Wednesday, January 15, 2020

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Remembering Nigeria's Biafra war that many prefer to forget



Africa, Nigeria civil war, Biafra, at the front line, young officer ordering an attack.Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
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The deaths of more than a million people in Nigeria as a result of the brutal civil war which ended exactly 50 years ago are a scar on the nation's history.
For most Nigerians, the war over the breakaway state of Biafra is generally regarded as an unfortunate episode best forgotten, but for the Igbo people who fought for secession, it remains a life-defining event.
In 1967, following two coups and turmoil which led to about a million Igbos returning to the south-east of Nigeria, the Republic of Biafra seceded with 33-year-old military officer Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu at the helm.
The Nigerian government declared war and after 30 months of fighting, Biafra surrendered. On 15 January 1970, the conflict officially ended.
The government's policy of "no victor, no vanquished" may have led to a lack of official reflection, but many Nigerians of Igbo origin grew up on stories from people who lived through the war.
Three of those who were involved in the secessionist campaign have been sharing their memories.


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'We thought we were magicians'

Christopher Ejike Ago, soldier
He had just finished grammar school and started training as a veterinary assistant at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), in south-eastern Nigeria, when the civil war began.
Almost every student he knew became part of the war effort.
He joined the Biafran army and was assigned to the signal unit, whose responsibilities included "active intelligence and eavesdropping on the Nigerian military".




Christopher Ejike Ago

The Nigerians who were pursuing us were trained soldiers... We were drafted into the war, given two days' training."



Christopher Ejike AgoSoldier in the Biafran war


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"We thought we were magicians," said 76-year-old Mr Ago.
"The Nigerians who were pursuing us were trained soldiers. We were not. We were drafted into the war, given two days' training.
"Plus the fact that we were hungry. Some of us, our skin was getting rotten. Nobody can fight a war like that."
In January 1966, some senior Nigerian army officers, mostly of the Igbo ethnic group, assassinated key politicians during a coup in the West African state.
Those killed included Ahmadu Bello, a revered leader in the north.
This led to months of massacres against the Igbo living in the north. Tens of thousands were killed while about a million fled to what was then known as the Eastern Region.


Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Military Governor of Biafra in Nigeria inspecting some of his troops, 11th June 1968.Image copyrightMIRRORPIX
Image captionEmeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, pictured here in June 1968, was a charismatic figure
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These events sparked the Igbo's decision to secede, spearheaded by Ojukwu, who was then the military governor of the Eastern Region.
In the months preceding the war, Ojukwu often visited UNN, the only university in south-eastern Nigeria at the time, to meet with students and prepare them for secession.
Mr Ago looked forward to these visits, and joined the crowd who gathered at the university's Freedom Square.
"Once his helicopter touched down, everybody went there and, practically, school shut down.
"He had this incredible sense of humour. He spiked everybody up and we formed songs and were singing and enjoying ourselves."
In the first year of the war, the Nigerian government captured the coastal city of Port Harcourt and imposed a blockade, which cut food supplies to Biafra.


Nigerian troops entering Port Harcourt, after routing Biafran troops during the Biafran War.Image copyrightEVENING STANDARD
Image captionNigerian troops seen in one of Biafra's main cities, Port Harcourt, in 1968 after fierce fighting

Mr Ago remembers the overpowering hunger that often forced Biafran soldiers to catch and eat mice. He also remembers the last year of the war when his unit was continuously on the move, fleeing the advancing Nigerian army.
"Somewhere in the middle of the war," he said, "the Biafrans made some dramatic successes that gave us hope that we might hold the Nigerians until at least some help from outside came."
By late 1969, all hope was lost.


