Thursday, January 09, 2025

WAITING FOR THE SINKHOLE

THE BORING CO.
Locals complain as Elon Musk company tunnels for 68-miles beneath Las Vegas


Photo by David Lusvardi on Unsplash
welcome to fabulous las vegas nevada signage
January 08, 2025


Reporting Highlights

The Vegas Loop: Elon Musk’s Boring Company is constructing a planned 68-mile tunnel system beneath Las Vegas where drivers will ferry passengers around the urban core in Teslas.

Less Regulation: Despite its size, the project, because it’s privately funded, has not gone through the vetting typical of public transit systems, including lengthy governmental studies.

Musk’s Worldview: Musk says regulation often stymies innovation, a view that now has added significance given his new role advising President-elect Donald Trump on government efficiency.


These highlights were written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.

Elon Musk’s Boring Company spent years pitching cities on a novel solution to traffic, an underground transportation system to whisk passengers through tunnels in electric vehicles. Proposals in Illinois and California fizzled after officials and the public began scrutinizing details of the plans and seeking environmental reviews.

But in Las Vegas, the tunneling company is building Musk’s vision beneath the city’s urban core thanks to an unlikely partner: the tourism marketing organization best known for selling the image that “What Happens Here, Stays Here.”

The powerful Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority greenlit the idea and funded an 0.8-mile route at its convention center. As that small “people mover” opened in 2021, the authority was already urging the county and city to approve plans for 104 stations across 68 miles of tunnels.

The project is also realizing Musk’s notion of how government officials should deal with entrepreneurs: avoid lengthy reviews before building and instead impose fines later if anything goes awry. Musk’s views on regulatory power have taken on new significance in light of his close ties to President-elect Donald Trump and his role in a new effort to slash rules in the name of improving efficiency. The Las Vegas project, now well under way, is a case study of the regulatory climate Musk favors.

Because the project, now known as the Vegas Loop, is privately operated and receives no federal funding, it is exempt from the kinds of exhaustive governmental vetting and environmental analyses demanded by the other cities that Boring pitched. Such reviews assess whether a proposal is the best option and inform the public of potential impacts to traffic and the environment.

The head of the convention authority has called the project the only viable way to ease traffic on the Las Vegas Strip and in the surrounding area — a claim that was never publicly debated as the Clark County Commission and Las Vegas City Council granted Boring permission to build and operate the system beneath city streets. The approvals allow the company to build and operate close to homes and businesses without the checks and balances that typically apply to major public transit projects.

Meanwhile, Boring has skirted building, environmental and labor regulations, according to records obtained by ProPublica and City Cast Las Vegas under public records laws.

It twice installed tunnels without permits to work on county property. State and local environmental regulators documented it dumping untreated water into storm drains and the sewer system. And, as local politicians were approving an extension of the system, Boring workers were filing complaints with the state Occupational Safety and Health Administration about “ankle-deep” water in the tunnels, muck spills and severe chemical burns. After an investigation, Nevada OSHA in 2023 fined the company more than $112,000. Boring disputed the regulators’ allegations and contested the violations.

The complaints have continued.

“The Boring company is at it again,” an employee of the Clark County Water Reclamation District wrote to the agency’s general manager and legal counsel in June, after video showed water spilling from a company-owned property into the street near the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. Tyler Fairbanks, a Boring Company manager, emailed the county official, saying “we take this very seriously and we are working to correct what is going on.” In August, a Las Vegas Valley Water District staffer documented a similar issue. On both occasions, the county issued cease-and-desist letters but did not fine Boring.

Financial penalties wouldn’t put a dent in the company’s bottom line, John Solvie, a Clark County water quality compliance manager, told county Public Works Director Denis Cederburg in an email. Still, the concerns were significant enough that Solvie asked if the department would “consider revoking permits (essentially shutting down their operations until they resolve these issues).”

A county spokesperson declined to answer how the incidents were resolved, or whether the Public Works Department had ever revoked any of Boring’s permits. Solvie and Cederburg declined to comment.

Boring did not respond to repeated requests to comment for this story.

As Boring begins hauling passengers beyond the convention center in the first-ever test of an underground road network using driver-operated Teslas, it has successfully removed yet another layer of county oversight. Last year, Boring requested that the county no longer require it to hold a special permit that, among other things, mandates operators of private amusement and transportation systems to report serious injuries and fatalities, and grants the county additional authority to inspect and regulate their operations to protect public safety.

The result is that key questions about the operation and maintenance of an unproven transportation system are unanswered. The county declined to respond to detailed questions about its oversight role since the special permit ended. It provided a statement saying that Boring is “responsible for the safe operation of its system and retaining a third-party Nevada registered design professional to conduct annual audits of their operations.” The county can review those audits and inspect the system “as deemed appropriate.”

Ben Leffel, an assistant professor of public policy at UNLV, said in an interview with ProPublica and City Cast Las Vegas that the private project’s ability to expand without the same scrutiny required of public projects is a major gap in oversight. Vegas Loop customers will expect Boring to follow the same standards as a public transit system, Leffel said, and it “should receive the same amount of oversight and maintenance,” more so because of the company’s construction and labor citations.

Former Las Vegas Mayor Carolyn Goodman, who completed her third and final term in December, said she too is concerned about safety, as well as accessibility for riders with disabilities. She had questioned whether the tunnel project was the best transportation option for the city. “I have been totally opposed to it from the beginning and still remain so,” she said.

Other elected and appointed officials have offered nearly unanimous support.

Musk, who spent more than $250 million to help elect Trump, is now leading the president-elect’s Department of Government Efficiency taskforce, recommending cuts to the federal bureaucracy and its ability to regulate. And Boring Company CEO Steve Davis is helping recruit staff for the initiative.

Given Musk’s role advising Trump on ways to slash regulations and government oversight, Boring and the Vegas Loop might be a harbinger for the country.
“A Real Get-It-Done State”

In 2014, Musk stood on the steps of the Nevada Capitol with a man named Steve Hill, who was heading the Governor’s Office of Economic Development. They were celebrating a deal to build a Tesla Gigafactory outside Reno.

Hill, as the state’s negotiator, had worked feverishly on the agreement, which provided $1.25 billion in tax incentives to Tesla. Musk would later praise Nevada as “a real get-it-done state.”

Soon after the battery factory opened in 2016, Musk’s Boring Company was looking for a place to build a project testing its solution to urban congestion, an idea that sprang from Musk’s frustration with LA traffic. Leaders at the city of Los Angeles were interested. A regional transportation authority, Metro, has a say on public transit in the city, and California law requires an environmental review. But Boring and the city tried to sidestep the state law, claiming an exemption for building in urban areas.

