Monday, January 20, 2020



Toy Story: Hong Kong Protest Models Become Major Hit
By Yan ZHAO 01/20/20

Intricately detailed Hong Kong protester figurines have become the latest must-have collectables as toy stores recreate the pro-democracy movement's street battles with police in their shop displays.

Stacked on shelves next to comic book superheroes, the models come in a variety of shapes and sizes, some holding make-shift shields and flags, others extinguishing tear gas rounds or playing instruments in protest orchestras.

A local figurine enthusiast and his friend designed dozens of characters based on their own experiences of attending months of protests.


The models boast many features of the street protests Photo: AFP / Philip FONG

Among their 1:6 scale figures are white-collar workers who hold regular lunchtime rallies outside their offices, elderly "silver-haired" protesters and a demonstrator wearing an oversized Pepe the Frog mask.

"We hope the figurines can reconstruct the situation with authenticity," said Charlie, a 30-year-old freelance photographer by day, who asked to use a pseudonym.



Their models boast many features of the street protests, which have upended Hong Kong for the last seven months in the most serious challenge to Beijing's rule since the city's 1997 handover.

Slogans have been painstakingly painted onto small helmets and some models have cling-film wrapped around their arms -- a method protesters use to defend against police pepper spray.


Among the 1:6 scale figures are journalists and white-collar workers Photo: AFP / Philip FONG



Others have scrapes on their legs from street skirmishes and almost all have removable gas masks that have become ubiquitous during the protests.

"We want to make them as detailed as possible so that they can evoke empathy in people," Charlie said.

The different parts of the figures had to be manufactured in seven countries to avoid political sensitivities -- especially in mainland China Photo: AFP / Philip FONG


Some of the parts came from the duo's own military toy collections or were made with 3D printers.

Other elements were built from scratch.

For a reporter figurine, the pair hand-stitched a tiny camera bag while popsicle sticks have been transformed into wooden shields used by hardcore activists.

Around 1,000 sets of figurines they designed have been sold so far Photo: AFP / Philip FONG

Two of their frontline figure characters -- named after the lyrics of the protest anthem "Glory to Hong Kong" -- have gone into mass production after the pair became a hit online.

"I want to raise peoples' awareness within the movement and hopefully the figurines will allow more people to know what has happened in Hong Kong," Charlie said.

Priced at about HK$900 (US$116) per set, the different parts of their products had to be manufactured in seven countries to avoid political sensitivities -- especially in mainland China.

Intricately detailed Hong Kong protester figurines have become the latest must-have collectables as toy stores recreate the pro-democracy movement's street battles with police in their shop displays. Photo: AFPTV / Celia CAZALE

"A water bottle or a helmet is not sensitive by itself. But after this movement began, they are seen as sensitive... This is self-censorship," said Charlie.

One manufacturer, he said, suddenly refused to make yellow raincoats, a symbol of the movement which has adopted the colour.

"When that happens, we have to start all over again," he said.

Hong Kong's protests were sparked by a now-abandoned proposal to allow extraditions to the authoritarian mainland, where the opaque legal system answers to the Communist Party.

It soon morphed into a wider movement calling for greater freedoms and police accountability.

Among key protester demands are an independent inquiry into the police, an amnesty for the thousands arrested and fully free elections.

But Beijing and local leaders have refused further concessions.

The frequency and ferocity of the protests have died down over the last month, but signs of the political unrest are everywhere, from graffiti daubed on walls to huge fences surrounding government buildings.

In some of the city's toy-shops, the protest figurines are selling like hotcakes.

At one shop in Wanchai district, the owner has created an action-packed diorama of a clash outside a subway station, complete with ranks of riot police and protesters smashing up a taxi.

"People play with toys in pursuit of happiness, especially during hard times," said the shop owner, who asked for anonymity fearing reprisals in the febrile political atmosphere.

Charlie said he primarily sells his models online after some toy stores received threatening calls telling them not to sell political products.

Around 1,000 sets of figurines they designed have been sold so far, with the profits going to groups that support the pro-democracy movement.

"Hong Kong people gave us the opportunity to create these figures and we hope to use the money to help protesters in return," he said.

In darks times, he added, the models can raise spirits.

"We hope they can console people emotionally," he said.


Copyright AFP. All rights reserved.