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Biafra timeline

  • January 1966 - Nigerian government overthrown in what was seen as an "Igbo coup" led by junior army officers
  • January 1966 - Lt Col Odumegwu-Ojukwu appointed military governor of Eastern Region
  • July 1966 - Second coup masterminded by Murtala Muhammed, Lt Col Yakubu Gowon becomes head of state
  • June to October 1966 - Riots in northern Nigeria targeted at Igbos, killing many and forcing up to a million to return to south-eastern Nigeria
  • May 1967 - Ojukwu declares independence of the Republic of Biafra
  • July 1967 - War begins
  • October 1967 - Biafran capital Enugu falls
  • May 1968 - Nigeria captures oil-rich Port Harcourt
  • April 1969 - Umuahia, new Biafran capital falls to Nigerian forces
  • January 1970 - Ojukwu flees Nigeria
  • January 1970 - Biafra surrenders


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Mr Ago left the army and went in search of his family, whom he had not heard from in more than two years.
He collected his portion from an allocation of raw rice to his unit, then set off towards the village of a relative, where he suspected his parents and siblings would be holed up.
"I had to carry the rice while starving myself, carrying it across rivers and forests until I found them," he said.


BIAFRA- By all military odds, Biafra should have lost its war with federal Nigeria long ago. It has not lost, but in the next few months it might--vanquished by starvation. Here, women and children receive their meager rations at a refugee camp.Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionHunger caused the deaths of many people during the conflict
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Many of his friends and classmates had died at the battlefront. But his family was delighted to see that the son and brother they assumed dead was alive. And they were glad that he had turned up with food.
Hunger killed more Biafrans than bullets and bombs.
When the university was reopened a few months after the war ended, Mr Ago returned to UNN, eventually graduating with a degree in plant and soil science.
"I think we would have done better if we had handled it with a little bit more intelligence," said Mr Ago. "I think now that Ojukwu… thought he was Jesus Christ.
"He thought he could do magic. If he had slowed down and allowed some people who were with him to advise him properly, we would have come out better than we did."

'They only had knives and cutlasses'

Felix Nwankwo Oragwu, scientist
He was a physics lecturer at UNN when the civil war began.
For the next 30 months, he headed the Research and Production (RAP) group comprising Igbo scientists from various fields.
Its primary responsibility was to provide technological support to the Biafran army, which was poorly equipped.
Felix Nwankwo Oragwu
Felix Nwankwo Oragwu

When the war started, there was not a single weapon... anywhere throughout Biafra. No gun, no bomb, no nothing."



Felix Nwankwo Oragwu
Weapons developer for Biafra


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The RAP's most notable product was the "ogbunigwe", a weapons launcher of remarkable and devastating effect which influenced the outcome of many battles in Biafra's favour, according to historical reports.
"Without us, the war would have lasted only about 30 hours," said the 85-year-old.
"When the war started, there was not a single weapon either in a store or anywhere throughout Biafra. They only had knives and cutlasses. No gun, no bomb, no nothing."
In the aftermath of the war, the Nigerian government did not want to impose any form of collective punishment.


Men carrying a weaponImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionFelix Nwankwo Oragwu and others helped develop some of the weapons that Biafran soldiers used
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Nevertheless, the Igbo faced some devastating consequences, particularly economically as the Biafran currency that people had accumulated became worthless.
Many Igbo still feel sidelined in Nigerian politics, as since the civil war no-one from the ethnic group has become president.
Increasing cries of marginalisation have led in recent years to the emergence of Igbo groups agitating once again for secession, particularly the Indigenous People of Biafra (Ipob), formed by UK-based British-Nigerian Nnamdi Kanu.






Media captionBiafran conflict: A grandmother's perspective on the war

Mr Oragwu wishes that the Igbo had paid less attention to the scramble for power at the centre, and instead distinguished their region by advancing the technological gains of the war.
"Biafra would have been a technological nation and would have been able to compete with anybody," he said, anger in his voice.
"That is what makes me sad. By this time, we would have been competing with at least South Korea."
The scientist's wartime accomplishments had caught the attention of the Nigerian authorities and he was invited by the government to pioneer a special science and technology programme for the country.


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He was behind the setting up of four universities of science and technology in different regions of Nigeria and after retirement he published Scientific and Technological Innovations in Biafra, a book he hoped would inspire young Nigerians.
"Nigeria was programmed by the British colonial authorities not to participate in production and manufacture of global technologies," he wrote in the book.
"The war gave the opportunity to… reject the colonial design."