Residents, however, weren’t as eager to turn Boring loose. When neighborhood groups in West LA sued the city over the lack of environmental review, Boring settled with them and looked to build elsewhere.

Musk has frequently railed against government scrutiny of his other companies, Tesla and SpaceX, and claims excessive government oversight has made it nearly impossible to build big projects in parts of the country.

“Environmental regulations are, in my view, largely terrible,” he said at an event with the libertarian Cato Institute in June. “You have to get permission in advance, as opposed to paying a penalty if you do something wrong, which I think would be much more effective. To say, ‘Look we’re going to do this project; if something goes wrong we’ll be forced to pay a penalty.’ But we do not need to go through a three- or four-year environmental approval process.”

Everywhere Boring tried, it struggled to start digging. In Chicago, where then-Mayor Rahm Emmanuel was a supporter, local leaders expressed skepticism about whether Boring could build an airport loop without public funding. In Maryland, where Boring and federal officials completed a draft environmental review in 2019 for a high-speed link between Baltimore and Washington, the company never started tunneling.

That was, until it got to Las Vegas.

In 2018, an executive who’d met Hill during the Tesla Gigafactory negotiations called him to discuss potentially bringing Boring to Las Vegas, Hill said. (Hill said Musk himself had previously pitched Hill on a Boring Company project in Northern Nevada.) Hill, now a leader at the convention authority in Las Vegas, was in a position to help. Funded by about $460 million in annual revenue from hotel room taxes and conventions, the authority is a force in local politics, channeling the influence of the gaming and tourism industry.

The authority happened to be looking to build a people-mover to link exhibit halls at the 4.6 million-square-foot Las Vegas Convention Center. Hill said he already had a sense that the Boring Company’s concept “would work pretty well here.” Nine companies submitted bids, and two were finalists. Boring’s bid was about a third of the cost of the other credible proposals, Hill said. A week before the board was to select the winner, Hill called a news conference and announced the Boring partnership. He pointed to a map of a tunnel system extending far beyond the convention center — to the airport and toward Los Angeles.

The authority boasted that news coverage of its Boring partnership was picked up by 1,200 outlets, providing $1.3 million in free publicity for Las Vegas.

The Regional Transportation Commission of Southern Nevada is the planning agency for the Las Vegas metropolitan area, overseen by local elected officials. But because Boring’s project started so small and didn’t use federal funding, the commission wouldn’t have a say. The convention authority’s governing board, which focuses more on supporting tourism than transportation for local residents, took the lead. Nearly half of the authority’s 14-member board represents private interests, primarily the gaming industry. Goodman and two others voted against the partnership.

To fund the convention center loop, the authority committed $52.5 million in bonds that will be paid back by the agency. Since it opened in April 2021, Hill said the authority has paid Boring about $4.5 million a year to operate the convention center loop, which provides free rides to conventioneers. The authority also spent $24.5 million to purchase the Las Vegas Monorail out of bankruptcy, giving Boring the right to tunnel in the monorail’s noncompete territory.

Hill has repeatedly claimed, to elected officials, to local environmentalists and in an interview with ProPublica and City Cast Las Vegas, that the loop is the only viable way for Las Vegas to address its traffic congestion. “It’s not really a debate. There’s no reason to explore the other options,” he told members of the Sierra Club during a meeting to discuss public transit, according to Vinny Spotleson, volunteer chair of the environmental group’s regional chapter.

Hill acknowledged to ProPublica and City Cast, however, “that’s a prediction. That’s not a mandate. I don’t have the standing to make that decision. I think people listen to what I have to say periodically."

The Clark County Commission — which governs the Las Vegas Strip and surrounding areas — was listening when, just a few months after the convention center loop opened, Hill told them that Boring had already proven “how great a system this is, that it can be done, and I think provided confidence for this community to move forward.”

At the urging of Hill, casino executives and labor union leaders, the County Commission approved a 50-year agreement giving Boring the right to operate a “monorail” above and below ground on county property. The 2021 vote was unanimous.

In Las Vegas, Boring had achieved what it could not in Maryland, Chicago or LA.

“All of their company, it seemed like, was dependent on Vegas working out,” said Spotleson, who first met company representatives around 2019 when he was district director for U.S. Rep. Dina Titus, D-Las Vegas. “That we were the test case that they wanted to take to the Chicagos and Bostons and other cities of the world and say, ‘Look at what we did in Vegas. We can do that here.’”
An Expanding System

The Boring Company has completed more than 5 miles of the 68-mile system. Despite the proposal’s massive scale, it has been approved with little public input.

When the County Commission considered the expansion plans, they were listed on agendas under the obscure names of limited-liability companies, making it difficult for anyone but the company and its supporters to track. For example, the county approved a roughly 25-mile expansion and 18 new stations at a 2023 zoning meeting through a notice that gave no indication it was related to the Vegas Loop: UC-23-0126-HCI-CERBERUS 160 EAST FLAMINGO HOTEL OWNER L P, ET AL. In 2021, the commission approved an extension for Caesars Entertainment hotels under the name UC-20-0547-CLAUDINE PROPCO, LLC, ET AL, and about 29 miles of tunnel under UC-20-0547-CIRCUS CIRCUS LV, LLC, ET AL.

Boring uses a machine known as Prufrock to excavate its 12-foot-in-diameter tunnels, applying chemical accelerants during the construction process. For each foot the company bores, it removes about 6 cubic yards of soil and any groundwater it encounters, according to a company document prepared for state environmental officials. It is required to obtain permits to ensure the waste does not contaminate the environment or local water sources.

Public records — including emails, notices, photos and videos, and other documentation — obtained from Clark County, the Clark County Water Reclamation District and Nevada Division of Environmental Protection through public records requests show the company has been less than meticulous in handling the waste.

In June, an employee with the county road division tailed a Boring Company truck that spilled mud onto city streets, according to the records. The trucks “have no marking and no license plates,” wrote Dean Mosher, assistant manager for the roads division. A truck route that the company had reported to the county must have been “totally false,” Mosher concluded.

A few months later, a truck hauling waste from the project spilled gravel, rock and sand onto Interstate 15, slowing traffic for more than four hours during rush hour. The driver was fined $75 for an unsafe or unsecured load, according to court records.

Last year, without the county’s knowledge, a Boring contractor relied on a permit held by a county contractor to store muck near apartment buildings and the Commercial Center shopping plaza, along one of the busiest thoroughfares in central Las Vegas, a county spokesperson said. The county fined the contractor $1,549. A county spokesperson would not disclose other locations where the company stores waste and directed “operational questions” to the company.

