Thursday, January 12, 2023

Could China’s Yuan replace the U.S. dollar as the global dominant currency? How the Asian nation's trade supremacy is quickly boosting its reserve status

Vishesh Raisinghani
Thu, January 12, 2023 

Could China’s Yuan replace the U.S. dollar as the global dominant currency? How the Asian nation's trade supremacy is quickly boosting its reserve status

China’s economy has been immensely successful by most measures. Its gross domestic product (GDP) of $17.7 trillion is second only to the United States. It’s also the third-largest trading nation in the world — behind only the U.S. and E.U.

However, China’s currency — the renminbi — only accounts for 3% of global trade. Compare that to the 87% market share of the U.S. dollar.
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Despite its economic and political power, the country doesn’t dominate the global flow of fiat currency. 

Now, it’s looking to change that.

Here is China’s multitrillion, multidecade plan to replace the U.S. dollar as the world’s reserve currency.

How do currencies achieve reserve status?


Achieving reserve currency status isn’t a formal process. Instead, it’s like winning a popularity contest.

The most popular currency for global trade and cross-border commerce emerges as the de facto reserve currency. The “popularity” of a currency is simply based on the perception of security and resilience of the issuing country. This is the asset or currency that most central banks across the world prefer to hold in reserve, which is why the dominant asset earns the label of “reserve currency.”

Since 1450, there have been six major reserve currency periods. Portugal dominated the global reserves until 1530 when Spain became stronger. Currencies issued by the Netherlands and France dominated world trade for much of the 17th and 18th centuries. But the emergence of the British empire made the Pound Sterling the reserve currency until the end of the First World War.

The U.S. dollar displaced the pound just as America gained economic superiority over Britain. More than 75% of global transactions have been completed in U.S. dollars since 2008. The dollar also accounts for more than 60% of foreign debt issuance and 59% of global central bank reserves.

Although the dollar’s grip on all these markets and instruments has been gradually declining in recent years, no other currency comes close to these levels. The Chinese renminbi certainly isn’t a viable alternative, but geopolitical and macroeconomic trends support its rise to dominance.

China’s plan


Last year, Chinese leaders made it clear that they wanted to boost the renminbi’s profile as a reserve currency. China’s economy and trade flows are large enough to support such a move. However, the country now needs to convince foreign central bankers to start holding the Chinese Yuan (the principal unit of the renminbi) in reserve.

In July 2022, The People's Bank of China announced a collaboration with five nations and the Bank for International Settlements to achieve this. China, along with Indonesia, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Chile would each contribute 15 billion yuan, about $2.2 billion, to the Renminbi Liquidity Arrangement.

Meanwhile, the Chinese Yuan has already become a de facto reserve currency in Russia. Russian leadership turned to China after facing sanctions from the West due to its invasion of Ukraine. Now, 17% of Russia’s foreign reserves are denominated in yuan. The yuan is also the third most demanded currency on The Moscow Exchange.

As these partnerships become stronger, the yuan’s status as a reserve currency could be further entrenched.

The global impact

Economists including Barry Eichengreen of the University of California Berkeley and Camille Macaire of France’s central bank published a paper analyzing the yuan’s potential as a reserve currency. The researchers argue that replacing the dollar isn’t going to be easy or quick. However, they found evidence that yuan reserves were steadily increasing in countries that had tighter trade relations with China.

This growing influence could make the yuan an alternative to the U.S. dollar in a “multipolar” world. In other words, China might chip away at the dollar’s influence over time. The study’s authors said the renminbi’s current position was similar to the U.S. dollar in the 1950s. Based on that comment, it could be just a few decades before the yuan gains parity.

If the forecasts are correct, long-term investors should consider some exposure to yuan-denominated assets and Chinese stocks with significant yuan earnings.
Numbers of refugees, asylum-seekers increase in Germany


A federal police officer guards an arrested migrant at a police station on the German border town with Poland in Frankfurt an der Oder, Germany, on Oct. 28, 2021. More than 244,000 people applied for asylum in Germany last year, and more than 1 million Ukrainian refugees came to the country looking for shelter from Russia's war, the government said Wednesday Jan. 11, 2023.
 (AP Photo/Markus Schreiber, File)
ASSOCIATED PRESS

Wed, January 11, 2023 

BERLIN (AP) — More than 244,000 people applied for asylum in Germany last year, and more than 1 million Ukrainian refugees came to the country looking for shelter from Russia's war, the government said Wednesday.

The No. 1 country of origin for asylum-seekers was Syria, followed by Afghanistan, Turkey and Iraq. Ukrainian refugees don’t need to apply for asylum, because they immediately received temporary residency status.

Compared to 2021, the number of asylum-seekers went up last year by 27.9%. Especially during the last three months of 2022, numbers increased as asylum-seekers tried to reach Germany through the Balkan route.

Russian President Vladimir Putin's “war of aggression against Ukraine has triggered the largest flight movement in Europe since World War II," German Interior Minister Nancy Faeser said, thanking Germans for welcoming refugees from Ukraine with overwhelming support.