'An incredible period'

Edna Nwanunobi, teacher
She was teaching English and French in a secondary school in Port Harcourt in southern Nigeria when the civil war began.
While the UK backed Nigeria, France was the most prominent supporter of Biafra.
But English was more widely spoken in Biafra, so translators were needed whenever French officials visited Ojukwu.

Edna Nwanunobi

"You were forced to fraternise with your people more than any time before"



Edna Nwanunobi
Translator for the Biafran government


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Ms Nwanunobi joined the Biafran ministry of foreign affairs as part of a handful of translators who worked directly with Ojukwu.
"The war was an incredible period," said 82-year-old Mrs Nwanunobi. "Everybody was forced to go home so you were forced to fraternise with your people more than any time before.
"And people who worked in every Biafra office were high level people. These were people who were doing all sorts of things and the war forced them out of their positions."
She enjoyed working directly with the Biafran leader, whom she and her colleagues fondly referred to as "Brother OJ".






Media captionBiafran War veterans remember the conflict 50 years on

"He was a gorgeous person," she said again and again. "And he was disciplined. If any meeting lasted more than two hours, he wouldn't be party to it."
Her most memorable assignment occurred after the Biafran military captured six Italian oil workers employed by the Nigerian government.
Officials from different European countries travelled to meet Ojukwu to appeal for their release.
"That was the largest assembly we had," she recalled. "Even the Vatican sent representatives."
During the meeting, Mrs Nwanunobi conveyed to Ojukwu that he stood the risk of losing European support.
He promised to consider the matter, and the Italians were subsequently released.


British Labour Party politician Michael Barnes speaking at a rally organised by the 'Biafra Committee', London, UK, 7th July 1968.Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionThe plight of Biafrans gained support among activists around the world, including in London, where this protest was held in 1968

Mrs Nwanunobi met Ojukwu for the last time on 23 December 1969, when she lined up outside his office with her colleagues, to receive a Christmas gift and a handshake from him.
A few days later, she left the country for the Biafran office in Paris. During a stopover of several days in Lisbon, she heard that Biafra had surrendered.
Her first concern was for Ojukwu.
"I was worried that he would come to harm," she said softly. "I didn't want anybody to disgrace him."
Her worry lifted when she learned that her boss had escaped in his private jet, and was granted asylum by Ivory Coast, a francophone country.
Mrs Nwanunobi spent much of the 1970s in Canada before returning to Nigeria in 1977, where she resumed work as a secondary school teacher.


The bronze plated casket with the body of Odumegwu Ojukwu is being carried to his native Nnewi home by army pall bearers after a national inter-denominational funeral ritesImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionOjukwu was given a full Nigerian military burial in March 2012

Ojukwu himself remained in exile for 13 years. After he was officially pardoned by the Nigerian government, he returned in 1982, with multitudes pouring onto the streets of his home state of Anambra to welcome him.
He died in November 2011 and was given a full military burial in a ceremony attended by then Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, some other African leaders and members of the diplomatic corps.
Fifty years after the Biafran conflict, Nigeria is still battling to maintain its unity, with various groups, not just the Igbo, calling for the restructuring of Africa's most populous state.
It is probably for this reason that the war is barely mentioned.
The government has nothing to gain by reminding Nigerians that secession happened before and can be attempted again.

More on this story





TV special report from 1968 of the Biafran War.

from Wikipedia

The Nigerian Civil War, commonly known as the Biafran War (6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970), was a war fought between the government of Nigeria and the secessionist state of Biafra. Biafra represented nationalist aspirations of the Igbo people, whose leadership felt they could no longer coexist with the Northern-dominated federal government. The conflict resulted from political, economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions which preceded Britain's formal decolonization of Nigeria from 1960 to 1963. Immediate causes of the war in 1966 included a military coup, a counter-coup and persecution of Igbo living in Northern Nigeria. Control over the lucrative oil production in the Niger Delta played a vital strategic role.