Boring must also remove groundwater as it digs — including near an area where the aquifer is polluted with a dry cleaning chemical known as tetrachlorethylene, or PCE, which can be toxic in large amounts. Boring is required to filter the water before discharging it into storm drains, which flow to Lake Mead. But regulators documented cases where Boring had started work without permits or bypassed their water treatment system, government records show.

In 2019, the company discharged groundwater into storm drains without a permit, resulting in a state settlement and a $90,000 fine. In 2021, state officials sent a cease-and-desist letter to prevent Boring from taking actions that could “cause unpermitted discharge of groundwater,” prompting Davis, Boring’s CEO, to complain to the head of the Nevada Division of Environmental Protection that the state was “being fairly aggressive and that this was starting to hurt” the company, according to an email the head of the agency sent to several staffers.

The following year, local officials cited Boring for illegally connecting to a sewer without approval, records show. In 2023, state environmental regulators found the company was dumping untreated groundwater into the sewer, with one official writing that Boring staff were “unsure of how long they have been bypassing the treatment system.” Local officials said they investigated but did not find evidence to take further action.

That year, Boring tunneled without permits required to work in public rights of way, prompting the Public Works director, Cederburg, to note, “They are in violation of the franchise agreement,” records show. A Boring official responded that once the county notified the company of the issue, it had immediately filed the two permits. The county approved them retroactively, tacking on a $900 fee for each permit.
Untested, Unstudied, Private

On a recent Friday at a Vegas Loop station at the Resorts World hotel, an attendant directed riders to Teslas parked in a waiting area. An all-day pass to ride between the Las Vegas Strip hotel and a MagicCon event at the convention center cost $5. (Trips within the convention center are free.)

Inside the narrow tunnels, which glow green, magenta and orange, the driver navigated shoulderless roadways at 35 mph, which felt fast. At the first convention center stop, the driver halted, and three additional riders squeezed into the five-passenger sedan before the trip continued.

Boring says its system will be able to move 90,000 passengers an hour, more than a typical day’s subway ridership in 2023 at New York City’s third-busiest station, 34th Street-Herald Square Station (72,890). It’s also significantly more than Las Vegas’ monorail (3,400 per hour) and its regional bus system (7,500 per hour), according to Hill.

About a dozen Sierra Club members toured the Vegas Loop in June and were impressed, Spotleson said: no carbon emissions; neon everywhere; “It’s very Vegas.” Yet while it might be faster than walking, he said, “it just isn’t the actual mass transit solution” the city needs for its busiest places, like the airport.

The lack of alternatives has made Boring an easy sell to politicians, Spotleson said. “They understand that we need transit solutions. They’re being presented with a free option that is also carbon free. That is as simple as it gets.”

Hill acknowledged skepticism of the company’s claim that the Loop will transport up to 90,000 people an hour. “People poke at this all the time,” he said, adding that he thinks the company will be proven right. “I am completely willing to take that bet. Let’s just wait and see.”

M.J. Maynard, who leads the Regional Transportation Commission, said that because the Vegas Loop is private, her agency did not have information to evaluate Boring’s ridership claims. “As a public agency, we have to be very transparent and accountable with the [ridership] numbers that we publish,” she said. “I can’t speak to the numbers that Steve Hill or his team have posted or talked about.”

Marilyn Kirkpatrick, the only county commissioner to vote against Boring’s 2023 expansion, said she opposed giving the company permission to build beneath miles of public roads when it had completed only a small portion of the system. “Why would we give something away if we didn’t know it was going to work?” she asked.

The public might know even less about whether it’s working, thanks to removal in May of the “amusement and transportation system” permit, a designation also used for enclosed systems like the airport tram and the Strip’s High Roller Ferris wheel.

Over the past three years, county inspections of Boring’s operations under the permit identified numerous issues, including speeding drivers and an unauthorized SUV entering one of the above-ground stations. Since 2022, there have been at least 67 incidents in which the tunnel system was breached, including by outside vehicles, a skateboarder and a curious pedestrian, Fortune reported in October.

But the company convinced Clark County to remove that layer of oversight by arguing the system “did not fit squarely into the requirements” of the regulation, which “greatly complicated” matters for Boring and the county.

The company outlined an alternative oversight plan in a letter obtained by ProPublica and City Cast Las Vegas. The company will continue to submit structural, civil, fire, electrical and plumbing studies, as well as emergency plans and other planning documents, according to the letter. But Boring’s letter did not address what would replace ordinances that required multiple layers of inspection and the immediate notification of injuries and fatalities.

A Clark County spokesperson did not answer questions about potential gaps in accountability created by removal of the permit. In a statement, the county said “safety is the top priority for all county departments and agencies” as they review projects.

Kirkpatrick said she worked to include additional fire-safety and security measures in a 2021 franchise agreement, which she supported. Still, she remains concerned about Boring’s operations, including the potential for price-gouging if it becomes the “only game in town.”

In an interview with ProPublica and City Cast Las Vegas, a Nevada transportation industry expert who has closely observed the system’s development said it’s concerning that Boring’s plans, including basic transportation safety protocols, haven’t been vetted like a public project.

“What’s the traffic control system going to be like down in those tunnels? How are they going to make sure that none of those cars crash into each other when they’re going at 35 mph from one tunnel into an intersection with another tunnel?” said the expert, who requested anonymity because of concerns about professional repercussions. “All their answers are completely evasive. So there are significant operational concerns.”
Going to the Airport

Soon after the Boring Company arrived in Las Vegas, Hill approached airport leadership about connecting the Vegas Loop to the airport. The reasons are obvious. More than 50 million people landed at Harry Reid International Airport in 2023. On busy weekends, congestion at the airport can trap casino customers for almost an hour as they wait for rides.

But tunneling there requires compliance with Federal Aviation Administration regulations and federal environmental reviews. For now, Boring plans to end its tunnels near the airport and use surface streets to carry passengers the last mile to the terminals, said Rosemary Vassiliadis, Clark County’s director of aviation. An airport spokesperson later clarified that no plans have been confirmed.

Using surface streets for its airport connection — at least initially — won’t alleviate gridlock like mass transit could. Vassiliadis acknowledged it won’t “give us any [traffic] relief. It’s just supplanting how people are getting here” by car, but said she supports efforts to build a more direct tunnel line to the airport.

With casino and tourism industry support — and their help paying for the project — politicians, including its most vocal critics, like Goodman, have found little reason to challenge Boring’s plans. For some, the airport factored into the decision.