“In other parts of the world, too, people are fleeing war and terror, as reflected in the significant increase in the number of asylum applications filed in 2022,” Faeser added.

She said that the government was trying to integrate those who arrive in Germany faster than in the past by offering language classes immediately, among other measures. The government is also trying to speed up deportations of those whose asylum pleas are rejected.
Post-Roe, is adoption a realistic alternative to abortion?



Sarah Matusek/The Christian Science Monitor
Wed, January 11, 2023 

Five decades ago, Kathy Aderhold was told to keep a secret.

The nursing student hid the reason for her monthslong absence from siblings and friends. She couldn’t bring a camera where she went, she says, let alone her full name. The other girls called her Kathy H.

The secret weighed 6 pounds, 3 ounces when she opened her eyes to the world in the hospital wing of a Salvation Army maternity home in Omaha, Nebraska, in January 1972. For a few days after the birth of her daughter, Ms. Aderhold recalls being allowed to sit in a storeroom for one hour, away from the other mothers, and hold the soft-haired wonder she named Jessica Ann.

“Every day I told her I would find her again,” says Ms. Aderhold, who knew what came next.

Facing pressure from her Catholic family as an unwed 20-year-old, and without counseling about alternatives, Ms. Aderhold says she felt she had no choice but to “surrender” her baby to a Catholic organization for adoption.

Adoption was promoted as a way to save Ms. Aderhold, and other middle-class white women of her generation, from social shame. Instead, she says, secrecy and loss shattered her sense of self-worth.

Her story may seem far removed from adoption today, which Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito offers as an alternative to abortion in his opinion for Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. That June ruling ended women’s nearly 50-year right to abortion through Roe v. Wade, decided a year after Ms. Aderhold left the maternity home, childless.

According to the justice, Americans who support abortion restrictions note that “a woman who puts her newborn up for adoption today has little reason to fear that the baby will not find a suitable home.”

Yet, while abortion opponents hail adoption as a mutual blessing for parents on both sides, the number of families wanting to adopt has long outpaced the number of women who choose to relinquish. And despite an increasingly open process in which birth mothers have a say in choosing a “suitable home” for their child, adoption remains a rare choice for pregnant women.

Several adoption practitioners interviewed doubt the Dobbs decision will change this. But some see the fresh attention to infant adoption, where concerns about informed consent still exist, as an opportunity to further improve the process. Key changes that could better meet expectant mothers’ needs include enhanced transparency and openness, along with better representation and resources.

“Adoption is complicated, and it should not be seen as a simple solution to an unintended pregnancy,” says Janice Goldwater, founder and CEO of Adoptions Together, a nonprofit agency in Maryland. Beyond a one-time legal event, she adds, adoption has lifelong implications. “In a sense, we have to go against our biology,” she says. “We’re wired as living creatures to care for our young.”
Secrecy and the sexual revolution

While stigma associated with unplanned pregnancies outside marriage still lingers in some communities, the social push for secrecy has largely dissolved. White women were the primary ones pressured to relinquish their babies during what’s called the American “Baby Scoop” era – between the end of World War II through the early 1970s.

Ms. Aderhold remembers routing letters home to Shelby, Nebraska, through someone in California, so that no one in her small hometown could detect that she was just 100 miles east in Omaha in a maternity home she likened to a “jail.” As she waited out her pregnancy, she says a priest warned her she’d go to hell if she kept the child. (The Salvation Army, in whose facility she lived and gave birth, did not respond to requests for comment. The agency listed on Ms. Aderhold’s relinquishment record, which later “reorganized” as Catholic Social Services of Southern Nebraska, hasn’t offered adoption services since the ’90s, says executive director Katie Patrick.)

Over time, the sexual revolution reduced the emphasis on secrecy before and after birth, as stigma around pregnancy outside of marriage receded for well-off white women. For low-income women of color, a new stigma took hold, that of the “welfare queen.”

The end of the Baby Scoop era also coincided with a dramatic decline in relinquishment rates by never-married white women. A summary of research by Child Welfare Information Gateway offers “social acceptance of single parenthood” and a higher number of unmarried mothers in their 20s rather than their teens as possible reasons. Other researchers, including those at the Guttmacher Institute, attribute declines, in large part, to abortion.

Today, private domestic adoption in the United States – sometimes called infant adoption – is a complex institution subject to varying state laws. Families can match either through private, state-licensed agencies, or independently through self-matching or with the help of lawyers or unlicensed facilitators. It’s unclear how many infant adoptions are arranged outside traditional agencies, since the internet plays an outsize, untracked, and largely unsupervised role in expectant women and potential adoptive parents finding one another.

Faced with declining placements through adoption agencies, including prominent religious ones, many have scaled back their adoption services or stopped them entirely in recent years. Michigan-based Bethany Christian Services, a large evangelical organization, announced a reduction to its domestic infant adoption programs in the spring. According to a spokesperson this month, the decision to pause the intake of families at many of its locations remains in place despite the overturning of Roe.