Within a year, the Federal Government troops surrounded Biafra, capturing coastal oil facilities and the city of Port Harcourt. The blockade imposed during the ensuing stalemate led to severe famine. During the two and half years of the war, there were about 100,000 overall military casualties, while between 500,000 and 2 million Biafran civilians died of starvation.[31]

In mid-1968, images of malnourished and starving Biafran children saturated the mass media of Western countries. The plight of the starving Biafrans became a cause célèbre in foreign countries, enabling a significant rise in the funding and prominence of international non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Britain and the Soviet Union were the main supporters of the Nigerian government in Lagos, while France, Israel and some other countries supported Biafra. France and Israel provided weapons to both combatants.

Puerto Ricans hoping Trump signs major disaster declaration

CBS News•January 12, 2020



Millions of Puerto Ricans are waiting to see if President Donald Trump will sign a major disaster declaration to authorize much needed aid. Four thousand people are still in shelters and many others are sleeping outside after yet another powerful earthquake.

A 5.9 magnitude earthquake shook southwestern Puerto Rico on Saturday just before 9 a.m. It was the strongest since last week's 6.4 quake. More than 2,000 tremors have occurred since December 28.Saturday's earthquake didn't injure or kill anyone, but there were landslides and damage to homes and businesses.

"You never know what could happen. Anything can just go just like this," said Praxides Rodriguez, snapping her fingers. "Love your family, appreciate them, you know, just thank God every day for what you have."

Rodriguez and her husband have been living in a tent in Guanica, one of the hardest hit areas. Many people there have set up camps at the top of a mountain because that's where they feel safest as aftershocks continue.

Rodriguez said she's okay, but hopes more help is coming for those less able to take care of themselves.

"We don't know how much longer we're going to be here," she told CBS News correspondent David Begnaud. "We have a lot of elderly that are really in bed, that can't even move out of bed."
UP CLOSE: A grandmother with Alzheimer's was in a bed in the front yard of her family's home, sunburned and sweating. After a series of earthquakes in Puerto Rico, the family had no power, no water and couldn't find an ambulance. @DavidBegnaud reports: https://t.co/PHLCSKu63j pic.twitter.com/ZzMmsdtj1D
— CBS This Morning (@CBSThisMorning) January 12, 2020

Elizabeth Vanacore, with the Puerto Rico Seismic Network, warned residents that they should still expect "some aftershocks." The network has more than 20 sensors installed around the island to detect earthquake magnitude.

Mr. Trump has not yet signed the major disaster declaration. The island also hasn't received more than $18 billion in federal funding that was designated after hurricanes that struck more than two years ago, according to the Washington Post.

But, FEMA's top official in Puerto Rico, Alex Amparo, said they're not waiting.

"We've got our teams out in the field," he said. "The tremendous amount of mutual aid that's happening from the island, I'm sure you saw on your way here."

Traffic was backed up Sunday in the mountains of the hardest hit regions as Puerto Ricans came from near and far to bring supplies to their neighbors in need. Since Hurricane Maria, many Puerto Ricans say they've learned they can't rely on the government in times of disaster.

A political stalemate over Puerto Rican aid is leaving all US disaster funding in limbo 
April 17, 2019 Lauren Lluveras
Senate Democrats recently blocked US$13.5 billion in relief for Americans whose lives were disrupted by hurricanes, tornadoes, wildfires, flooding and other natural disasters. The objections had to do with Puerto Rico.

In addition to aid for Kansas, Missouri, Iowa and Nebraska, this bill included $600 million to cover six months’ worth of nutritional assistance requested by Puerto Rican Gov. Ricardo Rosselló. But Democrats refused to back the bill because it lacked funds that would protect the island from floods and rebuild its electrical grid.

The result is an impasse between a Congress that wants to assist a U.S. territory in distress and a hostile White House. As the daughter of Puerto Ricans who moved to the mainland and a policy analyst of racial inequities, I’m concerned that the Trump administration’s neglect of Puerto Rico is based in racial bias.

President Donald Trump has vocally opposed disaster relief for Puerto Ricans almost since Hurricane Maria made landfall in September 2017. Within two weeks of that storm, which killed an estimated 3,000 people, Trump accused Puerto Ricans in a series of tweets of wanting “everything to be done for them.”

Not much has changed. Since January 2019, Trump has reportedly dismissed the need for emergency food aid on the island as “excessive and unnecessary.”

