Ukraine: To defeat Russia, people must have a stake in the country’s future
First published in Danish at Solidaritet.
Only by developing a publicly-owned defence sector, socialising critical infrastructure, and managing Ukraine’s natural wealth for the benefit of current and coming generations can we hope to protect our freedom. People should have a stake in the country’s future and respect for human dignity must be at the core of a society that asks its members to risk their lives for it.
Unfortunately, nothing like this can be seen in Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky’s “victory plan”, which has finally been revealed to the nation. On the contrary, what stands out in the plan is its disproportionate reliance on the West. It represents a quite remarkable shift from the earlier emotional appeals for solidarity to luring support with access to natural resources and promises of outsourcing Ukrainian troops for the European Union’s security. As far as this vision is from our dreams about re-joining “the European family”, this might appear to be a sober approach, given the pervasive hypocrisy in international politics. But what makes it feel even more humiliating is being turned down almost immediately. While previously, relentless pressure — bordering on intrusiveness — achieved the unimaginable, today’s shifting political environment signals that those limits have been reached.
Dependence on external actors to solve our problems is symptomatic of the chosen political course, which has taken our people for granted and resulted in barely concealed internal fragility. Sotsialnyi Rukh (Social Movement) demands a sincere dialogue from the government with society on how we arrived here and what we can realistically expect. Militant rhetoric raises expectations, but failure to act on them by uniting the entire society and mobilising all resources for defence only deepens distrust and disappointment.
After 970 days of war, 10,000s dead, 100,000s wounded, and millions displaced, the toll is immense. Few families remain untouched by this devastation. Earlier hopes, sparked by a successful offensive in Russia’s Kursk oblast, have given way to anxiety and uncertainty, due to a slow retreat in the east. Russian forces threaten to capture Pokrovsk, potentially cutting off the main source of coking coal and crippling Ukraine’s metallurgical industry. Exhausted soldiers, often fighting in understaffed units without proper rest and recuperation, are outraged by the government’s plans to introduce “economic” mobilisation deferment. They are demanding clear service durations. Some can no longer bear it — nearly 30,000 cases of AWOL have been registered in the first six months of 2024.
However, the question remains open: who will replace those on the frontlines? Aware of conditions in the army, civilians no longer queue at draft stations but actively evade mobilisation. Reported cases of draft dodging have tripled since 2023, and polls consistently show that nearly half of respondents view this as reasonable. Appeals to civic duty ring hollow when the state openly declares that it owes nothing to its citizens. According to the minister of social policy Oksana Zholnovich: “We need to break everything that is social today and simply reformat from scratch the new social contract about social policy in our state.” Meanwhile, the parliamentary chair of social policy is convinced that “Ukrainians should be more self-sufficient and less rely on the state.” The brutality and impunity of draft officers, who press-gang men off the streets, only exacerbate the issue. More than 1600 complaints have been filed with the Ombudsman in 2024, but the results are yet to be seen. In the meantime, reports from the battlefield describe how unmotivated, untrained, and even unfit recruits endanger the rest, making the result of increasing coercion questionable.
The broader picture suggests a deliberate choice by the ruling elites to shift the burden of resisting aggression onto ordinary people. Skyrocketing prices, meagre wages, and social austerity go hand-in-hand with restricted collective bargaining, increased taxes on low- and middle-income earners, and continued corruption — even in defence matters. What makes this worse is the political class’s preference to disregard the chance for unprecedented unity we all experienced once the invasion began. Instead they opt for sowing divisions by exploiting fears of traumatised society and fueling suspicion by constantly singling out new internal enemies: Russian speakers, “victims of colonial thinking”, followers of Moscow priests, collaborators, Kremlin agents, or queer. Ukrainians on the front are pointed to the ungrateful in the rear, who in turn should blame those “comfortably” sitting abroad.
This brings us back to the president’s “victory plan”, which, despite its emphasis on strength, only exposes Ukraine’s weaknesses. Some argue this may be Zelensky’s final ultimatum to the West — destined for rejection — before a complete U-turn toward a forced compromise with the enemy. This is not entirely without grounds, as polls suggest more than half of the population would be willing to negotiate or freeze the conflict if Western support is withdrawn.
