South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol announcing the lifting of his martial law decree.
In the wake of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s 6-hour coup, Western pundits have opined that this was an affirmation of South Korean democracy’s robustness and resilience, its institutional maturity and strength.
This is like saying after a survivor fights off an assault, that this demonstrates a mature state of legal order. Hardly. It signals the opposite. Certainly, it highlights courage, but it isn’t a demonstration of a robust state of rights. It demonstrates a gaping, terrifying lack of order.
The recission of martial law in South Korea is certainly an affirmation of the South Korean people: their courage and fearlessness. But few Koreans are feeling safe that “democracy worked”. The most terrifying phrase in the South Korean lexicon is “martial law decree”–it triggers visceral memories of torture, disappearances, mass graves, and deep, paralyzing terror. As we speak, legislators are sleeping inside the Parliament building to ensure that if a second Martial Law decree is proclaimed, they will not have to scramble and claw their way through barricades to vote again. Likewise, protestors are standing in spirited vigil outside the building to tackle martial law troops if they come surging out of their barracks again.
All this undercuts the assertion that Korea is a “mature, leading democracy”–“one of the strongest, most dynamic democracies in the world, a champion of democracy for the world”. Had it not been for thousands of Koreans streaming out at midnight and running interference with their bodies against martial law troops, South Korea’s three-decade-long political experiment would have reverted to blank terror like a suddenly snapped film reel. Yoon’s martial law declaration sought to white out all civil and political rights, as well as to extirpate and annihilate all political opposition–what he referred to as Pro-North, anti-state forces. It is only a series of lucky coincidences and missteps that it was thwarted. And the crisis is not over yet.
A Fraudulent Alliance of Democracies
The coup attempt also highlights the ugly mendacity that undergirds the US myth of “an alliance of democracies”–an alliance in which South Korea’s President Yoon was touted as the leader of “the Global Pivot state”, fighting autocracies and championing the importance of liberal democracy around the world. Yoon was even invited to address a joint session of the US congress, where, to repeated standing ovations, he unironically warned that “totalitarian forces may conceal and disguise themselves as defenders of democracy or human rights” and bloviated about the importance of the rule of law.
This mendacity and hypocrisy is also evident in the reactions of the Western powers. After martial law was declared and as legislative aides frantically barricaded doors in parliament to stymie marauding paratroopers, the only statement western governments and leaders could muster was “we are watching things closely“.
Not one of them condemned or denounced the coup as an egregious attack on democracy or the South Korean body politic–as they would have immediately if any non-US-client state had declared martial law.
They also intoned, hypnotically, “Korea is our closest ally”: code for “We support Yoon”.
The Taiwan DPP authorities, touted as a model Asian democracy, did them one better: as a kindred US-quisling state with kindred tendencies, they openly endorsed Yoon’s declaration of Martial law, posting in their official account:
South Korean legislature has been controlled by pro-North Korean forces. To protect constitutional freedoms, SK president Yoon Suk Yeol has initiated nation-wide martial law.
They bemoaned that they, too, were defending against “worldwide dark and evil forces” in their legislature, hinting they might do the same.
In Taiwanese legislature, the Blues and Whites [opposition party legislators] use all sorts of means to decrease defense spending, enact unconstitutional increases in power, amend financial laws malignantly, roll back pension reform, sham recall laws, obstruct national security proposals N times, nitpick Wang Yi-chuan’s appointment…No doubt, we are Team Taiwan, we are defending the infiltration of worldwide dark and evil forces into this country every minute and every second.
Insurrection, Democratic style
After the South Korean coup blew over–for now–the same western pundits commented breezily, “Isn’t South Korea’s democracy great?”.
Well, no, it’s not.
This insurrection could have turned out very, very badly–and it’s not over yet. It’s not difficult to show that Yoon Suk Yeol committed treason–by running roughshod over the South Korean constitution, by:
a) Declaring martial law without justification: Martial law, under the Korean constitution, is reserved for war or catastrophic national emergencies that require military mobilization. Budget disagreement or policy friction/deadlock–not unusual in a polity–does not justify deploying armed force to assert power. Labeling normal opposition as North Korean/anti-state subversion signals a despotically unbalanced mindset that harkens back to the worst excesses of the previous military dictatorships.
b) Directing intelligence services to arrest “key political figures”–including opposition DPK party leader, Lee Jae Myung, the speaker of the assembly Woo Won-shik, the leader of the PPP (his own party), Han Dong Hoon, and RKP leader Cho Kuk, among others. This is blatant political repression.
c) Sending troops to occupy national election committee offices. These armed troops also brought with them an ambulance and an empty truck–in anticipation of mass bloodshed and the need to cart away casualties and corpses.
d) Obstructing the constitutional process: The South Korean constitution provides for legislators to rescind a Martial Law Decree as part of its constitutional system of checks and balances. That Yoon sought to override that provision and prevent legislators from exercising their constitutional mandate by sending fully armed special warfare troops–the same Special warfare brigade that has historically always facilitated coups–to the national assembly to prevent legislators from entering signals criminal intent to subvert the law.