Rosselló responded by urging Trump to stop treating Puerto Ricans as “second-class” U.S. citizens. He seems to have reached a breaking point after avoiding being critical of the president. When CNN asked if he felt working with Trump was like “dealing with a bully,” Rosselló replied, “If the bully gets close, I’ll punch the bully in the mouth.”

Part of the US

Puerto Rico has been part of the United States since 1898. The island’s residents are U.S. citizens.

Yet Trump has repeatedly ignored these basic facts by asserting that money to aid Puerto Rico takes money away from priorities on the U.S. mainland. “We could buy Puerto Rico four times over” with this aid money, he reportedly said in late March.

Some things operate differently in Puerto Rico, though, including the safety net. Puerto Ricans, for example, lack access to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the nutritional benefit system formerly known as food stamps and today better known as SNAP. Instead, Puerto Rico operates its own Nutrition Assistance Program, or NAP.

Hurricane Maria did so much damage to Puerto Rico’s economy that nearly 300,000 more Puerto Ricans became poor enough to be eligible for its nutrition assistance – a roughly 30% increase in beneficiaries. Without the additional $1.27 billion in funding that Congress approved in September 2017, the greater need would have meant that everyone getting this help would have had to make do with less, as the cost of this program is generally capped at around $2 billion per year.

Puerto Rico’s nutrition assistance program differs from SNAP in another critical way: The threshold is much lower. Americans in families of three on the mainland can be eligible for food stamps if their income totals $1,732 per month. Puerto Rican families of the same size may not earn more than $4,901 per year – $408 per month – and get their own version of SNAP benefits. Because of this distinction, fewer Puerto Rican families get nutritional assistance benefits than would be the case if they earned the same incomes on the mainland.

The poverty rate in Puerto Rico is nearly 44%, triple the national average poverty rate. That’s especially problematic given that Puerto Rico ranks among the most expensive places in the U.S. to buy groceries.

Slashed benefits

Even before Hurricane Maria struck, the territory’s nutritional benefits program was already failing to meet the nutritional needs of low-income Puerto Ricans amid a prolonged recession.

And once the disaster relief funds Congress appropriated for this purpose ran out in March 2019, Puerto Rico was forced to slash benefits for the 1.35 million people getting nutrition aid.

While nutritional assistance funds should certainly be a high legislative priority, so should protecting Puerto Rico from future floods and fixing the island’s power grid. Puerto Rico experienced an 11-month power outage, the longest blackout in American history and the second-longest in world history after Hurricane Maria.

The House, unlike the Senate, passed a $14.2 billion disaster relief bill in January.

A new House version, about 25% bigger, would cover $17.2 billion in expenditures. As lawmakers entered their two-week spring recess in mid-April without sending legislation to Trump to at least consider signing, Puerto Rico, Iowa and other disaster-struck regions remained in limbo.

Author
 
Lauren Lluveras
Postdoctoral Fellow at the Institute for Urban Policy Research and Analysis, University of Texas at Austin
Disclosure statement
Lauren Lluveras does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Partners 
Earthquake forecast for Puerto Rico: Dozens more large aftershocks are likely

Richard Aster, Professor of Geophysics and Department Head, Colorado State University,
The Conversation•January 14, 2020


The Immaculate Conception Catholic Church lies in ruins after a magnitude 6.4 earthquake in Guayanilla, Puerto Rico, Jan. 7, 2020. AP Photo/Carlos Giusti

Multiple strong and damaging earthquakes in southern Puerto Rico starting around Dec. 28, 2019 have killed at least one person, caused many serious injuries and collapsed numerous buildings, including a multistory school in the town of Guánica that luckily was empty at the time. These quakes are the most damaging to strike Puerto Rico since 1918, and the island has been under a state of emergency since Jan. 6, 2020.

This flurry of quakes includes onshore and offshore events near the town of Indios and along Puerto Rico’s southwestern coast. So far it has included 11 foreshocks – smaller earthquakes that preceded the largest event, or mainshock – with magnitudes of 4 and greater. Major quakes occurred on Jan. 6 (magnitude 5.8) and Jan. 7 (magnitude 6.4 mainshock), followed by numerous large aftershocks.