VIDEO 
Toy Story: Hong Kong protest models become the latest must-have collectables as toy stores recreate the pro-democracy movement's street battles with police in their shop displays.
Stacked on shelves next to comic book superheroes, the models come in a variety of shapes and sizes, some holding make-shift shields and flags, others extinguishing tear gas rounds or playing instruments in protest orchestras.
The 1:6 scale figurines include lunchtime rally white-collar workers, "silver-haired" marchers and a demonstrator wearing an oversized Pepe the Frog mask.
Full story: http://u.afp.com/3Zmz
-0:55





Climate Change News: Report Warns Of Green Swan Events, Calls On Central Banks To Act
By Marcy Kreiter @marcykreiter 01/20/20 

David Attenborough's Climate Change - The Facts Trailer

KEY POINTS

Green swan events would be unexpected, have far-reaching consequences and can be understood only after the fact

The BIS report says central banks need to start factoring in climate change into their risk analyses

The report says central banks need to take a leading role to mitigate the effects of climate change

The Bank for International Settlements warned Monday climate change could trigger systemic financial crises – so-called green swan events -- as a result of uncertainty surrounding the physical, social and economic phenomena associated with global warming.

Just one day ahead of the start of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, at which climate change is the major focus, the BIS said in its “The Green Swan” report central banks need to integrate climate-related risks into their analyses of financial stability. It also follows last week’s revelation that the last decade was the warmest on record.

The report said it used the definition of black swan events to come up with its green swan concept – taking into consideration unexpectedness and rarity, the widespread or extreme impact and that they can be understood only after the fact.

“Traditional backward-looking risk assessments and existing climate-economic models cannot anticipate accurately enough the form that climate-related risks will take,” the BIS said in a statement accompanying the report. “These include what we call green swan risks: potentially extremely financially disruptive events that could be behind the next systemic financial crisis.”

The BIS noted central banks alone cannot mitigate the risks of climate change but can help governments, the private sector, civil society and the international community cooperate by coordinating such policies as carbon pricing and developing new financial mechanisms at the international level. The report advised central banks not to wait for other government agencies to act.

“All these actions will be complex to coordinate and could have significant redistributive consequences that should be adequately handled, yet they are essential to preserve long-term financial [and price] stability in the age of climate change,” the BIS said.

The report follows announcements by investment bank Goldman Sachs and asset manager BlackRock they would cut back or no longer fund fossil fuel projects.

“Climate change poses unprecedented challenges to human societies, and our community of central banks and supervisors cannot consider itself immune to the risks ahead of us,” Bank of France Governor François Villeroy de Galhau said in the report’s forward. “The increase in the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events could trigger non-linear and irreversible financial losses. In turn, the immediate and system-wide transition required to fight climate change could have far-reaching effects potentially affecting every single agent in the economy and every single asset price.

He concludes: “If central banks are to preserve financial and price stability in the age of climate change, it is in their interest to help mobilize all the forces needed to win this battle. This book is an ambitious, carefully thought-out and therefore necessary contribution toward this end.”


RELATED STORIES
Pyrenees Glaciers 'Doomed', Experts Warn

By Herv GAVARD 01/20/20 

Glaciers nestled in the lofty crags of the Pyrenees mountains separating France and Spain could disappear within 30 years as temperatures rise, upending ecosystems while putting local economies at risk, scientists say.

"We can't set a precise date but the Pyrenees glaciers are doomed," Pierre Rene, a glaciologist with the region's Moraine glacier study association, told AFP.

He estimates the end will come by 2050, based on the group's measurements of nine of the 15 glaciers on the French side over the past 18 years.

The United Nations has said the past decade has been the hottest on record and warned that persistent greenhouse gas emissions were expected to push average global temperatures even higher, leading to retreating ice cover, rising sea levels and increasingly extreme weather.


It also confirmed that 2019 was the second hottest year on record, after 2016.

Surveys, core samples and GPS tracking of the Pyrenees glaciers all point to the same conclusions already noted at glaciers in the Alps and elsewhere: Warmer and drier winters appear to be inexorably shrinking and thinning the ice fields

The total surface area of the nine glaciers tracked by Moraine now stands at 79 hectares (195 acres) compared with 140 hectares just 17 years ago, Rene said.

That is just a small fraction of the 450 hectares they covered in the middle of the 19th century -- and the pace of decline is accelerating.