According to one military expert, the 707 special warfare forces brigade, had been ordered to “take the National Assembly building by 11:00 pm at any cost”, However, they were delayed when their helicopters did not receive air transit clearance over a critical security corridor. All of South Korean airspace is tightly monitored and restricted–defended with radar and anti-aircraft batteries–especially in the capital. Yeouido, the area of the National Assembly building, and Yongsan, where the Defense ministry and Presidential residence is located, are especially tightly controlled. This delay in clearance resulted in troops landing at 11:48, rather than 11:00pm, and nearly two hundred speedy legislators were able to beat the special forces to the building, where they entered, barricaded, voted and rescinded the decree in record time. Despite being equipped to cut electricity to kill the functioning of the legislature–all the forces were equipped with night vision goggles–they arrived too late to stop entry and then were further stymied by aides who frantically improvised barricades with chairs, cabinets, tables, plants, belts and duct tape in a near-hallucinatory modern day re-enactment of the Paris Commune.
The Republic of Prosecution
Yoon’s autocratic tendencies were well known even from his campaign promises: a former chief prosecutor, he had threatened to create a “republic of prosecutors”–something he rapidly put into practice using an army of prosecutors to steamroll opponents. The opposition party leader, Lee Jae Myung, who nearly beat him at the polls, had his personal residence raided hundreds of times, and has been subjected to non-stop political prosecution. And according to aides, apparently, Yoon routinely discussed declaring martial law, almost as if he were ordering a pizza: “Shall we order Martial Law today?”.
So how did Yoon become touted as a paragon of democratic virtue? How did he become so despotically out of touch? The answer to both questions points in the same direction.
Despite being despised by Koreans for his despotic tendencies, Yoon was lionized by the US–the Biden administration at every turn. He was pumped up as a global leader of “liberal democracy”, the leader of the “global pivot state” that “advances freedom, peace, and prosperity through liberal democratic values”. He received this constant stroking from the west, even as he was persecuting, prosecuting, and smashing every democratic and civil institution in sight: the media, the independent press, unions, opposition parties, peace and social service groups.
When unions went on strike, Yoon claimed they were anti-state pro-North seditionists and threatened them with prison and massive fines. Scientific researchers had their faces smashed in and were dragged out like furniture for daring to protest research budget cuts. Media institutions and opposition party politicians were endlessly SWAT-raided and arrested as if they were terrorists. Still, he was endlessly praised by the US even as he was smashing institutions and grinding Korean citizens under his boot heel.
And when millions protested–most recently, one hundred thousand hit the streets of Seoul to demand his resignation in the week before the coup–the US and western press did a total media blackout. Yoon may have been a bastard, but he was clearly the US bastard: incapable of any wrong, always to be coddled, protected, and valorized. He was “Mr American Pie”, Washington’s own minstrel, “a good ole boy …from a long, long time ago”. As a result, the Caligula of Yongsan became high on his own supply.
Earlier this year in March, Yoon hosted the US Summit of Democracies, even as he was threatening medical workers. South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul stated without an ounce of irony:
[South Korea’s hosting of the summit] signifies our collective resolve to strengthen democracy globally…As President Yoon stated…human history shows that where political freedom reigns supreme, there prosperity flourished. Peace is guaranteed when countries that value freedom and human rights come together as one. Korea’s own journey is a living testament to this truth. Our story showcases the political, economic and cultural potential that is unleashed when embracing the ideals of freedom, human rights and the rule of law. As Korea aspires to become a Global Pivotal State, we are committed to standing in solidarity with the international community to safeguard and advance these values.
Anthony Blinken at the summit, also lauded South Korea:
It’s particularly fitting – in fact, it’s even a little bit poignant – that we’re gathered here in Seoul, in Korea, for this third Summit for Democracy – a nation that transformed, over a single generation, into one of the strongest, most dynamic democracies in the world, a champion of democracy for the world.
Blinken also highlighted South Korea’s “commitment to freedom” and its strong ties to the US because of that commitment:
We’ve invested in the foundation of our strength, our democracies, while also deepening ties to our partners who share our commitment to freedom, to equal opportunity, to human rights, to the rule of law….[this] is why Seoul will take up the mantle now in leading the third Summit for Democracy next year….At a time of tremendous challenge to the international rule of law and the United Nations Charter, to our democracies, indeed to our planet, Mr. President [Yoon], your principled leadership has helped bring us even closer together and has made Korea a global pivotal state.
What did the US know, and when did it know it?
This US support, encouragement, investment and deep ties to Yoon begs the obvious question: What did the US know about the coup, and when did it know it?
The Pentagon refuses to comment on whether it was notified in advance.
However, it’s virtually impossible for them not to have known. All previous military coups in South Korea have been greenlighted by the US. This is because the US has de facto control over all troops in South Korea; the Korean military reports to the CFC/UNC command, a joint command led by the USFK general. The US also maintains “wartime” opcon (meaning it has operational control anytime it wants).
