Friday, November 22, 2024

Edu-surveillance




Nazir A. Jogezai
Published November 23, 2024 



WITH the rise in insecurity, we have seen the increasing use of CCTV surveillance cameras and metal detectors in educational institutions globally. The security threats include, for example, school shootings in the US and attacks on schools in Pakistan. The use of surveillance technologies like CCTV may appear appropriate to combat insecurity faced by educational institutions, their staff, and students.

Although the initial deployment of CCTV cameras in many countries aimed to protect schools against dangerous outsiders, they soon extended across school playgrounds, hallways, classrooms, and libraries and even crept into more private spaces like staffrooms and locker rooms. Video scandals involving university students in parts of Pakistan and other societies have highlighted the abuse of such surveillance and have initiated a debate about its use in personalised areas and classrooms.

Educational institutions justify the use of CCTV surveillance cameras for access and conduct control, and evidence gathering. Access control is primarily associated with the protection of schools from dangerous outsiders. Conduct control is focused on making interventions to normalise school rules, such as attendance, assessment reports, uniforms, and punishments based on real-time monitoring. Evidence gathering is an effort to ease disciplinary investigation.

CCTV surveillance cameras have become the new administrative norm. They have proliferated to socially control a variety of student behaviours, including theft, bullying, truancy, smoking, and minor delinquencies, as well as to evaluate teachers’ performance and behaviour in the classroom.


The use of CCTVs in classrooms must especially be discouraged.


In classrooms, they perform mostly as disciplinary tools to control teachers and students, maintain discipline, and ensure utmost compliance with organisational regulations. They are also used to supervise, monitor, and judge students’ and teachers’ overall performance.

These technological surveillance services are cost-effective for educational institutes. However, they come at the cost of neglecting the development of students and impeding their transition to becoming responsible citizens, and confident, self-directed learners.

Such surveillance in classrooms and personalised places has adversely impacted students and staff, and have contributed to a negative psychology on their part and a feeling of reduced safety in schools and in the classroom in particular. In addition to harsh disciplinary practices, such surveillance has resulted in a strained relationship between schools, teachers, and students.

Recent educational research indicates that increasing implementation of very visible security measures — akin to a prison system — in educational institutions may gradually diminish mutual trust and have a detrimental effect on the learning environment, academic performances, and the social development of students. Research has also demonstrated that this hyper-surveillance has led to an increase in students’ feelings of mistrust, powerlessness, and vulnerability.

Students are more afraid of being observed, and they may consequently act in a way that is contrived because of the ‘observer effect’ that comes with CCTV cameras. Similarly, teachers will become demoralised at such an invasion of their personal and professional space and make attempts to counteract the surveillance through resistance.

Learning takes place in an environment of trust and healthy relationships between teachers and students and in a learner-friendly environment. CCTVs hamper the deve­lopment of an an­­xiety-free enviro­nment when ins­­­-

talled in classrooms and pers­o­nal spaces. Their presence heightens alertness, ca­­mouflages genuine behaviour, and may even lead to the display of fake conduct.

There is evidence that they are used to criminalise student behaviour, transforming the learning atmosphere into a hyper-surveilled one, resulting in risks to privacy and human rights, as well as to the health and academic performance of students. In fact, intensified surveillance in schools has led to a growing mistrust among and oppression of students.

One is not proposing to entirely avoid the use of CCTV surveillance, but it must not hinder the learning process, and personal growth of the learners or deplete trust in students and teachers, or generate a sense of personal insecurity. Their use in classrooms must especially be discouraged, and they should only be installed in places such as hallways and entrances. There should be proper rules and regulations for CCTV surveillance in educational institutes, which must be complied with. The consent of staff, students, and their parents must be obtained, and the school management must explain to them the purpose of CCTVs.

The writer is an educationist.

Published in Dawn, November 23th, 2024

The Glassworker has been long-listed for the 2025 Oscars

Usman Riaz’s hand-drawn animated film is officially eligible to be shortlisted in the Animated Feature and International Feature Film categories.



Images Staff
22 Nov, 2024
DAWN

Usman Riaz’s The Glassworker has made its way to the list of eligible films for the 97th Academy Awards.

The Academy released its list of eligible films for the 97th Oscars across the animated, documentary, and international feature categories on Thursday. The list includes a mix of major blockbusters and critically acclaimed projects, with entries from leading studios and independent creators.

Produced by Mano Animation Studios, The Glassworker is among 31 animated feature and 85 international feature contenders. This is a historic moment for Pakistan, given it is the country’s first animated submission to the Oscars.

As it meets the eligibility criteria, you can consider The Glassworker officially long-listed for the awards. Shortlists for the categories will be announced on December 17, narrowing the list ahead of the final nominations on January 23, 2025.

The nominees for each category are determined by a rigorous voting process: for Animated Features, members of the Academy’s Animation Branch evaluate submissions, while International Features require Academy members from all branches to meet specific viewing criteria.

In the animation feature category, the film is listed alongside animation powerhouses such as Pixar’s Inside Out 2, which has already made waves as the highest-grossing animated movie of all time, and DreamWorks Animation’s The Wild Robot.

Other notable entries in this category include Kung Fu Panda 4, Despicable Me 4, and the Japanese contender Kensuke’s Kingdom.

In the International Feature category, The Glassworker joins films from 84 other countries, including India’s Laapata Ladies, directed by Kiran Rao.

Palestinian submission From Ground Zero has also made it to the list. A 2024 anthology film directed by 22 different Palestinian directors, From Ground Zero is made up of 22 short films, including documentaries, fiction, animation and experimental films about the situation in Gaza as Israel continues its assault. The same list includes Israel’s submission Come Closer.