Whether arranged through agencies or independently, some 25,700 private domestic adoptions took place in 2019, estimates the advocacy and membership organization National Council For Adoption in Alexandria, Virginia. That includes adoptions by relatives but excludes those by stepparents and is not limited to infants. NCFA research counts nearly 6,100 fewer in 2020, as the pandemic began, though changes to methodology make those figures hard to compare with prior years.

Unlike international adoption or adoption from state-run foster care, private domestic adoption rates haven’t been consistently tracked by the federal government, and the data NCFA collects from states varies widely.

“It’s hard to overstate how little we know, really, about private adoption in this country,” says Gretchen Sisson, a sociologist at the University of California, San Francisco, who studies abortion and adoption.

Yet, however many adoptions occur annually and however mainstream the process has become, it remains the “first choice for very, very few women, whether or not they actually end up relinquishing,” says Dr. Sisson. Still, she estimates that the overturning of Roe could mean up to some 10,000 more private, infant adoptions a year. Comparatively, there were 930,160 abortions in 2020 counted by Guttmacher, a research organization that supports abortion rights.

“It grew truly into an incredible relationship”

Adoption professionals who resist one-to-one comparisons of adoption and abortion argue that relinquishing parental rights isn’t a reproductive decision but a parenting one. And though a birth mother’s desire for continued contact with her child may evolve over time, research suggests it can help her process grief.

Every family situation is unique, but “the data is pretty overwhelmingly clear that maintaining contact has benefits for everyone that’s involved,” says Ryan Hanlon, president and CEO at NCFA.

Open adoptions, today considered the norm, can range from semi-open with limited contact through a third party, to fully open arrangements with visits. But no level of openness can be guaranteed.

Jess Nelson in Michigan has seen both the precariousness and value of open adoptions. In 2011, when she became pregnant in her early 20s while finishing college, Ms. Nelson turned to adoption after it became too late for her to access an abortion.

“I chose adoption so that I wouldn’t have to struggle being a single mom,” she says. “I wanted more for her life than I could give her at the time.”

Ms. Nelson’s agency didn’t provide post-placement support, she says, and the adoptive family effectively closed what had been discussed as an open adoption involving text and Facebook messages. Within the same month that the adoption was finalized, the family sent her a Christmas card, she recalls, then never contacted her again.

But Ms. Nelson has also witnessed the power of the alternative.

When she later became pregnant unexpectedly in 2017, she “self-matched” with an adoptive family through a friend of a friend, outside of an agency. She also found a counselor to help her work through her grief and trauma. Her second adoption remains open through regular communication and visits, she says. She has joined the adoptive family for a few holidays, including Christmas morning.

“It grew truly into an incredible relationship,” says Ms. Nelson, who works as a community manager at PairTree, an adoption startup based in Seattle, where she supports expectant mothers who create adoption plans.

The extent to which agreements outlining contact after placement are legally enforceable is hard to pin down. About half of states have some provision for enforceability, according to NCFA tracking as of July 2021, but the specifics vary widely.

Abrazo Adoption Associates, a Texas agency that specializes in open adoptions, has a voluntary, customizable post-placement contact agreement for defining how, when, and with whom outreach is permitted between adoptive and birth families. But the document, which parents on both sides sign, underscores that such contact is a “privilege,” not necessarily a right (as some Texas law firms also note), regarding private adoptions in the state.

“In an open adoption, there has to be a certain level of accountability,” says Elizabeth Jurenovich, founder and executive director of Abrazo. “There has to be a willingness on [both sides] to put the child’s best interests at the heart of everything that’s done,” she says.

The prospect of openness wasn’t a make-or-break factor for Keshia Allsup when she chose adoption. But the Texan in her early 20s says it did ease the placement process.

In the summer of 2021, Ms. Allsup juggled work in food service while raising two kids under the age of 3 on her own. Finding herself unexpectedly pregnant, she couldn’t imagine affording time off with a third baby – much less diaper money.

“I knew that I would not be able to give him the life he deserves,” she says.

Ms. Allsup is against abortion, with limited exceptions, so didn’t consider it for herself. Through an online search, she chose Abrazo Adoption Associates, because the nonprofit agency mostly serves infertile adults and she wanted to help someone who couldn’t birth a child on their own. Though leaving the hospital without the baby was hard, she considers her unplanned pregnancy a “blessing.”

“Maybe not for me, but for somebody else it was a blessing,” she says.
Transparency before, during, and after adoption

Angie Swanson-Kyriaco found herself unexpectedly pregnant in 1997. She says she was underemployed and dealing with an abusive partner, and abortion was logistically not an option.

She thumbed through the Yellow Pages and found a local adoption lawyer, who helped her connect with the adoptive parents she ultimately chose. But she says the attorney ended up representing both her and the adoptive family, though she didn’t pay any of those legal fees.

“I didn’t have an advocate for me and my child, because the focus goes to the prospective adoptive parents and their needs,” says Ms. Swanson-Kyriaco, executive director of MPower Alliance, a San Francisco-based support network for birth parents. Her organization offers grants for mental health counseling, education, and financial emergencies – examples of post-placement support that other professionals would like to see expanded.