Since 2002, the nine glaciers have lost 3.6 hectares every year, the equivalent of five soccer pitches, Moraine says in its report on the 2019 season.

Last year was no exception, with the bottom edge of five glaciers tracked by Moraine retreating by 8.1 metres (27 feet) on average last summer, up from 7.9 metres recorded in previous years, it said.


Scientists also warn of the hit to high-altitude ecosystems and biodiversity, with consequences that will ripple well beyond the mountainous zones.

Glaciers and the cold rivers they feed harbour bacteria and fungi that have adapted to the harsh conditions, including the near-absence of light, said Sophie Cauvy-Fraunie, a researcher at the INRAE agricultural and environmental institute.

A view of the Pyrenees from the observatory at the
 Pic du Midi de Bigorre, where the average temperature 
has risen by 1.7 degrees since 1880 Photo: AFP / PASCAL PAVANI

Microscopic algae also provides a first link in the food chain of glacier environments, sustaining glacial fleas and other insects.

As temperatures rise and more ground is exposed as the glaciers retreat, the landscape will become vulnerable to colonisation from plants and animals that currently can survive only at lower altitudes.

"If native species in the Pyrenees depend on glacial influences, you can imagine that they are going to be wiped off the map," Cauvy-Fraunie said.

The regional OPCC climate observatory estimated in a 2018 report that average maximum temperatures across the Pyrenees could rise by 1.4 to 3.3 degrees Celsius (2.5 to 4 Fahrenheit) by the middle of this century.

The increase has been even more dramatic at higher altitudes, where shrinking glaciers are seen as a harbinger of dire consequences across the range.

On the 2,870-metre (9,416-foot) Midi de Bigorre peak above the La Mongie ski resort -- favoured by French President Emmanuel Macron -- the average temperature has risen by 1.7 degrees since 1880, compared with a global average of 0.85 degrees, Moraine says.

That could spell disaster for the roughly three dozen ski resorts on both the French and Spanish sides, as well as the popular stations in Andorra.

Already this year, around half of French resorts had to push back their scheduled openings before the Christmas holidays because of warm winds sweeping up from the south.

That came after a 2018-2019 season that saw the lowest snowfalls since regular measurements began 22 years earlier, according to the Meteo France weather service.

It took a heavy toll on tourism as lift ticket sales and hotel reservations plunged, with many skiers heading to higher slopes in the French Alps.

Already several glaciers have been reduced to little more than year-round snow packs, which will also impact the summer tourist season.

Rene said climbers will lose their "stepladders" for ascents to the highest peaks, "making their routes to the top more difficult".

And for hikers at lower elevations, the retreat will destabilise the newly exposed slopes, heightening the risk of rock falls or even avalanches.


Copyright AFP. All rights reserved.
HAPPY MARTIN LUTHER KING II DAY
WHITE AMERICA


Martin Luther King Voice of the Working Class



What is often forgotten about Martin Luther King was that he was the voice the working class in America, black and white. Which is what the conservatives in the United States will never forgive him for.









ON MLK DAY IN THE USA

Donald Trump and Ben Carson are destroying one of MLK’s most enduring legacies



January 20, 2020 By Travis Gettys


President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Fair Housing Act just days after the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King — and President Donald Trump’s Housing secretary wants to undo that legacy.

The 1968 law hasn’t been able to undo the harm from government-sanctioned housing segregation, which still feeds today’s wealth and racial inequality, but the Department of Housing and Urban Development wants to remove a protection for black owners who pay unfairly high property taxes, reported the New York Times.


Under current rules, families in black neighborhoods can file a complaint with HUD alleging that out-of-date property assessments violate the Fair Housing Act by forcing them to pay more for city services through their property taxes.
Enjoy progressive journalism? Help fight right-wing disinformation by supporting Raw Story. Click to learn more.

The Trump administration, under HUD secretary Ben Carson, would make that process so difficult that most homeowners could not even make their claims.

“Before the city would be required to provide a rationale for its failure to keep assessments current,” wrote author Richard Rothstein, “the complainants would have to imagine every conceivable justification that the city might assert, and prove that each was not legitimate, without knowing what actual defense the city might claim or what standard of legitimacy HUD would impose.”

If the city came up with an excuse the homeowner hadn’t refuted, HUD could dismiss the complaint.