When a large expansion into the city of Las Vegas came before the City Council in 2023, Goodman criticized the project as unsafe, inaccessible and inefficient, but said she would still vote in favor of it “because of the plea of the hotels and the private sector to move more and more people easily around our Southern Nevada community.”

She said she had asked the casinos and hotels if they wanted to connect to the Vegas Loop. “Every one of them said, ‘We’re scared not to, because if it succeeds and if it gets to the airport, we want to connect,’” Goodman told ProPublica and City Cast Las Vegas.

With Goodman’s vote, the council approved the extension unanimously.


Michael Squires and Anjeanette Damon contributed reporting.
Arizona Dems line up behind GOP bill to jail immigrants for non-violent crimes


U.S. Senator Ruben Gallego (D-AZ) is ceremonially sworn into office by Vice President Kamala Harris during a re-enactment in the Old Senate Chamber on the first day of the 119th Congress at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, U.S., January 3, 2025. 
REUTERS/Jon Cherry


Gloria Rebecca Gomez, 
January 09, 2025


Arizona’s Democratic U.S. senators and Gov. Katie Hobbs are joining Republicans in backing legislation that would require federal officials to jail immigrants, including asylum seekers and DACA recipients, for non-violent crimes like shoplifting — even before they’ve been proven guilty.


Under the Laken Riley Act, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security would be forced to detain people without citizenship status who are accused of, charged with or convicted of burglary, theft, larceny or shoplifting.

The legislation is named after the Georgia nursing student who was killed in February 2024 by Venezuelan immigrant Jose Ibarra. Republicans have seized on Riley’s murder to advocate for harsh immigration policies, and have touted the act as a preventative measure. In 2023, Ibarra and his brother received citations for shoplifting.

Immigrant rights organizations and Democratic leaders in Congress have sounded the alarm over the proposal, which they say unfairly targets people who have yet to be convicted of any wrongdoing and includes no exceptions for immigrants like DACA recipients, who have been granted a legal shield from deportation.

While the legislation failed to make it out of the Democrat-controlled U.S. Senate last year, the political future of the bill is far brighter this year, evidenced by its swift movement through the U.S. House of Representatives this week. Republicans now hold slim majorities in both chambers. But Democrats, aiming to strengthen their border security bonafides to voters, have also thrown their support behind the bill. And for the bill to succeed in the upper chamber, it needs the votes of at least eight Democrats.

On Wednesday, both of the Grand Canyon State’s Democratic U.S. senators, Ruben Gallego and Mark Kelly, issued statements saying they will vote to pass the Laken Riley Act when it goes up for debate on Friday. Gallego, whose mother is an immigrant from Colombia, has recently sought to sharpen his stance on immigration after a political career marked by staunch immigrant rights advocacy, promising to work with the incoming Trump administration despite threats of mass deportation. In a post on social media site X, formerly Twitter, he characterized the bill as a safeguard against future crimes.

“Arizonans know better than most the real consequences of today’s border crisis,” he wrote. “We must give law enforcement the means to take action to prevent tragedies like what occurred to Laken Riley.”

Along with vowing to support the passage of the bill later this week, Gallego also registered as a co-sponsor, emphasizing his approval of it. But this isn’t the first time he’s voted to back the bill. While serving as a U.S. Representative last year and in the middle of a campaign for U.S. Senate, Gallego cast his vote for the failed iteration of the Laken Riley Act.

Shortly after the freshman senator announced his support, Kelly’s spokesperson told Politico he, too, would vote to advance the bill, and added that he would continue “working with Republicans and Democrats on it and other solutions to secure the border and fix our broken immigration system”.

Just hours later, Hobbs weighed in on social media, lauding Gallego’s move.

“Thank you Senator Gallego for representing Arizona well and cosponsoring this legislation,” she wrote in a post on X. “The Laken Riley Act is an important step forward that will help keep our communities safe and secure our border.”

The praise was a stark departure from Hobbs’ time in office, where she has swiftly rejected hostile proposals from Arizona Republicans and advocated instead for increased funding for border communities and law enforcement agencies. The Democrat has also repeatedly reiterated her support for the state’s DACA and Dreamer populations, repeatedly meeting with them to hear their concerns and proposing a scholarship fund for undocumented college students in her freshman year.

Christian Slater, a spokesman for Hobbs, said that her support for DACA recipients and Dreamers remains unwavering, and dismissed concerns that the Laken Riley Act is anti-immigrant and hostile to both groups.


“(Hobbs has) made clear that she stands with DACA recipients and Dreamers. It’s something that she reiterates time and again,” Slater said, adding: “There’s a difference between Dreamers and people who are committing crimes.”

The trio weren’t the only elected officials to voice their support of the Laken Riley Act. In the lower chamber, Arizona’s six Republican U.S. Representatives voted to pass the bill on Tuesday. Democratic U.S. Rep. Greg Stanton joined them. Only newcomer Rep. Yassamin Ansari, a Democrat representing a majority Hispanic and Democratic congressional district, voted in opposition. Tucson Democrat Rep. Raul Grijalva, who is battling cancer, was absent.

Immigrant advocacy rights groups across the country and in Arizona have sharply criticized the legislation. The American Civil Liberties Union sent a letter to Congress earlier this week urging House members to vote down the act, writing that it does nothing to keep Americans safe and will only cost taxpayers money and lead to unfair arrests. And the federal government already has the power to detain any noncitizens during deportation proceedings, wrote Mike Zamore, the organization’s national director.

Instead, the legislation threatens to overburden local public safety efforts and result in unfair arrests, according to Sarah Mehta, ACLU’s senior border policy counsel.


“Mandating mass detention will make us less safe, sapping resources and diverting taxpayer money away from addressing public safety needs,” she said in a written statement. “Detaining a mother who admits to shoplifting diapers for her baby, or elderly individuals who admit to nonviolent theft when they were teenagers, is wasteful, cruel, and unnecessary.”

Noah Schramm, the border policy strategist for the Arizona branch of the ACLU, pointed out that the legislation dangerously bolsters nativist sentiment against immigrants, many of whom have lived in the state for decades.

“This bill contains dangerous changes to the law that will hurt long-time residents by requiring the government to detain people who have not been convicted or even charged with a crime, potentially sweeping thousands of people into mandatory detention,” he said in an emailed statement. “Stripping long-time residents of critical protections because of an arrest or criminal charge will not improve public safety but will accelerate the vilification of non-citizens, including long-time residents.”

Local immigrant and Latino advocacy groups expressed particular concern over the bill’s potential to loop in people who have not yet been convicted of any wrongdoing.