The frequency of dual representation in adoption today is unknown, but the Academy of Adoption & Assisted Reproduction Attorneys (AAAA) is clear in its Birth Parent’s Bill of Rights: “You have the right to be represented by your own attorney at no cost to you.”

But it’s impossible to ensure birth mothers receive independent counsel.

“That’s the problem. … We can’t help something we don’t know anything about,” says New Jersey attorney Deb Guston, adoption director at AAAA.

In light of ongoing concerns about the potential for coercion – including the legal and ethical minefield around what expenses hopeful adoptive parents can cover for an expectant woman – birth mother advocates say education and transparency are key.

Part of that transparency has come from birth mothers, or “first” mothers, themselves, who have gained visibility over decades of going public with their adoption stories. Advocacy and support groups like Concerned United Birthparents, which emerged in the ’70s, have encouraged that community.

“Maybe the hardest part of all was that for 35 years, I was in emotional isolation,” says CUB board member and activist Leslie Pate Mackinnon, a first mother herself, living in Asheville, North Carolina. “I didn’t know there was another woman out there who had been through what I’d been through.”

She’s among the critics who see adoption leaving expectant mothers open to intimidation, because of their often-desperate situations. So is Renee Gelin, whose regret over having placed her second child for adoption led her to co-found Saving Our Sisters. It works to help expectant mothers choose family preservation over adoption, she says, by connecting them with resources – like education about their rights and financial aid averaging $2,500 – through a national network of volunteers.

“There’s a lot of people who make a lot of money, you know, separating mothers and their babies instead of supporting them. … We are filling that gap,” says Ms. Gelin, the nonprofit’s president, based in the Tampa, Florida, area.

Many expectant mothers decide to shoulder the challenges of parenting rather than give up their parental rights, because they’re attached to their child, notes Laura Sullivan, program director at the Choice Network agency in Ohio, which serves around 300 pregnant women a year and facilitates about 15 adoptions annually. Despite new abortion restrictions across the country, Ms. Sullivan says she is still referring interested clients to abortion funds and clinics as part of Choice Network’s options counseling.

“We believe that adoption can’t be a wholehearted and ethical choice that a woman makes unless all options are available to her,” she says.
A friendship

The only option Ms. Aderhold felt she had at the Nebraska maternity home five decades ago was to relinquish her child. But Ms. Aderhold, now based in Colorado, never let go of her daughter emotionally. Decades after giving birth, she searched for her for months, eventually cold-calling her in the late ’90s.

Kathy H. had kept her promise to Jessica Ann.

Except her name is Corry Key.

The women met at the Denver International Airport the following winter. Asked to describe the encounter in separate interviews, both choose the same word. “Surreal.”

Dr. Key grew up in what she calls a “wholesome” Catholic home, as an animal lover who eventually became a veterinarian. She says she was raised fully aware of being adopted and recognizes she may be “lucky” for generally not having felt compelled to find a genetic “missing piece.” Now with children of her own and living in Dardanelle, Arkansas, she says she was also concerned how her parents would feel if they learned she was searching.

“I’ve always had a very positive feeling about adoption because of being adopted, and that’s why I have my whole life been very pro-life,” says Dr. Key, who is Catholic.

That’s tough for Ms. Aderhold, who supports abortion rights but says abortion was “not ever in the picture” for her in the early ’70s. Her experience not only soured her perception of adoption, but made her leave her Catholic faith. Yet despite their differing views, both agree their friendship is upheld by mutual respect and love.

Ms. Aderhold, who became a nurse and midwife and raised two children, has shared openly about her experience for years, served on adoption-related boards, and spoken with media. Now retired, she serves as a “search angel,” applying her skills in genetic genealogy to help others find long-lost relatives.

In her Denver home, opposite the front door hangs a painting.

“It’s really special to me,” says Ms. Aderhold, pausing at the frame.

In muted hues, a woman cradles an infant. Eyes are closed as they embrace.

Dr. Key says she bought it as a gift, recognizing “she missed out on a lot of that with me.”

Related stories









Talk of prosecuting women for abortion pills roils antiabortion movement


Caroline Kitchener and Ellen Francis
Wed, January 11, 2023 

The Justice Department issued a legal opinion that the U.S. Postal Service may deliver abortion pills to people in states that have banned or restricted the procedure. 
(Allen G. Breed/AP)

Alabama's attorney general became the most prominent Republican official yet to suggest that pregnant women could be prosecuted for taking abortion pills, saying in recent days that a state ban targeting those who facilitate abortions does not preclude the state from seeking to penalize women under other existing laws.

The comment reflects a simmering divide within the antiabortion movement, which has long sought to treat women seeking abortions as "victims" and not as targets for punishment.

In the wake of the June Supreme Court decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, movement leaders promised that women had nothing to fear - even as Republican leaders in more than a dozen states in the South and Midwest moved aggressively to enact strict abortion bans, though almost always targeting providers rather than patients.