“A process that requires complainants to refute defenses that haven’t yet been offered is one that is designed to block civil rights, not protect them,” wrote Rothstein, author of “The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America.”

Carson has opposed remedies to racial segregation as “social engineering,” and the HUD he oversees has been openly hostile to the Fair Housing Act.

The administration now wants to undo one change implemented by President Barack Obama that required cities and towns to propose solutions to the segregation their residents faced, but Carson’s HUD removes that requirement.

“This second newly proposed HUD rule effectively relieves jurisdictions from an obligation to desegregate and virtually reduces the Fair Housing Act to a tool that can be used only to combat racially explicit discrimination,” Rothstein wrote.
White nationalist speaker heckled for denying Holocaust at Virginia gun march: ‘You are literally a neo-Nazi’

January 20, 2020By David Edwards


A white nationalist speaker who has been affiliated with neo-Nazi rhetoric was caught on video denying the Holocaust at a pro-Second Amendment march in Richmond, Virginia.

The remarks were made by former Proud Boy Jovanni Valle, who goes by the name Jovi Val. Video clips of Valle’s speech were shared on Twitter by writer Robert Evans.

“You wear a swastika and walk down the street,” a man can be heard telling Valle. “You took it off and now you are like, oh no. You are denying the existence of the Holocaust.”

“Why should I answer your questions when you haven’t answered any of mine?” Valle asks. “Why is it you say 6 million [died in the Holocaust], when 30 million die, when 70 million die, you don’t care.”
“You’re trying to hide the fact that you are literally a neo-Nazi!” someone shouts at Valle.

A right-wing protester is later seen complaining to Valle that supporting Adolf Hitler is a “liberal” position.

Watch some of the clips below.

Jovi Val here, denying the Holocaust. So we have a Nazi loudly expressing himself here. pic.twitter.com/Q9GFEec0QH

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020

Jovi Val, admitting to being a National Socialist, here on camera. pic.twitter.com/VcX6kQHp9o

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020

An interesting moment here, as a right wing demonstrator is incensed at Jovi and his friends expressing support for Hitler. He calls Jovi a "liberal". One of Jovi's people desperately tries to convince the man that Jovi is on the right. pic.twitter.com/VUQjQLuG0U

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020

Happy MLK day everybody. pic.twitter.com/8fJZjMyZIP

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020

It's like being back in Iraq, only no one knows how to use the weapons! pic.twitter.com/f5Kii8HyEk

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020


This man has decided today is the day to show off his $10,000 rifle. pic.twitter.com/vLHCQC3Ux3

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020

"Rooftop Voter". I wonder what that means. pic.twitter.com/bmcUBbPYsO

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020


I ask one Proud Boy what his RWDS badge stands for. He is unwilling to answer. pic.twitter.com/iSd0HyqfXt

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020


Took a quick trip but I am back out in it. Notice the Confederate flag at the end. pic.twitter.com/JBvWMEqbuG

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020


"Slide it in like a gentleman." pic.twitter.com/I1u7Pzu8t4

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020


Finally, some Qanon. pic.twitter.com/fTRVoxOYSu

— Robert Evans (The Only Robert Evans) (@IwriteOK) January 20, 2020


Conservatives rage after Westworld actor Jeffrey Wright compares armed protest to Klan rally

January 20, 2020 By Travis Gettys

Actor Jeffrey Wright kicked a hornet’s nest of conservative fury by comparing an armed protest in Virginia to a Ku Klux Klan rally.

The star of HBO’s Westworld three James Bond films mocked the Richmond gun rally in a tweet linking to a Washington Post article on the armed demonstration, and noted the event was scheduled on Martin Luther King Day.

“The organizers aren’t at all bothered that a gun circle jerk in Richmond, VA on #MLKDay has a Klan-rally smell to it?” Wright tweeted. “Wonder why.”

The organizers aren’t at all bothered that a gun circle jerk in Richmond, VA on #MLKDay has a Klan-rally smell to it? Wonder why. https://t.co/1kq9pu1is1

— Jeffrey Wright (@jfreewright) January 20, 2020



Conservatives howled in rage.