All troop movements have to be reported to and coordinated with the US, if for no other reason than to avoid a friendly fire incident in a densely militarily-territorialized area bristling with troops, arms, surveillance, and weapons on hair trigger alert.
And the SK special forces, like the ones at the National Assembly, are the most tightly integrated with the US of any military–it is the only US special operations command in the world where the US and host nation’s Special warfare forces merge into a single entity. From their own website:
Since its inception, SOCKOR (Special Operations Command, Korea) continues to be the only theater SOC (special operations command) in which U.S. and host nation SOF (special operations forces) are institutionally organized for combined operations. SOCKOR and Republic of Korea (ROK) Army Special Warfare Command (SWC) regularly train in their combined roles, while SOCKOR’s Special Forces Detachment acts as the liaison between ROK Special Forces and the U.S. Special Forces.
…If the armistice fails, SOCKOR and ROK SWC will combine to establish the Combined Special Operations Component Command Korea (CSOCC-K)…Under the current plan, when CSOCC-K, the SOCKOR Commander becomes the CSOCC-K Deputy Commander. SOCKOR is then designated as the United Nations Command Special Operations Component under the United Nations Command, with the SOCKOR Commander as the Special Operations Component Commander.
Minus the jargon, it means Korean special operations forces train and coordinate with US special forces almost as a single fighting unit. It’s highly unlikely a detachment could kit up completely without the US asking, “Where are you going at this late hour?”. “Oh, nowhere”, doesn’t cut it.
Also, the Korean peninsula is the most densely surveilled place on the planet, and every inch of land and airspace is monitored. It’s surmised that the helicopters ferrying the troops to the National Assembly were delayed in getting air transit clearance because that area is one of the most highly restricted areas for air travel. That air space surveillance and control is likely directly reported and coordinated with US command. In other words, there is US complicity somewhere along the chain.
And right now, according to a military watchdog, all military leave in Korea has been cancelled. That’s ominous–a second Martial Law declaration is possible.
What comes next?
It’s unclear what comes next. The only certainty, for the vast majority of Koreans, is that Yoon can no longer govern. Like a drunk driver–drunk in this case with power–the keys to the vehicle have to be wrested away from him. Traditionally, in Korean politics, the end comes in the form of resignation (Syngman Rhee, 1960), assassination (Park Chung Hee, 1979), Impeachment (Park Geun-hye), usually followed by imprisonment or exile. If Yoon is successfully impeached, and the impeachment upheld in the Constitutional Court–provided the court can find quorum–an election and a peaceful transition of power could occur. That is still a distant hypothetical. Meanwhile, Yoon could face prosecution for insurrection, a capital crime, something that he does not have immunity from–and most certainly for other crimes if he is stripped of power. The stakes are tremendous and the only thing certain is that there will be more twists and turns.
Unbewitching Ourselves
Only by a stroke of luck–delayed helicopters–and a lot of pluck–angry citizens roused from their beds, e-commerce truck drivers abandoning deliveries, sexagenarian parliamentarians engaging in parkour–was a political catastrophe and democratic meltdown averted this time.
This failed coup constitutes a legitimacy crisis in one of the US’s most important vassal states, one of an ongoing stream of ongoing crises for the US Empire among its vassals. Touted as one of the most important leaders and partners in promoting (US-designated) democracy in a “global fight against autocracies”–Kurt Campbell even nominated for a Nobel Prize–Yoon has shown himself to be a crackpot US-client despot, like generations of tinpot dictators before him.
Yoon’s star was in favor only because he was a pliant executor of US geostrategic strategy–greasing US plans for war against China–in the high stakes agenda to maintain US global hegemony In fact, without deep US support, it’s unlikely that such a profound political dunce–someone who had never held an elected office in his life–would have become president. Certainly, he received dramatic pre-election support from the US ruling imperial elite, for whom he was a walking fulfillment list. When he was elected, the champagne corks blew up in Washington.
By reverting to full barbarian-authoritarian-mode, the mask has fallen off this imperial clown show of US propaganda.
This is the real story of South Korea’s coup: as the Empire weakens, its forcefield of mystification wanes. Its producers slip up, its hired actors mumble and miss cues, stagehands misplace props, and the extras walk off the set. And we start to notice things behind the shimmering scrim. Things break, fall apart, the illusion cannot hold.
Yoon’s sudden fall from grace is not a symptom of Korea’s robust democracy, neither is it a sign that South Korea is stable and resilient. There are still many dangers lurking as the ship of state struggles to right itself: possibly more emergency decrees, more military action, certainly more protests and political turmoil.
But the 6-hour coup is certainly an unmasking of Yoon as an incompetent despot of the Empire, and the fraudulence of the Empire managers who sold him as a paragon of political virtue.
Breaking the propaganda trance, is the place to start to break the hold of the Empire, as a full blown legitimacy crisis rages all around the world. Courageous Koreans smashed that trance momentarily. Will others join them?