But what are the chances that a deal with Russia would lead to sustainable, let alone just, peace? Even assuming president Vladimir Putin is willing to negotiate in good faith — which is not a given — such talks might be prone to failure, result in a stillborn deal, or be a temporary pause before fighting resumes.
Recognition of the annexation of occupied territories is obviously out of the question. For Ukrainians, they remain occupied and there is no way to cushion that reality. Leaving Ukraine without security guarantees, especially when Russia keeps investing in military strength, would be an open invitation for renewed aggression. In Ukrainian society, 45% see unjust peace as a betrayal of fallen compatriots, and 49% would take to the streets to protest any compromise. The only deal with a chance of being supported, by a slight margin, includes de-occupation of Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, combined with NATO and EU memberships.
On the other hand, nothing short of capitulation and submission would seem to fulfil the Kremlin’s objectives in this war of aggression, which was reiterated by Putin himself before the BRICS summit in Kazan. Moreover, the recently adopted three-year budget plan in Russia ramps up military spending to a record high. Therefore, the greatest mistake would be to pit diplomatic efforts against military support. Without meaningful solidarity, Ukraine and its people will fall — if not now, then later.
While there are no easy or ready-made solutions, honesty is essential for preparedness. Should a ceasefire occur, it may not last long, but every day it does must be used to strengthen our society’s resilience. Exposing our ecosystem, already weakened by years of predatory exploitation and Russian eco-terrorism, to foreign investors is not the answer. Inequality, alienation, and disenfranchisement will not make us stronger. The invisible hand of the market — commodifying everything, plagued by short-termism and profiteering — will not give us endurance.
The root of our problems is that too often, the interest of those whose invisible work actually keeps the country running has been ignored. Hopefully, this time, we have learned the lesson. This is why Sotsialnyi Rukh publicly declares our readiness to cooperate with other forces to build a political movement that ensures the voice of the people is heard in the corridors of power. When elections are finally held, they may decide our destiny for years to come.
Oleksandr Kyselov is a Board Member of Sotsialnyi Rukh (Social Movement).
“The Path to Victory and the Tasks of the Ukrainian Left”
Friday 25 October 2024, by Sotsialnyi Rukh
One of the key decisions of the “Social Movement” (Sotsialnyi Rukh) Conference, which took place in Kyiv on October 5-6, 2024, was the adoption of a Resolution titled “The Path to Victory and the Tasks of the Ukrainian Left”. Below is the text of the Resolution
1. An Honest Response to the Challenges of War, Not Hypocritical Politics
The uncertain prospects of Ukraine’s victory stem from the fact that the only reliable strategy to oppose the aggressor—mobilizing all available economic resources to support the frontline and critical infrastructure—contradicts the interests of the oligarchy. Due to the free market, Ukraine has a caricature of a war economy, and the concentration of luxury amid poverty becomes dangerously explosive. The unwillingness to nationalize production capacities, tax large businesses, and direct the budget towards rearmament makes it possible to prolong the war at the cost of significant human losses and constant mobilization.
We believe that the government should start a dialogue with the people about the achievable goals of the war, and most importantly, introduce a defensive economy or acknowledge the unpreparedness to fight for victory. We advocate for ending the uncertainty regarding the duration of military service, as it is a matter of elementary fairness. Gaining technological superiority combined with a careful approach to people is the path to victory.
The “Social Movement” advocates for the development of the state sector of the economy, subordinated to the priorities of defense and full employment, and defends the rights of conscripts and servicemen to dignified treatment, demobilization after a defined term of service, and rehabilitation.
2. International Solidarity as a Way to Overcome the Crisis of the World Order
The ongoing war in Ukraine is one of the signs of a crisis in the world order based on the neoliberal model. It is characterized by the exploitation of poor countries by the rich, inequality in access to fundamental goods, and the prosperity of financial elites at the cost of debt bondage for entire nations. All these features of the neoliberal system have undermined trust in international law and made global polarization inevitable.
To fight against Russian aggression and for a path to post-war reconstruction that benefits the working people, we need support from the global community, including humanitarian and military assistance. European integration should not serve as a justification for antisocial reforms but should take place on fair grounds, accompanied by improving the welfare of the Ukrainian people and strengthening democracy.