Alabama's near-total ban, which took effect soon after the Supreme Court ruling, exempts abortion seekers from prosecution, including penalties only for those who help people obtain abortions. In his statement, Attorney General Steve Marshall's office suggests that pregnant women could still be prosecuted under a separate 2006 state law that has been used to punish women for drug consumption during pregnancy.

The abortion ban "does not provide an across-the-board exemption from all criminal laws, including the chemical-endangerment law - which the Alabama Supreme Court has affirmed and reaffirmed protects unborn children," Marshall's office said in a statement to The Washington Post on Wednesday. It was first reported Saturday by 1819 News.

Underscoring the tensions surrounding the issue, a spokesman for Marshall issued a subsequent statement in response to The Post that appeared to back away from endorsing the prosecution of abortion seekers. "The Attorney General's beef is with illegal providers, not women," said Cameron Mixon, Marshall's deputy communications director, in response to a request to interview Marshall.

Marshall's statement comes at a moment of turmoil for the antiabortion movement, with many Republicans still reeling from a 2022 midterm election where voters turned out in droves to support abortion rights a few months after the high court's ruling. As Congress and state legislatures convene for the new year, some lawmakers are urging caution on the abortion issue, while others press for further restrictions.

The rise of abortion pills has been a particular sore point for many antiabortion advocates, frustrated that the fall of Roe has not succeeded in halting abortions in states where the procedure is banned. Galvanized by a recent decision by the Food and Drug Administration to allow retail pharmacies to dispense abortion pills in states where abortion is legal, as well as an emerging network distributing abortion pills illegally, some hard-line Republicans are seeking ways to further crack down on the procedure.

Marshall's office issued the statement amid questions about the FDA's decision, invoking a state law that had been passed to protect children from the risks of home-based methamphetamine labs. Prosecutors have applied these kinds of laws to pregnant women who have taken drugs or exposed their fetuses to drugs.

Laws targeting women for taking drugs during pregnancy date to the 1980s and '90s, said Mary Ziegler, a law professor at the University of California at Davis who specializes in abortion issues and the author of the upcoming book "Roe: The History of a National Obsession." At the time, she said, the antiabortion movement was looking for ways to establish various laws that treated a fetus as a person.

"The basic premise is something like child abuse or child neglect - but it applies to what happens during pregnancy rather than after," Ziegler said.

Roe prevented these laws from being applied to abortion, Ziegler said. But now that Roe has been overturned, she added, prosecutors could hypothetically use them to target pregnant women in Alabama who seek out abortion pills.

"The fact that it's not just a high-profile politician saying this, but a prosecutor, someone who has the ability to prosecute you," she said. "That's a big deal."

While the Alabama law does not apply to legally prescribed medications, Ziegler said she expects that the attorney general and prosecutors could claim that prescriptions aren't valid for drugs that are illegal within state lines.

In addition, many pregnant women are obtaining abortion pills without prescriptions.

Even if prosecutors do not actually bring charges under the law Marshall referenced, abortion providers worry that his statement could have a chilling effect, making women think they could be prosecuted.

"It's a scare tactic," said Robin Marty, the director at West Alabama Women's Center, a health clinic that provided abortion services before the ban took effect. Marshall "is going to scare some people out of obtaining medication or leaving the state and there is no prenatal care available for these people."

National antiabortion groups were quick to distance themselves from Marshall's statement, reiterating that they are focused on prosecuting the people who are distributing abortion pills illegally.

Comments like Marshall's "lead to confusion about what the pro-life movement's goals and objectives are," said Kristan Hawkins, president of Students for Life of America, a leading national antiabortion group. "We're focusing on the cartel. We're focusing on the manufacturers and the distributors of these dangerous drugs."

A woman seeking an abortion, Hawkins added, is the "second victim of the abortion industry."

Marshall, 58, is a staunch abortion opponent. Within hours of the Supreme Court decision, he had announced that abortion was no longer legal in Alabama, declaring his state "a protector of unborn life." Since June, he has continued to push for antiabortion policies, suggesting that those who help Alabama women obtain out-of-state abortions could be prosecuted under state law.

He won his election in November by more than 30 points, making Marshall one of several antiabortion Republicans to secure easy reelection in conservative states.

Marshall also responded this week to a legal opinion issued by the Justice Department, which said that the U.S. Postal Service may deliver abortion pills to people in states that have banned or restricted the procedure.

In his statement, Marshall maintained this would not affect Alabama. "Elective abortion - including abortion pills - is illegal in Alabama. Nothing about the Justice Department's guidance changes that," his office said. "Anyone who remotely prescribes abortion pills in Alabama does so at their own peril: I will vigorously enforce Alabama law to protect unborn life."

Many state legislatures will be looking to further restrict abortion pills during their 2023 sessions. In Texas, lawmakers are considering a variety of creative and extreme proposals, including one that would require internet providers to block abortion-pill websites in the same way they can target child pornography.