Joseph Garcia, the executive director of Chicanos Por La Causa Action Fund, a nonprofit organization that works to advance Latino success in Arizona in areas such as education, voting and economic well-being, said he fears the Laken Riley Act might jeopardize the constitutional guarantee of due process.

“We remain steadfast in the belief of American values, which include due process as part of a fair justice system.”

“Due process is one of those things, growing up in this country, that’s always been a north star – something that doesn’t exist everywhere else,” echoed José Patiño, a DACA recipient and the vice president of education for Aliento. “All human beings have due process, whether they’re U.S. citizens, legal permanent residents, everywhere between undocumented and with legal status.”

Patiño said that Aliento, which advocates on behalf of Dreamers and DACA recipients in Arizona, has reached out to Gallego and Kelly to discuss how the legislation could devastate those groups.

“We believe Dreamers, DACA recipients and undocumented youth are as American as everybody else, except we don’t have the paperwork that says we’re American citizens,” Patiño said. “We’re not being treated like everybody else and I understand that some don’t believe that we belong in this country but we do.”


Arizona Mirror is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Arizona Mirror maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jim Small for questions: info@azmirror.com.
Nearly 54% of extreme conservatives say the US federal government should use violence to stop illegal immigration



Photo by Greg Bulla on Unsplash

January 08, 2025


Donald Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric has been a staple of his political career, but his attacks on undocumented migrants turned more ominous during his 2024 presidential campaign.


Beyond disparaging Haitians living in Springfield, Ohio, Trump in September compared undocumented immigration with a “military invasion.” And on a radio program in early October, Trump said immigrant criminals have “bad genes.”

Many Americans want a more secure U.S.-Mexico border specifically and stricter immigration policy in general.

But a recent national survey I conducted with several immigration scholars found that many Americans would not stop there. Many respondents said violence would be justified to stop immigrants from entering the United States.
Violence against migrants

Our survey, conducted in July 2024, asked 2,042 participants with varied racial and political backgrounds several questions regarding the use of violence against U.S. immigrants.

One question asked whether they thought the U.S. government “should be allowed to use violence to halt unauthorized immigration.”

Only 26% of participants agreed with the idea. But acceptance increased to 47% among respondents who identified as conservative and to nearly 54% among those who identified as extremely conservative.

We also asked whether “individuals should be allowed to use violence to stop unauthorized immigration.”

Though only 11% of the overall participants agreed, 21% of those who identified as conservative and 41% of those who identified as extremely conservative thought vigilante violence against migrants was justified. 
Donald Trump’s incoming U.S. border czar Tom Homan, right, with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, center, at Eagle Pass, Texas, on Nov. 26, 2024. 
AP Photo/Eric Gay, File

Finally, in a question based on some incendiary comments made by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, we asked whether “the state of Texas should be allowed to shoot migrants who crossed the border without authorization.”

In January 2024, Abbot had implied that Texas would be open to the idea of shooting those crossing illegally if state officers would not be prosecuted by the federal government.

Among the broader sample, only 12% agreed that Texas should be allowed to shoot border-crossers on sight. However, 24% of conservatives agreed with that statement, while 52% of extremely conservative respondents agreed.

Our survey makes clear that a majority of Americans do not agree with using violence against migrants.

Yet, it surprised us that among certain sectors of the country, more than half of the people surveyed said migrants can and perhaps should be shot simply for unauthorized migration.

From ideas to action

Scapegoating immigrants may be a politically advantageous strategy, but such rhetoric can have tragic implications.

A 2014 study found that a political advertisement with mild violent metaphors was associated with higher support for political violence, especially among young participants. These findings point to a troubling way that violent rhetoric can eventually increase violent attitudes among a portion of the population.

In March, I traveled along the entire 808-mile Texas-Mexico border from Brownsville to El Paso. At the end of the four-day trip, I visited the Walmart in El Paso where a young man who espoused white supremacist views killed 23 people in August 2019.

In an online manifesto, written before the attack, the attacker said he was targeting the “Hispanic invasion of Texas.” This group, he added, would allow the “pro open borders, free healthcare for illegals” Democratic Party to rule the country.

In many ways, the shooter’s language echoed the rhetoric of Trump, who was president at the time

. 
El Paso residents protest President Donald Trump’s visit to the city on Aug. 7, 2019, after the Walmart shooting that left 23 people dead.
MARK RALSTON/AFP via Getty Images

During his 2015 presidential campaign, Trump had frequently referred to immigration as a dangerous foreign invasion.

In a July post on social media, he warned of “THE INVASION OF MILLIONS OF ILLEGALS TKING OVER AMERICA!” That same year, his campaign team wrote on Facebook, “It’s CRITICAL that we STOP THE INVASION.”

In July 2018, he talked about the “infestation” of violent migrants coming into the country. In November of that same year, he warned that Democrats “want America to be a giant sanctuary city for drug dealers, predators and bloodthirsty MS-13 killers” – a reference to an international gang formed by Salvadoran immigrants.

Some Trump supporters have embraced this kind of aggressive anti-immigrant stance.

At a Florida campaign rally Trump held in May 2019, a participant said the government should shoot migrants. Instead of condemning the idea, Trump joked that they could only get away with that statement in the Panhandle.

I fear that a second Trump presidency full of violent, anti-immigrant rhetoric could drive more bloodshed.

As Amy Cooter, who studies extremism, points out, several militias with hostile attitudes about illegal immigration stand ready to engage in deportation and border security efforts.

She points to the example of two militia members found guilty of conspiracy to murder officers and employees of the U.S. government. They had plotted to shoot undocumented immigrants at the border – and planned to kill any Border Patrol officials who attempted to stop them.

Hostility toward immigrants is not new. But in the current political environment, my research suggests that another four years under Trump may lead to more anti-immigrant rhetoric. That, in turn, could foment more anti-immigrant attitudes and possibly violence.

William McCorkle, Assistant Professor of Education, College of Charleston

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Some Texas business leaders worry how Trump’s pledged deportations will impact the economy


Photo by Josh Olalde on Unsplash

January 08, 2025

In Texas, undocumented people have built apartment complexes and skyscrapers that changed skylines. They have picked fruits and vegetable in fields, cooked in restaurant kitchens, cleaned hospitals and started small businesses. They have become stitched into communities from El Paso to Beaumont.

Now some of their employers worry that many of them could get deported when President-elect Donald Trump returns to the White House.

A number of Texas business leaders interviewed by the Tribune describe a sort of wait-and-see apprehension about Trump’s pledged mass deportations. The impact any deportations could have on Texas’ economy will largely depend on the specifics of what Trump does, business leaders say. But those specifics are not yet clear.