This year’s competition also includes critically acclaimed works such as France’s Emilia PĂ©rez, Germany’s The Seed of the Sacred Fig, and Brazil’s I’m Still Here.

The Glassworker, Pakistan’s first hand-drawn animated film, is set in a fictional world inspired by South Asian landscapes. The film follows the life of Vincent, a young glassworker, and his evolving relationship with Alliz, the daughter of one of his patrons. As they grow older, they find their personal and professional lives tested by the shadow of war and the complexities of human emotions. The film has been lauded for its stunning artistry, heartfelt storytelling, and musical score, all meticulously crafted by Riaz and his team.
Why Is Pakistan’s News Media Ignoring Gen Z?



Gen Z are interested in the news. They are just not interested in the way it is presented to them by the country’s news media organisations, argues Zahra Salah Uddin.

 07 Nov, 2024 

“No one watches TV anymore” is a common statement made by various marketers in our industry. Followed by: “I certainly don’t watch it; even my mom, who is over 60 watches all her dramas on online streaming platforms.”

To say that Pakistan is facing its most turbulent time (so far) comes with an eye-opening realisation of the importance of accurate, credible and innovative journalism. However, as the number of social media users rapidly increases, there has been a rise in disinformation online, leading to an overall distrust of the news altogether. All the while, the media is trying to come to grips with a decline in readership and falling ad revenues. Internationally as well, some of the biggest news organisations to report the news in innovative ways, like Vice and Buzzfeed, have closed down and many other global newsrooms have laid off hundreds of journalists.

According to the Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2024, a big shift in online platforms is taking place, and X, Meta and TikTok are actively working on changing their strategies when it comes to giving their audiences what they are looking for. According to the report, “TikTok remains the most popular with younger groups and, although its use for any purpose is similar to last year, the proportion using it for news has grown to 13% (+2) across all markets and 23% for 18- to 24-year-olds.”

So what does this mean for Pakistan? Is our news media ready to embrace this rapid tide of change?

As of January 2024, there are 71.70 million active social media users in Pakistan, but there is little to no understanding by the news media about the changes audiences want to see in their social media platforms.

According to Usman Azeem, a senior policy and social media researcher, “There is a severe lack of prioritisation in terms of the content created specifically for digital audiences. Even mainstream news media platforms (like Dawn.com or Tribune.com) post only 15 to 20% original content and the remaining 80 to 85% is a regurgitation of what has already been reported on TV or [in] print.”

TikTok is a unique platform because it uses various storytelling techniques and trends to impart information. These trends may include dances, makeup tutorials, or cooking videos, and they tell a story. According to Reuters’ digital report, there has been an increase in “news influencers” who go viral for their short videos, including explainers about breaking news and current affairs. Yet, for media organisations in Pakistan, TikTok is seen as a placeholder for news and information that has already been aired on television news bulletins – a medium in which Gen Z has an increasingly low interest.

Furthermore, mainstream media in Pakistan is becoming irrelevant due to regulatory controls and many forms of censorship. According to Azeem, “Journalists who have been fired from news channels due to alleged pressure from the state have found new homes on the internet. This, of course, also leads to mis/disinformation as well, but if there is an information vacuum, someone is going to fill it.”

Although global trends show that Gen Z is consuming less news compared to other age groups, in Pakistan, young people are becoming more politically engaged because of social media platforms.

Here, it is important to keep in mind that Pakistan has the world’s largest Gen Z cohort, with 60 to 65% of its population below the age of 30 (in 2022). Yet, it also seems that in Pakistan, news organisations see young people as just a number, unlike the rest of the world, where the Gen Z demographic holds great importance for advertisers and media organisations in terms of how they tell the news.

The ability of young people to shape perceptions, trends, and policies is seen as very important, but that is not the case in Pakistan. There is no youth-centric news coverage. We spend most of our time talking at young people rather than talking to them. This is a social problem rather than just a news media problem.“

In Azeem’s opinion, Pakistani news media are adopting a one-size-fits-all approach rather than developing content for specific audiences.

As TikTok gains popularity among young people for news as well as entertainment, it remains deeply misunderstood by people in positions of influence, including government officials and media editors. TikTok is seen as a platform where people indulge in non-serious videos, yet the reality proves this not to be the case. The success of TikTok has led other platforms such as Instagram and YouTube to create their own versions of short-form news and entertainment with Instagram reels and YouTube shorts.

Azeem says that there are almost 55 million TikTok accounts in Pakistan as of January 2024 and this includes the rural areas.

In fact, politicians have used the platform to reach out to their rural constituents. “The rest of the world has understood this, and every major political leader and government body has a TikTok account. Short-form content, particularly for news media, is the new reality.” In his opinion, the issue is not that Gen Z is not consuming news; it is about the kind of news they consume.

“Social media has given rise to echo chambers, where people only consume the kind of news aligns with their worldview. Everything else is dismissed or ignored. This is the larger problem Even if young people are consuming news, is it really factual information?”

So what are Pakistani news editors doing about this? According to Abdul Sattar Abbasi, Dawn.com’s managing editor, Pakistan’s news industry is not geared up for Gen Z and their digital habits. The local news organisations that have a TikTok account only use the platform to post clips from their TV broadcasts rather than post new and engaging content. On the other hand, media organisations in the West are creating news content specifically for their audience on TikTok.

“Many people in the news media frown at the mention of TikTok. I say ignore it at your peril. Gen Z is going to force us to adapt and they will drag us kicking and screaming into the future, which is already here.”

Based on Abbasi’s experience, Pakistan’s Gen Z do not type in the name of a specific news site; rather, they consume whatever shows up on their newsfeeds. This connects to the larger issue of disinformation and misinformation.