While mainstream antiabortion groups have steered clear of prosecuting pregnant women who use abortion pills, they are eager to crack down on those involved in pill networks. Texas Right to Life, the largest antiabortion group in the state, has created a team of advocates assigned to investigate citizens who might be distributing abortion pills illegally.

Hawkins said she has started meeting with Republican attorneys general to discuss the best ways to halt the flow of abortion pills.

Hawkins said if she were a prosecutor, she would focus on the people who are mailing the pills, which she described as "a much better use of resources."

"That's where you are going to see the most impact made."

- - -

The Washington Post's Perry Stein, Frances Stead Sellers and Rachel Roubein contributed to this report.



Alabama AG Attempts to Walk Back Comment About Prosecuting People Who Take Abortion Pills

Susan Rinkunas
JEZEBEL
Thu, January 12, 2023 

Photo: Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty (Getty Images)

Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall (R) told AL.com on Tuesday that women and pregnant people who use abortion pills in the state could be prosecuted. Marshall said he would pursue such cases not under Alabama’s abortion ban, but under a “chemical endangerment” law that was never intended to apply to pregnant people.

It marked the first time Marshall had targeted pregnant people, rather than abortion providers or helpers, the outlet noted. His statement is a big deal and, accordingly, the original story spread like wildfire; it’s been shared more than 6,000 times.

But on Wednesday, the AG’s office seemingly wanted to clarify those remarks. When the Washington Post sought an interview with Marshall, his deputy communications director Cameron Mixon declined to make him available and told the paper: “The Attorney General’s beef is with illegal providers, not women.”

The Post characterized this response as Marshall “appear[ing] to back away from endorsing the prosecution of abortion seekers”—but Marshall didn’t say that. Rather, Mixon’s statement is only clarifying in the sense that it shows Marshall wants to threaten women and pregnant people with prosecution so that they snitch on the doctors and activists who provide abortion pills to people in states with bans.

Anti-abortion groups swear up and down that they don’t want to prosecute people who have abortions. Kristan Hawkins, president of Students for Life of America, told the Post that statements like the one Marshall issued “lead to confusion about what the pro-life movement’s goals and objectives are...We’re focusing on the cartel. We’re focusing on the manufacturers and the distributors of these dangerous drugs.”

But as Robin Marty, director of operations at West Alabama Women’s Center in Tuscaloosa, pointed out on Twitter, all Marshall did was say the quiet part out loud: States need to weaponize the threat of criminalization if they want to prevent self-managed abortions with pills.

“The Attorney General is clearly trying to evoke the pre-Roe days when women were interrogated in hospitals and forced into giving up the names of their illegal providers with threat of arrest or exposure,” Marty told Jezebel in a statement. “Without this weapon, there’s no ability to arrest anyone over an illegal abortion and no real way to stop someone from just ordering pills, receiving them at home, and taking care of themselves. Marshall needs a threat to give this ban teeth, since providers like us have been following the law explicitly. There’s nothing that frightens him more in this situation than women having autonomy and power.”

Marty told the Post that Marshall’s original comment is intended to scare people out of obtaining abortion pills. While WAWC no longer provides abortions because of the state’s ban, the clinic remains open to provide other reproductive services, including caring for people following miscarriages or self-managed abortions.

Alabama AG says women could be prosecuted for taking abortion pills




Nathaniel Weixel
Wed, January 11, 2023 

Alabama’s attorney general said medication abortion remains illegal in the state despite recent Biden administration moves to expand access to the drugs, and indicated that a law regarding the chemical endangerment of a child could be used to prosecute women who use abortion pills.

Alabama’s near-total abortion ban, which took effect immediately after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last summer, targets abortion providers and exempts people who receive abortions from being prosecuted.

In a statement to The Hill, a spokesman for state Attorney General Steve Marshall (R) said individuals could instead face charges under Alabama’s chemical endangerment law, which was passed in 2006 to protect children from exposure to chemicals and fumes from home meth labs.

Prosecutors have since extended the law so it applies to pregnant people who took any drugs while pregnant or exposed their fetuses to drugs.

“The Human Life Protection Act targets abortion providers, exempting women ‘upon whom an abortion is performed or attempted to be performed’ from liability under the law,” Marshall’s office said in a statement emailed to The Hill Wednesday. “It does not provide an across-the-board exemption from all criminal laws, including the chemical-endangerment law — which the Alabama Supreme Court has affirmed and reaffirmed protects unborn children.”

Alabama law says a person commits the felony of chemical endangerment of a child if that person “knowingly, recklessly, or intentionally causes or permits a child to be exposed to, to ingest or inhale, or to have contact with a controlled substance, chemical substance, or drug paraphernalia.”

The Biden administration earlier this month moved to make abortion pills available to patients with a prescription in retail pharmacies in states where abortion is legal. Previously, physicians could only prescribe the pills in person.

In a separate but related move, the Justice Department said the U.S. Postal Service is legally allowed to deliver prescription abortion drugs, even in states that have curtailed access to abortion.

In the opinion, the Justice Department wrote that even in a jurisdiction with restrictive abortion laws, individuals can still lawfully use the drugs mifepristone and misoprostol because there are no prohibitions on abortions necessary to preserve the life of the pregnant person.