We are confident that our ties with leftist movements across Europe will help Ukraine better defend itself. At the same time, we stand in solidarity with- progressive movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in their struggle against imperialism. We condemn the aggressive and occupation policies of other states—be it the oppression of Palestinians by Israel, Kurds by Turkey, or Yemenis by Saudi Arabia. A new architecture of international relations is needed, where there are no privileges for "great powers," G7, or permanent members of the UN Security Council, and the voices of the peripheral peoples are heard.
The “Social Movement” advocates for nuclear disarmament, interaction with left-wing forces that recognize Ukraine’s right to self-defense, and supports the struggle of other nations for liberation.
3. Building a "Ukraine for All" as a Space for Solidarity and Security
Although the war against an external enemy was supposed to unite the people of Ukraine, in reality, shameful attempts are being made to divide Ukrainians into "right" and "wrong." Instead of uniting as many people as possible around ideas of justice, freedom, and solidarity, conflicts within society are being provoked. There are manifestations of linguistic chauvinism, justification of hostility towards national minorities, the queer community, and fostering ideological uniformity. This will not allow the global fight against Russian imperialism to gain traction and will complicate the reintegration of occupied territories.
Establishing equality is impossible without overcoming social vulnerability. Conversely, the state’s reduction of social spending and irresponsible deregulation are already affecting the resilience of society. It is time to end the promotion of policies that exacerbate inequality. Demands for women’s emancipation, inclusive spaces for people with disabilities, and support for victims of far-right violence can strengthen Ukraine’s ability to resist tyranny both externally and internally. Proving our humanity = gaining an advantage over the aggressor.
The “Social Movement” will oppose policies that divide society and will protect social rights as a prerequisite for affirming human dignity. We will demand full state control over the protection of lives and the well-being of workers, who are at greater risk than ever.
4. Ecosocialist Transformation — The Key to Survival
Russia’s eco-terrorism, combined with years of large-scale, predatory exploitation of natural resources by domestic oligarchs and the authorities’ neglect of environmental protection, poses a threat to Ukraine’s ecosystems, including its biodiversity, clean water resources, soil fertility, and the health and lives of the population. The war and the anti-environmental policy of capital negatively affect poor and discriminated groups, increasing their vulnerability.
We emphasize the need to harmonize social production and ecological reproduction based on the principles of ecosocialism. The green transition, first and foremost, should be fair, taking into account the interests of the workforce by creating new jobs, retraining workers, and ensuring social guarantees and compensation for those who may lose their jobs due to the closure of enterprises. Efficient use of energy resources requires a reduction in working hours, and the nationalization of energy companies will allow rational management of capacities without the influence of commercial interests. We support small, family farmers for food security and agricultural greening, the idea of deprivatizing common resources, and firmly oppose monopolistic agroholdings that destroy the ecosystem.
The “Social Movement” will work together with trade unions and other progressive public organizations to develop a program of transformations that meet the long-term interests of
workers, farmers, and other vulnerable segments of the Ukrainian population in the context
of production, ecology, and energy.
5. Workers Bore the Burden of the War, Therefore They Deserve a Voice
Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, the core of resistance to aggression—both at the front and in the rear—has been the working class. Unfortunately, in conditions where the main burden of the war has been shifted to the working class, there is no left-wing political force in Ukraine that would voice the issues inherent to working people and act on the principles of inclusive
democracy. Under the realities of oligarchic capitalism, restrictions on freedoms often serve the interests of the elites.
To build an ecosocial, independent Ukraine of equal rights and opportunities, there is a need for a political democratic platform that will unite workers and other oppressed groups, representing their interests in politics, including participation in elections. We are open to interaction with political parties that share our vision. The sooner a competitive political process is restored, the sooner trust in the state will be regained. Corruption, censorship, and other abuses by officials harm the defense
efforts. The best remedy against this is the democratic renewal of power. Freedom is the foundation of security for all citizens.
The “Social Movement” advocates for the restoration of electoral rights, the right to peaceful assembly and workers’ strikes, and the abolition of all restrictions on labor and social rights.
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