Another issue is lack of trust. “Trust in mainstream media has eroded partly because of populist politicians attacking the integrity of the media who haven’t given them favourable coverage,” says Abbasi. “And the only way to deal with this is to continue to do what we do: present the facts. However, we can package it in a way that engages Gen Z – short-form content and fact-checks that address the disinformation.” Abbasi maintains that that way of trust can best be dealt with through factual reporting. “Visual storytelling and video are the most accessible, and if we can get their eyeballs that way, we can then also give them the facts and start to build that trust.” That said, one of the issues is finding skilled people who can think digitally – which is very rare.

In Abbasi’s view, “news media organisations are not ignoring Gen Z and many of the causes that are covered – climate change, gender equality and human rights – are close to their hearts. The difference is how Gen Z consumes current events.

“Mark Zuckerberg believes that the future will hold entire virtual Metaverses where people will spend significant amounts of their time. Imagine the falsehood that can spread in worlds that blend imagination and reality. We must prepare for that eventuality, however far-fetched it may seem now,” concludes Abbasi.

Zahra Salah Uddin is a multimedia journalist with a decade of experience in international newsrooms and the nonprofit sector.
PAKISTAN

At war with itself

IT could not have been more bizarre: the government is taking its war against social media to a new level
November 20, 2024
DAWN




After banning X, the government now seeks to restrict the use of VPN (Virtual Private Networks).

To do so, it has gone to the extent of obtaining a fatwa from the Council of Islamic Ideology, which initially termed the use of the network ‘un-Islamic’.


The statement by the head of the CII came the same day as the remarks made by the army chief at an Islamabad-based research institute that “Unrestricted freedom of speech is leading to the degradation of moral values in all societies”. The army chief also called for the enforcement of “comprehensive laws and regulations” to stop what has been referred to as “digital terrorism” by those who hold the reins of power.

Although it is not unusual for senior establishment figures in Pakistan to delve into policy matters, such comments on regulating freedom of speech give cause for concern, especially in a country that is already witnessing increasing curbs not only on social media platforms but also on mainstream media. The government’s move to downgrade internet services and restrict the use of VPNs seems to be a part of the effort to stifle freedom of expression and to prevent access to information.

What is most alarming is that all such restrictions are being enforced in the name of national security. It leaves us wondering how the country can be made a safer place by shutting down social media and curbing the freedom of expression. It may be true that social media is also being used for negative propaganda and to spread fake news. But how does that threaten our national security? If anything, it is restrictions on democratic and media freedoms that make the country more insecure.

There is no denying that social media campaigns against the security forces have heightened over the past few years. But our leadership has yet to understand that this is a reflection of the existing tensions caused by the narrowing of democratic space and greater involvement of non-political forces in political power games. Instead of addressing the public’s growing disenchantment with the existing system, the leadership has responded with more stringent measures to stifle dissent.

The move to control mainstream media was bound to give greater space to social media platforms. Notwithstanding its negative side, it’s a fact that people now trust social media more, with a large section of the mainstream media losing its credibility in the eyes of the public.


Installing firewalls and limiting digital services will not help resolve the crisis the state faces.

Stringent regulatory measures and attempts to further curtail freedom of expression will only push the public to rely more on social media to access information as well as voice their views. Given the massive advancement in information technology, it will be hard for the state to completely control this platform, despite attempts to install a firewall whose cost is estimated to be in billions of rupees. The only way to counter fake news and negative propaganda is to restore democratic rights and remove restrictions on freedom of expression.

It might be true that social media has become a major venue for anti-establishment views over the past few years. But to simply term them as ‘enemy-sponsored propaganda against the state’ is to overlook the increasing public concern over the involvement of non-political forces in civilian affairs.

More distressing is the growing public alienation in insurgency-infested areas, despite the large number of casualties suffered by the security forces. It is also a fact that social media has now become a venue for protest particularly among young people seeking to change the status quo. Any repressive measure is bound to widen their alienation. This is the lesson of history that our civil and military leadership have yet to learn.

It is not anyone’s job to judge society’s moral values or for those outside the civilian sphere to talk about regulating freedom of expression. Instead, those in the security sphere should focus more on the grave security challenges the country is facing, which is crucial to winning and maintaining the public’s trust.

Blaming social media for all evils is not going to help tackle what is clearly an existentialist threat. The situation is further compounded by the fact that KP and Balochistan, both strategically important provinces, are caught in the midst of insurgencies, which are by far the biggest threat to national security today.

There has been a marked upsurge in the number of terrorist attacks in recent months, with growing political instability in the country and the weakening of local administrations in the two provinces. Nothing could be worse for the leadership of a country in the throes of a conflict than to lose the trust of its own people. In this situation, it has become imperative for the civil and military leadership to restore political stability in the country. Setting up firewalls and restricting digital services will not help resolve the crisis that the state faces.

It is not just about the political aspects but also the economic costs of internet disruptions. The damage to the economy could be devastating. According to an IT firm, internet restrictions and the firewall could inflict “devastating financial losses estimated to reach $300 million, which can further increase exponentially”. Other restrictions on online services can exacerbate the crisis.

Access to X has been blocked since the time of the elections in February and more restrictions could come with the opposition PTI threatening to storm the capital to increase pressure on the coalition government.

The confrontation is likely to escalate, with no sign of any side relenting. More restrictions on freedom of expression and curbs on social media would only worsen the situation. The government’s actions are pushing the country into a war with itself.