Seismologists like me are constantly working to better understand earthquakes, including advancing ways to help vulnerable communities before, during and after damaging events. The physics of earthquakes are astoundingly complex, but our abilities to forecast future earthquakes during a strong sequence of events in real time is improving.

Forecasting earthquakes is not a strict prediction – it’s more like a weather forecast, in which scientists estimate the likelihood of future earthquake activity based on quakes that have already occurred, using established statistical laws that govern earthquake behavior.
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An undersea fault zone

Puerto Rico spans a complex boundary between the Caribbean and North American tectonic plates, which are sliding past each other in this region at a relative speed of about 2 centimeters per year. Over geologic time, this motion has created the Muertos Trough, a 15,000-foot depression in the sea floor south of the island.

This plate boundary is riddled with interconnected fault structures. The present activity is occurring on and near at least three interrelated large faults.


Faults are pre-existing weak zones between stronger rocks. In response to surprisingly small force (stress) changes, they rapidly slip to produce earthquakes. The “hair-trigger” nature of fault slip means that predicting the precise timing, location, and size of individual quakes is extremely challenging, if not impossible.

During an earthquake sequence, changing stresses act on nearby fault systems as stress is gradually redistributed within the Earth. This process generates thousands of protracted aftershocks.

Many earthquake sequences simply start with the mainshock. But it is not especially rare for scientists to recognize after the fact that foreshocks were occurring before the main event. Improvements in earthquake instrumentation and analysis are helping scientists detect foreshocks more often, although we have not yet figured out how to recognize them in real time.

Will one shock lead to another?

Researchers have known for over a century that the rate of earthquakes following a mainshock declines in a way that we can characterize statistically. There is also a well-established relationship between the magnitude of earthquakes and their relative number during an earthquake sequence. In most seismically active regions, for a decrease of one magnitude unit – say, from 4.0 to 3.0 – people can expect to experience about 10 times as 3s compared to 4s in a given time period.

Using such statistical relationships allows us to forecast the probability and sizes of future earthquakes while an earthquake sequence is underway. Put another way, if we are experiencing an aftershock sequence, we can project the future rate of earthquakes and what magnitudes we expect those quakes to have.

For example, as of Jan. 14, the U.S. Geological Survey forecast estimated a 3% chance of one or more quakes larger than magnitude 6.4 in Puerto Rico over the next seven days. It also noted that the region should expect between 40 and 210 smaller quakes, with magnitude 3 or larger – sizes that are likely to be felt – during that time.

With extended statistical modeling of earthquake sequences that include foreshock and aftershock probabilities, seismologists can forecast the likelihood of key earthquake scenarios to inform public safety efforts while earthquakes are occurring. For example, the USGS also estimated as of Jan. 13 that there was an 81% chance that the largest shock had already occurred – namely, the magnitude 6.4 quake on Jan. 7. The agency calculated a 17% chance that a closely sized “doublet” 6.4 earthquake could yet occur.

Recognizing in real time when a set of earthquakes is likely to be a foreshock sequence is a challenging and active area of earthquake forecasting research. Progress in the effective forecasting and communication of ongoing earthquake hazards could mean the difference between life and death for people in the eastern Caribbean and other seismically active areas on an increasingly urbanized planet.

[ You’re smart and curious about the world. So are The Conversation’s authors and editors. You can get our highlights each weekend. ]

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts.

Read more:
A new way to identify a rare type of earthquake in time to issue lifesaving tsunami warnings

A political stalemate over Puerto Rican aid is leaving all US disaster funding in limbo

Richard Aster has received funding for earthquake research from the National Science Foundation, Los Alamos National Laboratory, Sandia National Laboratories and the U.S. Geological Survey. He is a past president of the Seismological Society of America (SSA) (2009-2011) and current chair of the board of directors of Incorporated Research Institutions for Seismology. Aster also chairs the U.S. Geological Survey's Advanced National Seismic System Advisory Committee, and is a member of the Southern California Earthquake Center Advisory Council.