Republican-led states have been moving to limit or even completely ban access to the drugs, and advocates have been concerned the Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe will embolden even more states to crack down. There has been a growing effort to circumvent the laws by mailing the drugs, often from overseas, directly to people seeking them.

But that theory has not been tested, and it’s unclear if a person who gets the pills by mail and uses them to induce abortion in a state where it is illegal would be protected.

Marshall said the administration’s efforts have no impact in Alabama.

“Promoting the remote prescription and administration of abortion pills endangers both women and unborn children. Elective abortion—including abortion pills—is illegal in Alabama. Nothing about the Justice Department’s guidance changes that,” Marshall wrote in a statement. “Anyone who remotely prescribes abortion pills in Alabama does so at their own peril: I will vigorously enforce Alabama law to protect unborn life.”

Long life, good education, but no jobs? Kerala model faces test.



Howard LaFranchi
CSM
Wed, January 11, 2023

Over the past half-century, the so-called Kerala model of development has helped transform a poverty-stricken state in southern India into a bastion of economic and social well-being.

From a foundation of equity and inclusion, Kerala built what experts describe as one of the developing world’s first safety nets, and has repeatedly ranked high above the rest of India on the Human Development Index, despite low per capita income. Literacy rates, life expectancy, and human rights records in Kerala state resemble that of developed nations.

It’s a story of transformation and human progress that many Keralites relate with pride – yet increasingly with criticism as well.

“I have witnessed the many improvements that came with the model we followed,” says Jose Dominic, a local business leader who started out as an accountant and built CGH hotels, one of the country’s top hospitality and tourism enterprises. “It’s something Keralites can be proud of, but we must recognize it was a transformation of the 20th century. … In many ways Kerala is not keeping up.”

Indeed, Kerala today is known more for low job growth, high out-migration of its educated young people, and a hostile environment for the private sector, the main driver of growth in India. Foxconn, which manufactures iPhones for Apple in China, came to look at Kerala for a new iPhone plant that will create 30,000 jobs. But the tech manufacturer opted instead for neighboring Tamil Nadu, where it recently opened the first phase of its new India operations.

Of all the challenges facing Kerala today, Mr. Dominic and many other Keralites believe the most important test will be whether the state can adapt its development model to the 21st century to ensure new generations find the same prosperity Keralites built in the past.

“The big issue today for Kerala is this: Can we afford to preserve the benefits of our model,” he says from his spacious home in the business capital of Kochi, “while decentralizing our economy and freeing up the private sector to create jobs so people can stay here?”

The birth of the Kerala model

As India marked a decade as an independent nation in 1957, many in the former crown jewel of British colonies seemed to have little to celebrate. Yes, India was a democracy, but millions of Indians were poor and illiterate, focused day to day on staving off hunger and unable to give much thought to building a better future.

That same year, one Indian state stood out – even drawing the alarmed attention of the Central Intelligence Agency in Washington. Kerala, home to the storied Malabar Coast and once the production end of the spice trade that enriched Europe, became one of the first places in the world to bring a communist government to power through elections.

Kerala’s voters were not attracted by the notion of revolution, historians and political scientists say, but rather by a vision of economic and social development based on universal education, public health, and equity of economic opportunity across castes and religions.

What would come to be known as the Kerala model of economic and social development was born.

Ensuing decades of leftist rule stuck to the model, as Keralites elected governments alternating between the Communist Party (Marxist) and the traditional leftist Congress Party – or what some describe as steady “left or left-of-left” governance. For Brown University sociologist and India expert Patrick Heller, what took hold in Kerala was not so much classic communist rule but “social democratic governance in a third-world setting.”

Although it helped put the state on the map, some worry Kerala has outgrown its model.

“India is young, but Kerala is turning old, and I worry that unless we open the doors to a vibrant economy with jobs for our young people we will end up with an old population living off remittances,” says Mr. Dominic. “That is not a model for Kerala or India.”

Ongoing exodus

There are signs that Kerala’s leftist political leaders recognize the state has deep economic problems – including a crushing debt built up over years of paying for the safety net. Even some of Kerala’s communist leaders acknowledge that the vaunted model needs to change to survive.

Still, for many Keralites, change is not happening fast enough. Welder Shelju Josh plans to take his skills to New Zealand, where his Keralite wife is already working as a nurse.

“Yes I hear about Kerala changing to allow more jobs, but what I see is everyone I know looking to go to another country,” says Mr. Josh.

“Kerala is home but there are no good jobs here,” adds the young father, “so how can you stay?”

Vinod Mathew, a Malayalee (as Keralites call themselves) and longtime economics analyst, says the loss of the Foxconn plant and other blows to Kerala’s self-image may be the jolt the state needs to refashion its model for the 21st century.

“Malayalees have long seen education as their passport to economic freedom,” he says. “But we haven’t continued to move forward, especially in the quality of higher education. Now most families will now beg, borrow, or steal to send their children abroad.”