The writer is an author and journalist.

zhussain100@yahoo.com
X: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, November 20th, 2024
BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY

Military option

DAWN
Editorial 
November 21, 2024 


CONSIDERING that Balochistan has been experiencing a steady wave of terrorist violence over the past few months, particularly involving Baloch separatist groups, it is no surprise that the state has decided to use armed force to quell the insurgency.

Using the platform of the Apex Committee, the civil and military leadership said on Tuesday that an operation would be launched to counter terrorism and separatist violence in the province, while Nacta would be revitalised under the vision of Azm-i-Istehkam. The meeting also announced that a National and Provincial Intelligence Fusion and Threat Assessment Centre would be created and a “whole-of-system approach” adopted.

It is clear why the state has to take firm action to restore peace in Balochistan. In August, terrorists launched a coordinated series of attacks in different parts of the province; such incidents have been occurring since then with disturbing regularity. They include the massacre of miners in Dukki in October, as well as the bombings in Mastung and at the Quetta railway station earlier this month. In fact, the railway station atrocity, in which a large number of civilians were martyred along with security personnel, may have played a decisive role in the state’s decision to launch a military operation.

Apart from these incidents, there have been numerous grisly murders of non-Baloch workers, as well as the suicide bombing in October outside Karachi airport in which two Chinese nationals were killed. The latter incident threatened to imperil Pakistan’s relationship with Beijing. All these violent acts have been linked to Baloch separatists.

Yet it should be remembered that although Balochistan has witnessed numerous military operations over the decades, they have largely failed to bring long-lasting peace to the province. This time, with Nacta on board, things could be different. While the state goes after terrorists, innocent people should not be hauled away and there must be transparency regarding the operations. If relatives of the insurgents, especially women and children, are targeted in the name of tackling terrorism, it will be counterproductive and breed more disaffection.

As this paper has said before, while restoring peace is essential, addressing Balochistan’s socioeconomic deprivation is equally important as terrorists exploit poverty and underdevelopment in the resource-rich province to turn people against the state. Moreover, the state will need to keep channels open with the Afghan Taliban to ensure that Baloch insurgents are not able to find sanctuary in their country.

Better ties with Kabul can help thwart the malignant designs of the “hostile foreign powers” that the Apex Committee identified. Some regional states, such as India, are deepening relations with the Afghan Taliban. For peace in Balochistan and elsewhere in the country, Pakistan cannot afford to ignore these developments and must keep the lines open with Kabul.

Published in Dawn, November 21st, 2024
Deep fakes

Samia Liaquat Ali Khan 
Published November 23, 2024 


AS we take a moment to observe how the world has changed in the past few years, it always helps to think of what our younger selves may have thought or felt when faced with similar events.

It’s one way to figure out how jaded or cynical we may have become over the years. And it helps in appreciating and understanding the concerns and worldviews of young people around us.

The Global Trends study that is carried out by Ipsos every decade, aims to capture how people across the globe view their lives and futures and reveals shared realities but also divergences. Research is conducted across 50 countries and 1,000 individuals in each, equal representation of gender and an age cohort stretching from 19 to 74. It is a robust dataset, but given that it is an online survey, it acknowledges that respondents are more educated, largely urban and probably better off than many of their fellow citizens.

In 2024, the macro trends identified by the study don’t hold any surprises. However, they do reveal how people are observing and reflecting on critical issues of our time. One of the trends is economic disparities, and data reveals that people realise they are in the midst of the downfall of the middle classes. What was once a clear trajectory for a majority (that children should and will prosper more than their parents), is now perceived to be out of reach. The divide between the haves and have nots has been exposed for what it signifies — those in positions of power do not want the status quo to change.

The economic trend also points to a fracturing of societies and impacts politics and social structures. Tensions around immigrants and refugees, the role of digital technology, populism and polarity of views all suggest that we are in the midst of massive transformations. Where the collisions occur can already be partially predicted, but what it means for us as human beings and nation states, is as yet unknown.

Another shift reveals how people’s thinking has changed on a particular issue. A decade earlier, people were worried about climate change, today according to the study, 80 per cent of respondents realise we are in the midst of an environmental emergency. Most also believe that our habits need to change quickly if we are to survive, and they hold companies and governments responsible for lack of action and initiative on environmental stewardship, and building a more sustainable future for all. However, individuals see themselves as doing as much as they can in this regard, and this is where the issue of environmental emergency becomes submerged to the immediate reality of rising costs of living, and disparities in wealth and health.

Our most prominent differences with the world are linked to personal and societal values.

Over 70pc of people believe that technology can be used to solve the problems we face. There is awe and wonder at what can be achieved, but more than half also believe that technology is destroying the very fabric of our lives. Fears about how the meta data that is collected invades our privacy, is taking our jobs and whether humans themselves will be able to control artificial intelligence in the future, are growing.

The use of digital technology to control our autonomy and independence, while our own expanding dependence on smartphones and the like reflect the innately complex and intricate nature of our relationship with technology and whether this will in the long-term be to our advantage or disadvantage.

Where does Pakistan stand across all these parameters of perception? Interestingly there are some similarities but also differences. We stand with the rest of the world when it comes to a distrust in elites and 72pc of us agree that the economy is rigged to the advantage of the rich and powerful. Ninety-one per cent of Pakistanis believe that we are heading for environmental disaster if we don’t change our ways. A significant majority — 89pc — also believe that modern technology provides the answer to the big challenges we face.

Our most prominent differences with the world are linked to personal and societal values. Eighty-two per cent of us still believe that the main role of women is to be good mothers and wives and this is linked to our traditionalist view on religion. Only 39pc of the rest of the world adheres to this view. I have become more aware over time of how deeply patriarchal and misogynistic our society has become, so while I should be surprised at this figure, I’m not. Just weary of the struggle that seems to go nowhere.

