratives into broader popular concerns.

New and growing far-right groups have emerged: Pegida Canada, La Meute and others, with tens of thousands of followers. Alongside ordinary Canadians preoccupied with national security, identity and the country’s ability to effectively welcome an influx of immigrants, far-right propagandists were weaving their white-supremacist, anti-government and yes, their old hate for Jewish people, who are accused of being behind it all.

Today, these views are often spread through a relatively sanitized discourse, leaving behind the symbols and the language of the previous generation of extremists and adopting a new populist, average-Joe appearance.

The COVID-19 pandemic further served as a platform to peddle globalist conspiracy theories and cultivate contempt for governments, news media, science, racialized people and any form of speech that might contradict the white supremacist discourse of the far right.

The broad appeal of hard-working truckers, “freedom” and pandemic anxiety was successfully mobilized into a mass movement that inspired far-right groups around the world.

This inspiration is propagated online by ordinary people who like and share snippets of information without necessarily realizing their deeper meaning or their links to extremist groups. Some of the main sources of that inspiration are hyperactive, notorious influencers who carefully cultivate their status as far-right influencers. Others are old-school ideologues, often curating entire online libraries of hate literature.

Usually hidden under a more palatable discourse, sometimes in the form of apparently benign memes, their worldviews are making inroads in our political culture via massive dissemination. The continuous flow of propaganda makes few, if any, direct victims. However, it provides far more traction in public debates on issues such as immigration, security and identity.


A woman wears a Make Canada Great Again cap during a demonstration opposing the government’s immigration policy near the Canada-U.S. border in Saint-Bernard-de-Lacolle, Que., Oct. 19, 2019. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Graham Hughes


How the far right recruits


Far-right progression is taking place in broad daylight, against a backdrop where the far right is happily riding the wave of populism, geopolitical crises, economic uncertainty and the feeling of neglect that pervades the middle classes in most western countries.

As part of our research, we have interviewed active, deliberate recruiters seeking like-minded people in various sympathetic venues, who told us they approach likely candidates directly, unpack their ideological wares and wait for reactions. But this is not the most worrying form of recruitment; it is high in effort and low in results.

In our research, we found that today “recruitment” is not so much about adding members to groups. It’s about adding adherents to a worldview. Individuals who go from one political problem to the next, in an infinitely changing galaxy of groups, ideas, controversies and people constantly re-inventing themselves with new ideological nuances, special focus on sometimes arcane matters, and adapting as best they can to current events.

Within the general chaos, some overarching, common beliefs can be found. That the state and its institutions, as well as the democratic foundations of western societies, are corrupt, weak or desperately vulnerable to mismanagement. That white Canadians are threatened by replacement and disappearance by scheming elites.

Consequently, cultural, ethnic and social polarization are constantly underlined, and presented in a manner that justifies the repression of various populations deemed to be dangerous. Though very few will engage in physical violence, it is constantly legitimized, and often praised, when described, suggested or committed as the key to achieve political objectives.

Anyone searching online for information on almost any social or political topic is likely to come across multiple rabbit holes leading to the self-sufficient, airtight bubble of the far-right infosphere. This is the realm of incels, white supremacists, neo-nazis, Christian nationalists and the like.

Beside their far-right views, these entities have almost nothing in common, other than the conviction that accessing various public forums is a powerful way to attract public attention and, eventually, approval of their worldview.

This far-right infosphere is a massive supermarket of support groups, and is a powerful infrastructure of organic recruitment. It is led by gurus and influencers but also by ordinary individuals in discussion groups and chat rooms. It is propelled by digital platforms whose operating logic is not to favour quality information but rather content that is better at provoking engagement. One prime driver of engagement is controversy, a far-right specialty.



A CBC news report about the Québec-based far-right group La Meute.


Paths to the far right

We studied at length the various processes that lead people to engage with far-right rhetoric or with a specific group, and to eventual commitment, i.e. participation in some kind of action, whether illegal or not.

We found different paths for those who spread hate propaganda and symbolic violence, and those who engage in physical violence. Both include lone actors or very small groups.

We divide the physically violent into two categories: small groups who look for trouble as entertainment, often joining together for socializing and for protection; and the explosive, desperate violence of disorganized individuals, most of whom were already vulnerable, living with intense economic, familial, social or psychological stress. The latter, locked in echo chambers, use social media to confirm beliefs that crystallize and, in some cases, lead to violence.

Far-right sentiments are constantly evolving, and appear to be growing in Canada. It is important for governments, institutions and others seeking to address extremism to understand the ways people are being drawn to the far right and its online echo chambers.



Authors
Stéphane Leman-Langlois

Professor, School of Social Work and Criminology, Université Laval
Aurélie Campana

Professeure titulaire de science politique, spécialiste des extrémismes, Université Laval
Samuel Tanner

Professor and Department Director, School of Criminology, Université de Montréal
Disclosure statement

Stéphane Leman-Langlois receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Aurélie Campana receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council from Canada

Samuel Tanner receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council from Canada.