“I don’t think any of us know exactly what’s coming as far as policy — we’ve heard all of the rhetoric,” said Andrea Coker of the North Texas Commission, a nonprofit that promotes the Dallas region.

The owner of a Rio Grande Valley agriculture import-export business who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of legal repercussions said four of his seven employees are undocumented. A majority of similar businesses would take a hit should the government deport undocumented people en masse, the business owner estimated.

Without undocumented workers, he said, “We wouldn't survive and we'll have to close."


A farm worker moves containers to be filled with grapefruit near Mission on Dec. 16, 2024. Credit: Michael Gonzalez for The Texas Tribune



He said he hired undocumented workers because he struggled to find U.S. citizens and legal residents willing to do the grueling work.

"The people who are here legally don't want to work here. They'd rather collect unemployment," he said. "We've hired people who were documented, but they don't last."

In speaking about mass deportations, Trump and his incoming aides have said they will prioritize deporting people with a criminal history, while also noting that anyone who has entered the country illegally has committed a crime. Any large-scale deportation plans are sure to face legal and logistical challenges.

But Texas’ state leaders are eager to help Trump, and the state is a target-rich environment. The Pew Research Center estimates that unauthorized immigrants make up approximately 8% of the state’s workforce, including a large presence in the hospitality, restaurants, energy and construction industries.

The state comptroller’s office did a study in 2006 to find out how the state economy would look without the estimated 1.4 million undocumented immigrants living in Texas in 2005. The study said their absence would cost the state about $17.7 billion in gross state product — a measure of the value of goods and services produced in Texas. The state has not updated the study since; analysis replicated by universities and think tanks have reached similar conclusions that undocumented Texans contribute more to the economy than they cost the state.

“We know that immigrants are punching above their weight,” said Jaime Puente, director of economic opportunity at the left-leaning nonprofit Every Texan. “We are looking at a significant loss of productivity.”

Among major Texas industries, construction has the highest proportion of undocumented workers, according to the Pew Research Center. Mass deportations could disrupt the state’s homebuilding industry in the midst of a housing shortage, which could lead to fewer new homes built and even higher home prices and rents, according to housing experts.


A recent paper from researchers at the University of Utah and the University of Wisconsin-Madison explored the aftermath of the deportation of more than 300,000 undocumented immigrants nationwide from 2008 to 2013. In the places where deportations happened, the study found, homebuilding contracted because the local construction workforce shrank and home prices rose. The researchers discovered that other construction workers lost work too because homebuilders cut back on new developments.


A construction worker along Highway 1604 in San Antonio on Dec. 19, 2024. Credit: Scott Stephen Ball for The Texas Tribune

“We really find ourselves in the situation where anything that kind of disrupts the process of [adding] housing supply would be detrimental to the housing affordability crisis,” said Riordan Frost, a senior research analyst at Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies.

Stan Marek’s Czech grandfather arrived in Houston in 1938 and began hanging sheetrock. Nearly 100 years later, Marek’s family owns a large Houston-based construction firm with roughly 1,000 employees.

“I have watched the stages of immigration,” said Marek, 77. “Eighty-five years later and our immigrants are here, and like they’ve always been, to do the work that no one else wants to do or can do.”

Marek sees a long overdue opportunity to fix a lingering mess — the country’s immigration laws. He said deportations “will be terribly expensive and terribly nonproductive” but granting widespread amnesty to undocumented people would not work either.

Marek believes giving a path to citizenship to people who arrived in the country as children and received deportation protection through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, could help the state reduce its workforce shortage. He also believes in the creation of a similar program for adults to gain legal status — which he calls “Adult DACA” — so that they can work legally.

“It’s not just construction. Who’s picking all the fruit and all the vegetables? Who’s milking all those cows? Every job you look at all over the United States, there are immigrants,” Marek said. “We gotta have the business community step up. That’s the key because the business community, more than anybody, is responsible for the labor.”

In the oil-rich Permian Basin, mass deportations could reduce populations in cities and in turn result in closed businesses and the disappearance of sales tax dollars, said Virginia Bellew, executive director of the Permian Basin Regional Planning Commission.

“I think you've seen communities just waiting [to see what Trump does], don't want to take any steps to predict, discuss, or make decisions,” Bellew said.

In Austin, a 43-year-old man who arrived from Mexico 25 years ago said his first job involved sweeping up debris at a construction site for less than $8 an hour. Today he is a foreman for a general contractor, supervising projects and coordinating crews. He asked his name not be published for fear of jeopardizing his pending residency application.

He said he is not letting himself be consumed by the fear of Trump's promises of mass deportations. He has deep roots in Texas now. He and his wife have raised their three kids in Austin in a house they built themselves.

His kids are U.S. citizens and his wife has legal status through DACA. He’s in the process of applying for legal residency through his eldest daughter, a student at St. Edward’s University in Austin.

“I try to be a great citizen,” he said in Spanish. “[Trump] can not deport everyone because there are so many of us who are indispensable to this country.”

Disclosure: Every Texan and the North Texas Commission have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/01/08/texas-immigration-mass-deportations-economy/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org




'My harvest would be lost': Visa program for farm workers facing uncertain future under Trump




January 06, 2025
ALTERNET

President-elect Donald Trump hasn't backed down from his promise to carry out mass deportations after returning to the White House on Monday, January 20. In fact, he has maintained that the deportations will be a top priority.

But some major economists, including former New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, have warned that mass deportations could inflict major harm in the U.S. economy — as agriculture and other industries are quite reliant on workers from other countries.

In an article published on January 6 — the day outgoing Vice President Kamala Harris oversaw the counting and certification of Trump's Electoral College victory over her in the 2024 election — Arizona Republic reporters Clara Migoya and Laura Gersony emphasize that agriculture has grown increasingly dependent on the H-2A visa program, whose future is uncertain now that he's on his way back to the White House.

READ MORE: Krugman delivers economic reality check: Trump’s mass deportations will make grocery prices soar

"Undocumented workers still make up about half of the workforce across the country," Migoya and Gersony explain, "but the number of H-2A workers has quadrupled in just a decade. Already under strain, the workforce is in the spotlight following the victory of President-elect Donald Trump, a candidate who won reelection warning of competition between native-born Americans and migrants, particularly those who are undocumented."

Migoya and Gersony note that Trump "attempted to tweak the H-2A program during his first term in office, though the agriculture industry continues to push for a more comprehensive reform effort."

According to the reporters, "The political future of the issue is critical for thousands of farmers and farm workers, whether through reforms to the H-2A system or deportations of unauthorized migrants…. The H-2A program has an outsize effect in parts of Arizona, a border state that produces 25 percent of the nation's leafy greens and where employment eligibility checks are mandatory for all businesses."