What did alarm me was that while saying our faith is very important to us, we also differ to the rest of the world on our opinion of material ownership. Seventy-nine per cent of Pakistanis compared to 46pc globally agree to the statement - I measure success by the things that I own. This juxtaposition of focus on wealth and possessions, yet convincing ourselves that we have strong faith, reflects a confusion, an internal dissonance in our value systems. This is troubling.

I titled this piece ‘Deep Fakes’ for a reason. Our society is at a crossroads. We have a young population that we are failing. Politicians talk of Pakistan becoming great, but have betrayed us with falsehoods and false hope for far too long. They take the easy way out, as do most of us elites. And the examples we set for the rest of the country means they will do the same. This divergence between rhetoric and practice is our downfall. And it is reflected in the dissonance of values within our collective psyche. Is it possible to crawl out of this hole? The answer lies in intention.

The writer is an independent development professional and impact adviser with over 25 years of experience in designing and managing programmes to improve lives.


samialakhan21@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, November 23th, 2024
PAKISTAN

Crisis of population growth
November 23, 2024 






THERE is growing concern regarding the shockingly higher-than-anticipated intercensal population growth rates of 2.55 per cent between 2017 and 2023.

An already high, unsustainable population growth rate has increased instead of going down. We have added 110 million people to our population in 25 years and boast the highest growth rate in South Asia.

The Population Council and UNFPA’s report Pakistan@2050 addresses demographic change, future projections, and the consequent challenges and opportunities vis-Ă -vis Pakistan’s development landscape. It leaves no doubt how important it is to tackle the existential crisis of population growth.

The study puts to rest much of the debate about a demographic dividend in Pakistan: a dividend is unlikely if each additional person consumes more than what is earned. It also underscores the flat trends in labour productivity which have cancelled out the expectation that the increase in labour force would yield dividends.

The cost of inaction in achieving a fertility transition and a reduction in population growth rate since the 1980s is high. The study lays out the huge loss caused by high population growth in the last few decades in economic terms. Pakistan’s GDP would have been 56pc higher if the population growth had been even half a percentage point lower since the 1980s. Poverty levels and maternal deaths — other important indicators — could have been severely reduced.

Of even greater concern is that we are on track to reach a population of 385m Pakistanis by 2050. Already stretched resources, water and food shortages and, above all, high unemployment and a troubled economy do not point to a rosy future for an additional 140m in Pakistan. There are also concerns regarding the lack of education, skills and knowledge base. This puts our labour force at a disadvantage in today’s fiercely competitive markets.

The report calculates that 2.6m additional jobs are required annually between 2023 and 2050. At the moment, it is mainly the services sector which has largely absorbed the surge of additional workforce. We face challenges in absorbing the full workforce and will need to plan for it. Major structural changes are required to generate growth in manufacturing and agriculture to absorb the additional 65m Pakistanis who will enter the labour force in the next 25 years.


The cost of inaction in achieving a fertility transition and a reduction in population growth rate since the 1980s is high.

We can safely expect over 50pc of Pakistanis to be living in urban areas by 2050. The large volume of rural-to-urban migration is due more to the push of shrinking employment opportunities in agriculture and poverty, and less to the pull of better prospects in the urban areas. The lack of structural changes that accompany urban transitions elsewhere are of concern. This includes the lack of any sharp decline in the continuing high rates of fertility in cities and towns.

There is a message of hope though — if the leadership prioritises two clear policy directions. The two policy actions can effectively make a change in the number of Pakistanis, and how educated and how economically sound they will be by 2050. These actions offer a way to redress some factors that impede development. Both are already accepted policies of the government. But there is evidence that immediate implementation can make a significant difference.

The strongest message is that bringing fertility down is a necessity. The goal of the Council of Common Interests is to bring fertility down to 2.2 replacement levels by 2030. This is unlikely, but not impossible. Many countries in this region like Iran and Nepal, and Bangladesh have accomplished a decline in fertility of over one child in a decade.






There is strong reason to believe that Pakistan can experience a fast fertility decline. A recent Population Council report estimates that almost half of the pregnancies in Pakistan are unplanned and 3.8m end annually as abortions and 2m as unplanned births. This confirms that there is a huge gap between demand for and supply of family planning services for families in need of these.

The second necessary policy is the implementation of compulsory primary education for all children by 2028. This is obligatory as mandated by Article 25A of the Constitution. Furthermore, the government has declared an education emergency. It is necessary also to rectify the shameful figure of 25m out-of-school children.

Immediate joint efforts by the centre and provinces should ensure that measures are put in place through expanding the school network, hiring more teachers and doing double shifts to meet this emergency. A full generation of Pakistani children in school completing primary education would signal the intent to walk the talk of an educational emergency.

These two actions alone will lead to 50m fewer Pakistanis and doubling of the per capita income by 2050. We will be able to claim a full generation of children having completed primary education and a generation of educated mothers in another few years.

Both these actions are based on the human rights agenda. Additionally, they will provide the tailwind to catch up with key SDG goals on health, hunger and poverty, education and climate change by 2030. The report stresses that gender inequities, particularly involving women and girls, deserve special attention. Their education and labour force participation is essential for any social or economic transformation.

Evidence is given that Pakistan’s demographic and development trajectory today would have been totally different had there been investment in female education. It would certainly have ensured that some key development outcomes and even our fertility levels would have been more in line with our neighbouring countries in South Asia.

The finance minister recently declared that a charter of economy must include population growth and environment. It is an ideal opportunity to prioritise the goals related to these and reverse the demographic crisis. It could be achieved by running a vigorous campaign to increase access to voluntary family planning. Pakistan’s birth rate can be brought down to sustainable levels.