Jeffrey Wright – Pathetic human being.
— Patriot Trainer (@AmericasValues) January 20, 2020


Actor Jeffrey Wright sees a pro-2nd Amendment gathering and immediately labels it a Klan rally. Sensationalistic Hollywood gobshite, but the scenario makes for a cheap C-list movie. Haven't we seen that one before?? I'll just call Wright, 'Re-Run' from now onwards.
— Thomas Lane (@ThomasL16765780) January 20, 2020


Yeah, and Jeffrey Wright has a Commie smell to him! https://t.co/kevMenPc5v
— Samuel Sayer -"Are we not men?!" H.G. Wells (@SamuelTheSayer) January 20, 2020


HOW STUPID DO YOU FEEL NOW?
Actor Jeffrey Wright: Virginia Gun Rights Gathering Has a 'Klan Rally Smell to It' https://t.co/tECl7YoPIz

Marci Newman Kitcho  
(@MarciKitcho) January 20, 2020

And Jeffrey Wright's Asinine comment has a 'Really Stupid Smell' to it. I wonder who wrote that comment for him? Maybe it was 'Slow Joe' Biden or the Idiot Governor of Virginia. https://t.co/nMog91EQWl
— Lakewood Bob (@lakewoodbob) January 20, 2020

Jeffrey Wright is just showing his own personal Blancophobic Racism. Hes a bigot, hes the face of prejudiced hate.
— NC Zero (@NC_Zero) January 20, 2020

Pretender Jeffrey Wright is a moron. https://t.co/4LD9tZ446R
— Pete Garcia  
(@Pete4709) January 20, 2020

Please enlightened one Jeffrey Wright, tell us what a Klan Rally smells like without showing your utter ignorance.
— Jeff McCutcheon (@jgmccut) January 20, 2020

Jeffrey Wright has a BullSh*t smell to him!
— I Party w/ Jesus (@ERBALIZT) January 20, 202

WHAT A BUNCH OF SNOWFLAKES


















Trump’s election was white America’s vicious backlash to black success: journalist

Image via / Fox News.
Written by Howard Bryant / Salon January 20, 2020


Excerpted from “Full Dissidence: Notes From an Uneven Playing Field” by Howard Bryant. Copyright 2020. Excerpted with permission by Beacon Press.

Once, appearing on ESPN to discuss the controversy of Colin Kaepernick not voting, I suggested that instead of his abstinence disqualifying his say on the American situation, perhaps he had gone “full dissident” and recognized the accepted framework of sociopolitical involvement—the ride-alongs with cops, the listening to candidates owned by money, the insistence that deliberate, institutional racism is just a misunderstanding still unsorted—and found them useless. I further argued that if he saw an unredeemed, corrupt system as the problem, there was no reason for him to trust in it and even less reason to expect him to participate in it.


Full dissidence may or may not have applied to Kaepernick, but it certainly felt personal. The thoughts were neither new nor revelatory, certainly not to me or any black person who reaches a certain age, a certain rage or breaking point, but they were nevertheless true: Donald Trump’s installation as president was a proud and unhidden repudiation of the nation’s first black president, and no matter how many attempts at misdirection toward economic anxiety or some other, greater complex phenomenon, some element of taking back proprietorship of the country had appealed to an overwhelming number of white people who voted for him. With Trump’s lies and distortions normalized by an overmatched, often complicit free press, the writer Michiko Kakutani referred to his presence as “the death of truth.” Dozens of books followed along similar themes regarding the decline of standards and accountability, but underneath so much of the apparent discontent, from Charleston to Charlottesville, is an anti-blackness, a reminder of to whom the country belongs. This was a reclaiming.

I do not say this hyperbolically, but Trump’s election felt like a repudiation of a half century of black assimilation and aspiration to integration, of lifetimes of relationships, and of strategies and choices to better navigate the maze of white America. It didn’t feel personal. It was personal. Something was dying, though at first I could scarcely pinpoint what, since I did not possess previously any great belief in this country’s commitment to black equality, either on a state or personal level. In other words, I was already down following the election but I did not have far to fall.

But whatever lack of faith I may have possessed in the colorblind, Utopian future, millions of black families did believe in it, and they risked their children to the aspirational pathways, whether rooted in the Christian ethics of kindness and compassion or in the possibilities of education. Central to that belief was the strategy of moving their families away into hostile white communities of Milwaukee and Long Island, placing their children into hostile school systems in Boston or Denver, for the purpose of better. Acceptance. Citizenship. This was the endgame to the faith, and the twin acts of the triumph of the Obama presidency, the Trump corrective, and the proud amorality that followed killed it.