Gonzalo Quintero, an Arizona-based agriculture veteran, warns that his "harvest would be lost" if fewer H-2A workers are available.

READ MORE: Experts: Mass deportation will hurt at least one red state's economy

Quintero told the Arizona Republic, "The locals, we who were in the field, we’re running out. If I wanted to put together a lemon (harvest) crew, I wouldn't get enough people."

Read the full Arizona Republic article at this link (subscription required).

How your stress levels affect your dog
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Photo by Ryan Walton on Unsplash

January 08, 2025


Dogs have lived alongside humans for thousands of years. They have been used to hunt, guard, herd and perform many other tasks, but today they mainly act as companions. While their lives today may seem easy compared with their ancestors, they still face many stresses – including visits to the vet.

A couple of years ago, researchers in France showed that how a dog owner behaves at the vet affects their pet’s stress levels. The study showed that negative owner behaviour, such as scolding, increased dog anxiety during a veterinary examination.

But before our recent research at Queen’s University Belfast, no one had investigated the effect of owner stress on their dogs in a controlled environment. Our study differs from the research above, as it looks specifically at the effect of owner stress, measured through heart rate changes, on the stress experienced by their dog when at a vet.

Twenty-eight owners and their dogs took part in our experiment. Both owners and dogs wore heart-rate monitors throughout the experiment so that we could monitor and record their heart rate and heart-rate variability – to measure stress levels.

We then exposed the owners to either a stressful or a stress-relieving intervention and monitored the effect it had on them as well as on their dogs. The stressful intervention consisted of a digital stress test, which required owners to perform a mental arithmetic task, as well as a verbal presentation task. The stress-relieving intervention was a five-minute guided breathing meditation video.

We found that dogs’ heart rates decreased as they got used to the veterinary clinic environment. This suggests that vets should give dogs time to get used to the clinic before examining them. Not only will this reduce their stress, it may also improve the validity of any examinations or tests performed, as measures such as heart and respiratory rates can be elevated as a result of heightened stress.

Emotional contagion


We also found that changes in the owner’s heart rate from before the experiment to during the experiment could predict the heart rate changes of their dog. If the owner’s heart rate increased or decreased during the experiment, their dog’s heart rate was also likely to increase or decrease in tandem.

These results suggest that dogs may recognise stress in their owners, and this could influence their own stress levels, through the process of “emotional contagion”. This is a phenomenon where people, and other animals, may “catch” or mimic the emotions and behaviour of those around them, either consciously or unconsciously.

It may also indicate that dogs look to their owners to inform their response to new environments. Owners were asked not to interact with their dogs for the duration of the experiment. So any assessment of owner stress made by their dogs was done without direct communication between owner and pet.

So what does this mean for the average dog owner? If our stress has the potential to influence our dogs, then this should be considered when we visit the vet. If vets help owners feel more calm while attending the clinic, it could help their dogs feel more at ease, too.

A holistic approach to veterinary care, where the animal, their owner and the environment are all taken into consideration, is likely to result in the best welfare outcomes.

While our research primarily focused on the bond between dogs and their owners, a recent study investigating canine behaviour found that the smell of sweat from a stressed human, who was unfamiliar to the dog, affected the learning and cognition of that dog during a cognitive bias test. The test measures whether an animal is in a positive or negative emotional state, and whether they are likely to make decisions with an optimistic or pessimistic outlook. This shows that dogs may be affected by the stress of strangers, as well as that of their owners.

What is clear from our latest research is that dogs are perceptive animals that are influenced by the world and the people around them. People caring for or working with dogs should bear in mind that their own stress may affect that of their dogs.

Aoife Byrne, PhD Candidate, Animal Behaviour and Welfare, University of Nottingham and Gareth Arnott, Lecturer in Animal Behaviour and Welfare, Queen's University Belfast

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

SHE DIED FOR HER ART

Maria Callas: how inflammation, crash dieting and heartache may have shaped her unique and polarizing voice


Pablo Larraín/Netflix

The Conversation
January 05, 2025

Maria, the new biopic being released in cinemas and on Netflix, is the third in Pablo Larraín’s cinematic trilogy of remarkable women. The equally astounding Angelina Jolie portrays the late, great soprano Maria Callas – one of the most talented opera singers of the 20th century. But Callas’s career is known for being as brief as it was revered.

She made her debut in wartime Athens – in Tosca, aged 18. Her willpower was founded on insecurity. She came from a humble background and was judged fat and unattractive by her own family.

Some considered her extensively trained voice beautiful. Others thought it was anything but, finding it to have a rather dry, even ugly quality. There was also no consistent agreement as to which notes on her impressive three-octave range were her finest. Some critics thought her best at the highs of a musical scale, others at lows.

Even Callas disliked her own voice, describing it as something she had eventually come to accept. Yet she forged a successful career in opera based on what else her voice was able to achieve – to conjure something that was truly expressive and poignant.

Rendered practically blind by severe short-sightedness, she found herself isolated from the audience when on stage and was described as a dreamer. She had more than just the gift of beautiful music. Callas turned opera back into what it had been: a dramatic rendition of a story via both singing and meticulous acting.

Such was the transformative nature of her performances that some joked that opera should be divided into two main periods: BC and AC (before Callas and after Callas).




She developed an undeserved reputation for diva-ish outbursts. And her exacting standards meant that she would sometimes cancel events, or walk out of them if she felt unable to deliver.

Regardless of critical opinion of her, a deterioration in Callas’s voice was noted as early as 1956 when she was just 33. This would become more clearly pronounced, making the difficult arias she was previously able to perform impossible. It eventually diminished her voice to a shadow of its former self.

In recent years, a study quantified the audible differences between her recordings of Tosca and Nabucco, a decade apart. They found that she had become increasingly sharp, irregular and unstable.

What prompted the demise of this iconic voice has been a subject of hot debate in the operatic world. Many have credited this decline to her heartbreak at losing Aristotle Onassis to Jackie Kennedy. Others have claimed that it was simply the result of going in too strong, too soon, in her performance. Many of Callas’s earlier roles had been very technically demanding – and may have proved injurious.

Her notable technique focused on intonation to add dramatic effect to her singing, and may also have been responsible for hardening her vocal cords. These are the folds of membrane that vibrate across the outflowing jet of air from your lungs, making a voice or musical sound.




Callas’s diet may also have had an effect. Modelling herself on the grace of Audrey Hepburn, she lost a staggering amount of weight (over 35kg) in her twenties. There was even speculation that she may have ingested tapeworms to do so.