The writer is Country Director, Population Council.

Published in Dawn, November 23th, 2024
PAKISTAN
Protests sweep the country as Kurram toll rises to 43


Javed Hussain 
Published November 23, 2024 
DAWN
People mourn over the graves of relatives who were killed after gunmen opened fire on a convoy of passenger vehicles, in the Shalozan area of Kurram district, on Friday.—Reuters

• Curfew imposed, mobile services suspended; schools, markets remain shut across Parachinar

• Senior official describes situation in region as ‘extremely tense’

• Protesters slam govt inability to protect citizens

KURRAM: The death toll from Thursday’s attack on passenger vehicles in Khyber Pakhtun­khwa’s Kurram district area rose to 43, authorities said on Friday as they imposed a curfew and suspended mobile service in the remote mountainous district.

Businesses, educational institutions and markets remained closed across Parachinar and surrounding areas in Kurram, a district near the Afghanistan border with a history of sectarian violence

Thousands of people took to the streets in various cities on Friday.

The convoy of around 200 vehicles, carrying Shia passengers between Peshawar and Parachi­nar, came under heavy gunfire in the densely populated Bagan town.

According to witnesses, the vehicles were ambushed from four sides. Muhammad, a 14-year-old survivor, told Dawn that the assault lasted around 30 minutes.

Authorities said that the victims included seven women and three children, with 16 others injured — 11 of whom are in critical condition.


Sajid Kazmi, a leader of Majlis-i-Wahdat-i-Muslimeen (MWM), condemned the attack, accusing law enforcement agencies of negligence. He alleged that despite the convoy being escorted by police from Thal to Alizai, the forces failed to protect passengers. Mr Kazmi demanded the formation of a joint investigation team (JIT) to investigate the massacre.

Kurram Deputy Commissioner Javedullah Mehsud confirmed the death toll, adding that efforts were underway to restore normalcy. He told Dawn that a grand jirga would be convened to find a viable solution to the unrest.


PROTESTERS hold placards during a demonstration against the terrorist attack in Parachinar outside the Peshawar Press Club on Friday.—PPI


Protests and funerals

The attack has sparked outrage across the district, with demonstrations held in various locations, including outside the Parachinar Press Club. Thousands of people participated in a sit-in in Parachinar, where protesters criticised the government’s failure to protect civilians.

Funerals for the victims, including journalist Janan Hussain, a member of the Parachinar Press Club, were held in their respective villages before Friday prayers. Mr Hussain had recently returned from Malaysia.

An administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told the AFP news agency that mobile signals across the district had been shut down, describing the situation as “extremely tense”.

“A curfew has been imposed on the main road connecting Upper and Lower Kurram, and the bazaar remains completely closed, with all traffic suspended,” the official said. After the funerals, the youth gathered, chanted slogans against the government and marched toward a nearby security checkpoint, resident Muhammad Ali told the news agency.

A senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP that “some broke CCTV cameras at the checkpoint… burned tyres and caused damage to property”, before the situation de-escalated.


Mourners pray for victims of a gun attack on passenger vehicles in KP’s Kurram District that killed more than 40, outside the Parachinar Press Club on November 22. — via author



Several hundred people also demonstrated in Lahore, according to AFP.

“We are tired of counting the bodies. How long will this bloodshed continue?” Khanum Nida Jafri, a 50-year-old religious scholar protesting, said. “We are demanding peace for our children and women. Are we asking too much?”

Hundreds also demonstrated in Karachi.

Sectarian violence

Thursday’s ambush is the latest in a series of sectarian clashes between Sunni and Shia tribes in Kurram. Previous clashes in July and September claimed dozens of lives and were resolved only after tribal councils brokered ceasefires.

The latest violence drew condemnation from officials and human rights groups. “The frequency of such incidents confirms the failure of the federal and provincial governments to protect the security of ordinary citizens,” the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan said in a statement.

“We demand immediate and decisive steps from both governments to permanently break this cycle of violence,” it said.






‘She died in my arms’

Danish Turi, a survivor of the deadly ambush, described the attack as “horrifying”. He witnessed a vehicle ahead of his being struck by a rocket launcher, leaving the passengers and the vehicle in ruins, according to a BBC Urdu report.



Mr Turi, the chairman of Parac­hinar Youth Council, recounted the chilling moments when gunfire erupted on the road connecting Peshawar to Parachinar. Travelling in a passenger coach with mostly women onboard, he was seated in the front when the attackers struck.

“When we reached the Mandori area, the convoy from Peshawar to Parachinar arrived, and within moments, heavy firing started,” Mr Turi recalled, according to the report.

He and several other passengers sought refuge in a nearby stream surrounded by dense trees. “I was carrying an eight-year-old girl, trying to move her to safety when a bullet hit her. She died in my arms.”

Mr Turi said the “vehicle in front of us, a Fielder car, was hit by a rocket, causing a massive explosion. We were terrified, thinking any moment could be our last.”

He helped evacuate around 10 to 12 women to safety. “But I couldn’t save the innocent girl who passed away in my arms.”

Journalist’s life cut short

The family of Janan Hussain, a journalist from Parachinar who was among the victims, went through the anguish of searching for him throughout the day, only to receive his body late at night.

Mr Hussain had recently returned from a trip to Malaysia. Known for his charitable work with his organisation, Mr Hussain was also working on community-focused journalism.



His cousin, Rizwan Hussain, shared how Janan had informed his wife during the journey that he was on his way home. “We were hopeful he was safe, but then his body arrived at 11pm, plunging the family into grief.”

Ali Afzal, a fellow journalist, recalled that Janan Hussain “often talked about how far the world has progressed while we remain entangled in conflicts”.