Black success, those who choose to listen know, has always led to white retribution, whether that success was something as revolutionary as Barack Obama addressing the crowd at Grant Park that night in 2008 or the unremarkable victory of an average black person scoring a decent job. What died was the belief that a day without white retribution was ever possible, replaced by the more immediate sentiment that it no longer mattered.

None of this, it should be noted, was theoretical. Some of my longtime white friends had already revealed themselves and decades-long friendships turned to dust. Skirmishes began as bee stings: the female friend I had known since seventh grade who told me in October 2008 that Sarah Palin was smarter and more qualified to be president than Obama; the thirty-year friend who before Trump’s inauguration told me how “disappointed” he was in the civil rights icon John Lewis for calling out Trump’s weakly coded racism. There were the progressive friends who, wounded and horrified by the election’s outcome,had threatened to move to Canada, then in the next sentence dreaded the upcoming Thanksgiving dinner where they would have to listen to relatives revel in Trump’s victory. It was as if all they had lost was a Super Bowl bet, but the decision to no longer sit at the table was rarely a consideration. These were no longer exchanges to be survived but telegrams urging a goodbye that needed to be listened to. Instead of anxiety, these departures were welcome, ballast being dropped.

Trump’s election ended relationships and friendships, with family and romantic, and the referendum was not on him but on the dozens of millions people who voted for him, people whose lives, whether directly or indirectly would become part of mine. That the racism Trump promoted and condoned was occurring simultaneously with the ongoing demand that black people embrace postracialism as America’s new reality represented an even greater insult for those sprinklings of black families living in predominately white communities.

That such reconsiderations were occurring nationwide, I had no doubt. I also had no doubt that the relationships it did not end made me more skeptical of the people involved, for both he and his election signified to me a stark and nonnegotiable collision of belief systems. For fleeting moments I even felt envious of those whites who could afford the luxury of being “apolitical”—of the world just not mattering that much—until I focused on the potential explanations: only whiteness and fealty to it could be strong enough to bond people of such disparate values, or those people really did not possess any values at all.


I, and the black people around me who were equally weary of this dance, did not have that luxury, and even if the number of friends who voted for Trump could be counted on one hand (at least the ones who volunteered their candidate honestly), they were not the only people who constituted my life, for they were connected by friendship, blood, and marriage to some of the sixty-two million other people who did vote for him. It was finally clear: what had died was negotiation.

By electing Trump they showed us who they were, just as the violent reaction in the 1970s by whites to black children desegregating Boston schools reminded my aunts and uncles exactly what white people had thought of them. “How much,” my uncle would tell me, “they hated us.” For the black families who lived in the white world, had bought the house and integrated the white community and its schools, had bought into the dream, the questions now stood even taller and more imposing. How many more Thanksgiving dinners could one be expected to sit through with one’s white friends under the realization that not nearly enough questions had ever been asked of them? How, then, could one assess the people who have stayed by your side, the ones expected to attend your funeral? The ones with whom you have shared your holidays and your home and your bed and who, at any moment, could and would retreat—because, for white people, race is and always will be just a topic to either be addressed or ignored. Was it possible to trust the complicated relationships with white women, whose attitudes regarding interracial relationships seemed to be rooted in the attitude “If you’re OK with me, everything’s OK,” yet who could always return to the comfort of whiteness when life with you got too tough?

What was being said in these relationships, in effect, was that white people wanted the benefit of loving someone black without confronting the conditions that make life difficult for black people. When white people would say to me, “I don’t care if you’re black,” they were not being generous. They were not being progressive. They literally meant what they said. They did not care, and even if they did not mean it cruelly, they meant to say the historical, overwhelming conspiracy on the part of their country—by government, the judiciary, the financial and educational institutions, and by law enforcement—to ensure a black underclass was not enough (or was too much) for them. They might be sympathetic. They might not, but it was life, and however terrible they may have felt individually, they would do nothing more about it.

Doing nothing more about it did not only mean a willful misunderstanding of the black journey but an abandonment of the white people who were willing to risk their lives because they knew exactly the depth of the conspiracy and its inevitable destructiveness. The Andrew Goodmans and Michael Schwerners, William Lewis Moores and James Reebs, Viola Liuzzos, Bruce Klunders, and Heather Heyers on a national level and the few committed, important people of our anonymous lives were equally betrayed by this daily cynicism as much as any black person.