This dramatic weight loss, like that achieved through rapid diets of the modern day, might also have caused her to shed muscle mass. The voice is as much an output of muscle action as, say, flexing a bicep. The movement and vibration of the vocal cords are determined by the action of different groups of muscles in the larynx (or voicebox). These muscles stretch the cords or tense them, like the strings on a harp or violin. They can also make them open or close.

In losing laryngeal muscle, her extreme dieting may have been responsible for her weakened voice.

Another clue may lie with a report that was published more than 25 years after Callas’s death by a doctor who consulted with her in her autumn days, living in Paris. She held out her hands to show how they had changed from “that of Floria Tosca [to] those of a labourer”.



Dermatomyositis

What she was demonstrating was the roughened, swollen, violet-marked hands associated with the condition dermatomyositis. This is a connective tissue disease that causes inflammation in both skin and muscle.

Alongside the same purple rash on her neck, her stooped posture and weakened voice (otherwise called dysphonia) were hallmarks of this illness. After treating the inflammation with the steroid drug prednisolone, Callas noted some improvement. Sadly, it was to be short-lived.

Callas died in Paris, in 1977, of a heart attack. She was 53 years old.

Jolie reportedly undertook seven months of operatic tuition to sing at the film’s climax. Now nominated for her ninth Golden Globe and perhaps looking toward her third Oscar, she gives us a glimpse of her extraordinary capabilities.

Regardless of what she manages to vocalise in Maria, since Callas was famed for embracing her imperfections and creating something truly magical from them, Jolie’s inspired performance is on track to do the same.

Dan Baumgardt, Senior Lecturer, School of Physiology, Pharmacology and Neuroscience, University of Bristol

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
‘Squid Game’ Season 2 is a dystopian reflection of capitalism’s dark side


People walk past a doll of Young-hee to promote the second season of Netflix’s series ‘Squid Game’ at Gwanghwamun Square in Seoul, South Korea, Dec. 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

January 08, 2025

The second season of Squid Game, Netflix’s most-watched show of all time, has been eagerly awaited by many. The first season featured players participating in a series of deadly children’s games to win prize money.

The new season, which is also on track to set another Netflix record, takes a deeper look at the economic context and constraints surrounding the surrealistic games.

More than a third of the season takes place outside the actual game setting, highlighting the dystopian life circumstances that drive participants to enter the deadly competition in the first place.

In many ways, Squid Game Season 2 is a very South Korean story. The country has one of the highest levels of household debt in the world, much of which has incurred through a failing social security system.

Most notably, a nominally public health-care system offloads considerable burdens on those who require special treatments or operations. Gambling, too, has emerged as a pressing social and economic problem among young Koreans.

Beyond that, Season 2 highlights one specific feature of a capitalist system built on zero-sum competition: people are drawn into it because of the promise of fairy tale wins for a few, despite it resulting in devastating losses for the many.

 
‘Squid Game’ Season 2 trailer from Netflix.


The illusion of choice


In contrast to other contemporary critiques of capitalism that tend to highlight the players behind the scenes, Squid Game unearths the reasons why the general public plays along with the system in the first place. It’s a depiction of a very real individual financial abyss.

Squid Game doesn’t shy away from the motive of greed, a sentiment famously encapsulated in the 1987 film Wall Street. However, the show frames this greed against a broader canvas of personal bankruptcy, unpaid health-care bills and gambling losses in the form of failed crypto investments. ‘Squid Game’ Season 2 trailer from Netflix.

Squid Game’s perspective on contemporary capitalism, and why it’s supported by billions of people around the world, is striking. Crumbling public services, privatized insecurity and unattended health issues are not mere side-effects of neo-liberal economic policies — they are designed to push people into the system.

Almost all the players in the game see it as the only option left for them. No one enters the game willingly; they are all thrust in it involuntarily out of necessity.

It is a role in this game that provides the hope of steering clear of the potential abyss against which a declining middle class in many capitalist economies has survived. Like the players of Squid Game buy into the game as their only means of survival, we, too, buy into the capitalism system because we don’t have another choice.

In a global context, the show highlights how extreme poverty and lack of public infrastructure force vast parts of the population in so-called developing countries to participate in exploitative — and often lethal — labour conditions.

Business professor Bobby Banerjee has explored the latter aspect under the label of “necrocapitalism,” while professors Carl Cederström and Peter Fleming have explored the experiences of first-world white-collar workers in their book Dead Men Working.
The promise of more

The repeating votes and battles over the continuation of the game highlight why so many people continue to participate in the broader capitalist system: the promise of more.

Recently, we have seen some junior investment bankers literally working themselves to death. Private gain as the “defining trait of capitalist society” is a well researched phenomenon.

Squid Game plays on the almost comical ability people have to believe in their own capacity to survive and be the chosen winner. 

 
The red light green light game returns in Season 2 of Netflix’s ‘Squid Game.’


The cruelty and violence of the game itself fuels players’ almost transcendental convictions that they are destined to be the sole victor of the games. These desires, however, clash with the core humanity of the players.

Camaraderie develops as the players work together, and family ties, past friendships, shared experiences, compassion and spirituality all have a clear presence in the show. But in the end, they are overshadowed by the rigid logic of the overarching game.

The most scandalous recent example for such behaviour is American financier Bernie Madoff who ruthlessly defrauded family and kinship in the Jewish community for his personal gain.





‘Temporarily embarrassed millionaires’

Some critics bemoaned that Season 2 is too focused on the lives of the players, with the actual games not beginning until episode four.

However, this shift arguably makes the relationship between the players’ real lives and the games much more explicit. In turn, it makes the show’s critique of capitalism even more pronounced.

While the high-stakes games are undoubtedly the series’ main draw, the popularity of the series still has a lot to do with its intrinsic message, which becomes much more pronounced in the second season. People can identify with the characters risking their survival for the promise of heroically winning another lease on life against all odds.

As American writer John Steinbeck once put it, many middle- and working-class Americans see themselves as “temporarily embarrassed capitalists.” This mindset encapsulates the relentless participation in a capitalist system that offers only the faint possibility of success.

This dynamic is illustrated in Squid Game Season 2, which explores how individuals rationalize their participation in a game that otherwise runs counter to their most basic human impulses.

The lyrics to Bertold Brecht’s satirical song March of the Calves comes to mind: “Following the drum / The calves trot / The skin for the drum / They deliver themselves.” It’s a sobering metaphor for the way the promise of success often blinds us to the personal sacrifice we may pay to achieve it.

Dirk Matten, Professor of Sustainability, Hewlett-Packard Chair in Corporate Social Responsibility, Schulich School of Business, York University, Canada

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.