Mr Afzal told BBC Urdu that Janan had sent him a video from Malaysia with beautiful views saying that people lived there “like they were in a paradise”. “We will get heaven only after death,” Janan said in the video.

The attack also claimed the life of Gulfam Hussain, a taxi driver who had travelled to Pesha­war to meet acquaintances. A father of five young children, Mr Hussain had planned to return to Parachinar with the convoy.

“We learned in the evening that Gulfam was among those injured in the attack. He later succumbed to his wounds,” said his uncle, Ali Ghulam.

With input from agencies

Published in Dawn, November 23rd, 2024


Kurram atrocity


DAWN
Editorial
November 22, 2024 

WITH the situation in KP’s Kurram tribal district already volatile for the past several months, the murderous violence witnessed on Thursday has not come as a surprise.

At least 38 people were killed when a convoy of vehicles was attacked in an act of terrorism in Lower Kurram, in what is one of the biggest single mass-casualty attacks this year. The convoys consisted mostly of members of the Shia community. In this part of KP, militancy, tribal disputes and sectarianism, which has claimed both Shia and Sunni lives, have created a powder keg.

Sadly, the state has ignored the situation for years, or made only half-hearted efforts to address it. This year, a land dispute between two tribes metastasised into something uglier, with over 80 people killed since July, many of them while travelling by road. The people of Kurram took to the streets two weeks ago, demanding peace and safety on the roads. As yesterday’s atrocity showed, the state was unable to provide these.

Unfortunately, the centre and KP government are both so embroiled in politicking that the security situation of Kurram and other parts of the province fails to attract their attention. Statements are issued, promises are made, but the people of KP are left to fend for themselves as bloodthirsty terrorists ravage the province. Security institutions have also failed to flush out militants threatening peace in KP.

Kurram is particularly sensitive, due mainly to its sectarian dynamics and proximity to Afghanistan, in addition to the presence of militant groups and heavy arms. Yet the state has been unable to deweaponise the area, or judiciously resolve the tribal disputes that can spiral into communal bloodletting.

It would be a monumental mistake for the state to continue ignoring the violence in Kurram. Instability can easily spread to the adjoining districts if not contained, and vested interests can exploit sectarian differences in the region to create communal discord across Pakistan. The first duty of the state is to track down and punish the elements responsible for the latest attack. It cannot be business as usual after this brutal episode, and all state institutions must come up with solid plans to protect Kurram’s people, and other vulnerable populations in KP.

multiparty conference to discuss law and order in KP has been scheduled for next month. Considering the latest outrage, this conclave should be held earlier. Moreover, along with state functionaries, the ulema and tribal elders must also work to defuse the situation and ensure a retaliatory spiral of violence does not ensue.

The state has dithered over Kurram’s security long enough. It is time to provide justice to the victims of violence, while terrorists and their facilitators must be tracked down and made to answer before the law.

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2024



Killing fields


Aasim Sajjad Akhtar 
November 22, 2024
DAWN

WHILE the PTI-run government in KP continues to depict itself as the last remaining bastion of democracy in the country, pitched against the governments at the centre and other federating units, many parts of the province have once again become killing fields.

Target killers roam free in Bannu, Waziristan and other Pakhtun regions. Attacks against political workerssecurity personnel and ordinary civilians have become an almost daily affair. Religiously inspired militants sometimes acknowledge responsibility, but there is an eye-catching number of perpetrators in the now familiar category of ‘unknowns’.

Bloodletting in Kurram district reached unprecedented proportions a couple of weeks ago as local property disputes were instrumentalised by militant elements to stoke sectarian tensions at will. And yesterday, a bus of civilians was fired upon near Parachinar resulting in over 30 deaths.

In such cases, neither the chief minister of KP nor the prime and interior minister at the centre provide the general public with any meaningful information let alone chart out a strategy to deal with what, by any account, is a situation spiralling completely out of control.

There are important organic factors in the re-emergence of militants.

All we get are tired condemnations of ‘terrorism’, with none of our civilian political leaders ever saying openly that the resurgence of militancy might have had to do with the state’s previous backing of the Taliban in Kabul.

Neither is anyone willing to antagonise any of Pakistan’s big external patrons, namely the US, Gulf kingdoms and China, all of whom are part of the geopolitical games that underlie both current and previous waves of violence in Pakhtun regions

There are also important organic factors in the re-emergence of the Pakistani Taliban and other militant groups. They are entrenched economic players in border trade, or what is routinely called smuggling. They extort money from transporters and shop owners in many of the Pakhtun tribal districts. I noted above that they take advantage of property disputes, particularly over agricultural land. Finally, these players have also developed big stakes in the extraction of a host of natural resources, including pine nuts, timber, mineral deposits, etc.

Geopolitical wranglings amongst all the big players in this sordid story also revolve around the desire to either exclusively control economic flows, or to at the very least ensure that competitors do not establish monopolies in trade, mining, construction and other sectors.

In Pakistan we are used to hearing that the only thing that matters is national security, but anyone with even cursory knowledge of the current violence in KP understands that this is just a handy catchphrase for a power game that is largely about social control and economic resources.

The contraband trade across the Pak-Afghan and Pak-Iran borders implicates states, militants, and a host of other economic players. Simply decrying ‘smuggling’ and putting up a fence here and there protects the big profiteers while destroying the livelihoods of the large number of small operators reliant on this trade. Political violence is then both cause and consequence of the deliberate reduction of this complex political economy to ‘national security’.