These friends and lovers, especially the lovers, sought to absolve themselves of guilt for their systemic advantages by loving the black person in their life—without risking anything to keep that person safe. They wanted to save themselves by appearing to save me, and as any black man who has dated a white woman knows, white women believe they can have both—all the preferential treatments and patriarchy of whiteness while believing in their inherent innocence. They could expose their black friends or lovers to their family’s casual racism at Thanksgiving with no intention of risking their comfort, for the minority is always expected to willingly absorb humiliation as part of the privilege of the invite—but by doing this, the very people who pledged love for you with their words were sending another message by their lack of deed: they were always willing to sacrifice you.

The people of Colombia are cracking up the walls of war and authoritarianism


Niek van Son https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/
Written by Justin Podur / Independent Media Institute January 18, 2020


The protests that started with the national strike called by Colombia’s central union on November 21 to protest pension reforms and the broken promises of the peace accords have persisted for two months and grown into a protest against the whole establishment. And the protests have continued into the new year and show no signs of stopping.

The end of the decade has seemed to bring an unstoppable march of the right wing in Latin America as elsewhere. The 2016 coup in Brazil that ended with fascist Jair Bolsonaro in power, the 2019 coup in Bolivia, the continuously rolling coup in Venezuela, all showcased the ruthlessness of the U.S. in disposing of left-wing governments in the region. Right-wing victories at the ballot box occurred in Chile in 2017 and in Colombia in 2018, where the electorate rejected the left-wing Gustavo Petro and embraced Iván Duque, a protege of the infamous former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez. But with the new wave of protests, the unstoppable right-wing juggernaut is facing many challenges.

In Chile, three months of protests, still going, are demanding the resignation of President Sebastián Piñera and the reversal of a range of neoliberal policies. Even in the face of the police and army using live fire against protesters, they have not let up.

Ecuador is another peculiar case, in which Lenín Moreno ran as a candidate who would continue left-wing policies, but who promptly reversed course upon reaching power in 2017, including revoking the asylum of Julian Assange, who is now in a UK prison. Reopening drilling in the Amazon, opening a new U.S. airbase in the Galapagos, getting rid of taxes on the wealthy, and doing a new package of International Monetary Fund austerity measures was enough to spark a sustained protest. Moreno’s government was forced to negotiate with the protesters and has withdrawn some of the austerity measures.

In Haiti, protests have gone on for over a year. Sparked in July 2018 by a sharp increase in fuel prices (the same spark as for the Ecuador protests), they have expanded to call for the president’s resignation. In Haiti, as the protests have dragged on, some of the country’s elite families have joined the call for the president’s resignation, which will make it even more difficult to find a constitutional exit from the crisis.

In Colombia, after winning the runoff in 2018, President Duque may have felt that he had a mandate to enact right-wing policies, which in Colombia have usually included new war measures in addition to the usual austerity. But combining pension cuts with betraying the peace process was simply stealing too much from the future: Young people joined the November 21 protests in huge numbers (the lowest estimates are 250,000).

The sustained nature of the protests is striking. Rather than one-offs, the protests have been committed to staying on until change is won. We may hear more this year from post-coup Brazil and Bolivia as well.

At the heart of Colombia’s protest is the issue of war and peace. To say Colombians are war-weary is an understatement. The war there that began (depending on how you date it) in 1948 or 1964 has provided the pretext for an unending assault on people’s rights and dignities by the state. Afro-Colombians were displaced from their lands under cover of the war. Indigenous people were dispossessed. Unions were smeared as guerrilla fronts and their leaders assassinated. Peasants and their lands were fumigated with chemical warfare. Narcotraffickers set themselves up inside the military and intelligence organizations, creating the continent’s most extensive paramilitary apparatus. Politicians signed pacts with these paramilitary death squads. The war gave the establishment an excuse for the most depraved acts, notably the “false positives” in which the military murdered completely innocent people and dressed their corpses up as guerrillas to inflate their kill statistics. Even though the guerrillas, with their kidnapping and too-frequent accidental killings of innocents, were never popular with the majority, Colombians have backed peace processes when given the chance. And Colombians didn’t look kindly at the major betrayals of peace processes in the past, like the one in the 1980s, when ex-guerrillas entering politics were assassinated by the thousand. From 2016, when the new peace accords were affirmed, until mid-2019, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) tallied 138 of their ex-guerrillas murdered; more than 700 other activists were killed in the same period, including more than 100 Indigenous people since Duque came to power in 2018.

At the end of August, a group of FARC members led by their former chief negotiator, Iván Márquez, announced that they were returning to the jungle and to the fight. They argued that the assassination of their members and the refusal of the government to comply with the other aspects of the accords demonstrated that there was no will for peace on the side of the government. Those FARCs who announced they were giving up on the accords were treated as having gone rogue: The government labeled them as criminal groups. Aerial bombardment (a war measure not normally the first recourse in dealing with “criminals”) quickly followed. When a bombing (also in August) by the Colombian air force of one of these rogue groups in Caquetá killed eight children and Duque labeled it “strategic, meticulous, impeccable, and rigorous,” he was greeted with much-deserved public revulsion. Duque was shaping up to deliver the same kind of war as always, only now under the flag of peace, its victims labeled criminals instead of guerrillas.

Eternal war does benefit some: those in the arms and security business especially, and those who want to commit crimes under the cover of war. But despite the many benefits of eternal war for the elite, normalcy also exerts a powerful draw. When Duque’s mentor Álvaro Uribe Vélez was elected president in 2002 and 2006, it was with the promise of normalcy—of peace—through decisive victory over the guerrillas. Instead, he delivered narco-paramilitarism, false positives, and, very nearly, regional wars with Ecuador and Venezuela.

One of Uribe’s early acts was to negotiate a peace agreement with the paramilitaries. Since the paramilitaries were state-backed, organized, and armed, this was a farcical negotiation of the government with itself. But when some of the paramilitary commanders began to speak publicly about their relationships with the state and multinational corporations, they found themselves deported to the U.S. At the time, the scandal was given a name—“para-política.” But to some of the investigators, it was better-termed “para-Uribismo.” Paramilitary commander Salvatore Mancuso—who had the temerity to talk about the Chiquita banana corporation and who is apparently going to return to Colombia sometime soon—is just the best-known name. Many others have found that being a paramilitary leads to a considerably shortened lifespan. Uribe, mayor of Medellín and governor of Antioquia during the heyday of the cartels, is named in numerous official documents as being close to both the narcotraffickers and the paramilitaries. The evidence keeps coming, as courts, now trying Uribe’s brother, keep getting closer to the man himself.

After the first round of “Uribismo,” it was time to try a peace process. The betrayal of that process, initiated in 2012, and the new president Duque’s promise of yet another decade of “Uribismo,” has been a motivating force of the recent protests.

Uribismo entangles endless war with austerity and inequality. In a recent Gallup poll, 52 percent of Colombians surveyed said the gap between rich and poor had increased in the past five years; 45 percent struggled to afford food in the previous 12 months; and 43 percent lacked money for shelter. The social forces that typically fight for social progress and equality—unions and left-wing political parties—have traditionally been demonized as proto-guerrillas. With the government declaring the war over—and with great fanfare—people want the freedom to make economic demands without being treated as civil war belligerents.

But when faced with the November 21 protests, the government went straight to the dirty war toolkit, murdering 18-year-old protester Dilan Cruz on November 25, imposing curfew, detaining more than 1,000 people, and creating “montajes,” the time-tested use of agents provocateurs to commit unpopular and illegal acts to provide a pretext for state repression. Government officials have also tried to claim that Venezuela and Russia (of course) were behind the protests.

Part of the dirty war toolkit is to negotiate, and the government has been doing so with the National Strike Committee. No doubt hoping that the protests will exhaust themselves and any agreements can be quietly dropped as numbers dwindle, the government is dangling the possibility of dropping some austerity demands. Meanwhile, the negotiators are being threatened by paramilitary groups, and another mass grave of those murdered as military “false positives” has been unearthed. Uribismo has wormed its way into every structure of the state: Real change will have to be deep. By not giving up easily, the protesters have shown the way. These protests could be a crack in the walls of fascism that seem to have sprung up everywhere in the past decade.

Justin Podur is a Toronto-based writer and a writing fellow at Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute. You can find him on his website at podur.org and on Twitter @justinpodur. He teaches at York University in the Faculty of Environmental Studies. He is the author of the novel Siegebreakers.

This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.