The PML-N and PPP have shown that they will do everything to appease those higher above them in the political food chain, both at home and abroad, so they are not about to bell the cat. But if the anti-establishment posture of the PTI — and the otherwise firebrand KP chief minister — is more than just a façade, we should expect more critical ref­lection on the epidemic of violence in Pakhtun tribal and other distr­i­cts. Indeed, the chief minister him­self hails from D.I. Khan, which is at the crossroads of so many recent attacks.

The underlying problem is the militarised and imperialised structure of power in this country. The power of the religious right — and militant groups especially — is a direct offshoot of this structure. The somewhat absurd spectacle of one federating unit’s official state apparatus engaging in mass protests against the centre should not distract us from the fact that the prevailing structure of power is floundering badly.

An anti-establishment politics is not about displacing those currently at the helm so that the next player can lurch towards yet another crisis of what is fundamentally an anti-people and anti-nature system.

Such a politics must be based on a programme for lasting peace, centred on economic redistribution, dismantling the establishment-centric political order, and a non-aligned foreign policy that privileges mutual cooperation with our neighbours.

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2024

Real carbon, false credits? Investigating mass deforestation in Cambodia

13:01REPORTERS © FRANCE 24

Issued on: 22/11/2024 - 



With around 40 percent of its territory covered by forests, Cambodia has become Asia's champion of carbon credits. This system is supposed to finance the protection of the country's forests, thanks to money injected by multinationals from around the world. For the past decade, big companies – including French and American firms – have spent millions of euros buying these credits to offset their carbon footprint. But our Cambodia correspondents' investigation reveals mass deforestation within these protected areas. In 2023, the kingdom had lost 121,000 hectares of forest – an area the size of Los Angeles.


Cambodia, a country of 17 million inhabitants, is banking on the carbon market to protect its immense forests. But on the ground, our reporters discovered that these carbon offset projects are failing to live up to their promises. Instead, the protected areas are the scene of illegal logging and mass deforestation, leaving Indigenous populations disgruntled. The NGO Human Rights Watch is denouncing these projects, along with the British newspaper The Guardian, which calls them "likely junk" projects. Our Asia correspondents investigate.
ExxonMobil Plans to Keep an Entire Generation on the Hook for Its Climate Destruction

Public pensions must exit Exxon to protect workers' savings and retirement.


ExxonMobil CEO Darren Woods sits during testimony before the U.S House Committee on Oversight and Reform on October 28, 2021.
(Photo: Screenshot/C-SPAN)

Allie Lindstrom
Nov 22, 2024
Common Dreams


It is no secret that ExxonMobil poses some of the most powerful opposition to climate action at every level of government. Environmentalists have long pointed out that Exxon Knew about climate change, and instead of pivoting their business model to a more sustainable energy future, buried the evidence and began a decades-long disinformation campaign.

Leaders across the country have wisened up to the oil major's dirty politics, which is why the House Oversight Committee has been investigating Exxon and its peers, and state attorneys general have sued the company for damages. Most recently, California AG Rob Bonta, alongside environmental organizations like the Sierra Club, sued the company for lying to the public about the recyclability of plastics.

If the tide is turning against Exxon, why haven't investors caught on?

Unrestricted funding for companies engaged in fossil fuel expansion threatens workers' right to dignified retirement safety, a right that unions have fought hard to win.

ExxonMobil sparked headlines and investor outrage this spring when the company sued its own shareholders over a climate-related shareholder resolution. Public pensions representing trillions in worker savings across the country pushed back and mounted a vote-no effort against CEO Darren Woods and Director Joseph Hooley, but Wall Street asset managers watered down their efforts instead offering unwavering support of Exxon.

To add insult to injury, Woods made an appearance at the Council of Institutional Investors—a nonprofit dedicated to advocating for the investor rights of public, union, and private employee benefit funds—in September. There, he promised to continue to crack down on "extreme" investors who are concerned that the company's business model has loaded the economy with systemic financial risks and instability. Never mind that such a definition of extreme would describe many of the institutions present, which represent over 15 million workers and $5 trillion in assets under management.

But perhaps most indicative of ExxonMobil's commitment to business-as-usual pollution is the bonds they've issued this fall, with a maturity date of 2074.

These long-dated bonds represent unrestricted funds for ExxonMobil to continue to pursue fossil fuel expansion and plastic pollution well past most of the world's—and investors'—Net Zero by 2050 goals. This is an especially risky gamble for investors with long-term obligations, including public pension funds that manage millions of workers' retirement savings.

Not only is the future of oil and gas uncertain, but prolonged pollution wrought by disinformation and investor cash increases economy-wide systemic risks. Investors—and the everyday people who rely on institutions to manage their savings—will be left holding the purse strings as climate change wreaks havoc. Moreover, bond ownership does not come with the shareholder rights investors hope to use to influence company behavior. This gives Exxon complete freedom to use the funds however it wishes, even if that's out of alignment with investor interests.

This increasing risk is why we joined California Common Good and pension beneficiaries to testify during a recent CalPERS Board meeting to ask CalPERS to issue a moratorium on purchasing Exxon bonds.

The Sierra Club represents millions of members, many of whom are saving for retirement in the face of an uncertain future and working tirelessly to protect the communities and places they love. Whether relying on a public pension plan or a private asset manager, our members rely on investment professionals to keep their futures in mind. Unrestricted funding for companies engaged in fossil fuel expansion threatens workers' right to dignified retirement safety, a right that unions have fought hard to win. That's why we call on investors, particularly public pension funds, to refuse to participate in Exxon's bond issuances.


Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.


Allie Lindstrom serves as a central coordinator for Sierra Club’s Fossil-Free Finance campaign, responsible for developing and implementing strategies and tactics, focusing on collaboration with state/local chapters and partner groups to move public pensions and financial officers to take strong climate actions.
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