Indeed some streets in Kochi, Kerala’s largest city and business capital, are crowded with recruitment agencies using giant billboards to attract college students to higher education opportunities in Europe or high-tech jobs in the United States.

Mr. Mathew cites as a product of the Kerala model his mother, who despite having no money growing up was able to rise all the way to a postgraduate degree in social work to fulfill her dream of assisting Kerala in its march forward in living standards and well-being.

“Those kinds of life stories were more the norm in her era,” he says. “Over time we got complacent with the good thing we have, and we forgot to look out at the world and see the change.”

Now, he adds, “young Malayalees with ambitions like my mother had are dreaming of opportunity anywhere but here.”

Indeed, more than 4 million Keralites are estimated to have left for the Gulf alone over the past two decades, while others seek work in Europe, the United States, and even other Indian cities.

Possibility of progress


Of course, there are still examples of the Kerala model at work.

On a recent day in the capital of Trivandrum, a team of seamstresses was busy assembling uniforms for a nearby martial arts school and mass-producing cloth bags to meet new demand created by Kerala’s recent ban on plastic bags.

They work for Needle Touch Garments, a small sewing business that used a $2,400 loan from Kudumbashree, a government program that aims to expand women’s access to the economy, to increase staff and purchase new sewing machines.

“I used to stitch for my own family and sometimes for neighbors, but now with this I’m also fulfilling a dream of helping other women improve their lives and conditions for their families,” says Needle Touch founder Maya Redi, who has a masters degree in commerce.

Kudumbashree’s new young director, Jafir Malik, says that over three decades the organization has assisted hundreds of thousands of Keralite women enter the workforce. But he recognizes that Kudumbashree’s focus on microfinancing for individual women’s small businesses and skills-building classes in talents like sewing is no longer meeting Kerala’s needs.

“That approach worked well in the past, but with the changing times we realize that the small-scale units won’t meet the needs of large enterprises or our goal of helping more women improve their lives,” Mr. Malik says.

Under his direction, Kudumbashree has shifted to focus on three new priorities: boosting the skills of younger women, helping meet the employment needs of large companies, and working more with disadvantaged communities such as disabled people and trans women.

Over the last three years, Kudumbashree has trained 74,000 women in new skills including tech-manufacturing assembly and understanding software. “Of those, 65,000 got jobs allowing them to build their lives here in Kerala,” Mr. Malik says.

The changes reflect both Kudumbashree’s and the state government’s recognition that the model that helped make Kerala an example for India has failed to evolve with a changing national and global economy, he says.

At the same time, Mr. Malik insists that the image of a failing Kerala that is hidebound, unfriendly to business, and unattractive to its young people “has also not kept up with the reality.”

As evidence, he points to a recent survey gauging the ease of doing business in Indian states which found that Kerala is moving up. “For a long time Kerala was stuck at 28 of the 30 states,” he notes, “but it’s now nearing the top 10. That’s real progress.”

Afghanistan: Deadly suicide bombing outside foreign ministry

Thu, January 12, 2023 


Kabul's police said five people were killed but another Taliban official put the number of dead at 20

A suicide bomb attack outside the Afghan foreign ministry in Kabul has caused heavy casualties.

Police said at least five civilians had been killed but another Taliban official put the toll as high as 20.

The local offshoot of the Islamic State group, known as Isis-K, claimed it carried out the attack.

It comes after recent blasts targeting foreign interests. Several countries, including Turkey and China, have embassies in the area.


The attack took place about 16:00 local time (11:30 GMT) when the bomber tried, but failed to enter the ministry building itself, the Taliban said.

"I saw the man blowing himself up," said Jamshed Karimi, a driver who was waiting outside the ministry.

Mr Karimi told AFP that he saw a man holding a bag and with a rifle slung over his shoulder walk past. "He passed by my car and after a few seconds there was a loud blast."

The building itself did not appear to be badly damaged. At the nearby interior ministry, window panes were also shattered by the explosion.

But the Italian humanitarian agency, Emergency NGO in Kabul said it had received more than 40 wounded people and the casualty numbers were continuing to rise.

Kabul police described the attack as cowardly, adding in a statement that the perpetrators would be held accountable.

Isis-K said in a post on Telegram that the blast killed at least 20 people. It also said "several 'diplomatic' employees" were among the dead, in a claim that could not be independently verified.

Afghan journalist Aisha Ahmad later tweeted that her uncle, a senior diplomat, was killed in the blast.

"Words cannot express my sorrow," she said.

Earlier reports had suggested a Chinese delegation was due to hold talks with the Afghan officials inside the foreign ministry building at the time of the attack.

But a senior official in the prime minister's office told AFP that no foreigners were present.

When asked about the attack, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said China "strongly condemns" it and expressed hopes that the Afghan government could protect citizens from all countries, including Chinese nationals.

A string of attacks has targeted foreigners or foreign interests in recent months, at a time when the Taliban is trying to attract investment from neighbouring countries.

Afghanistan has been rocked by dozens of blasts since the Taliban seized power last year, mostly claimed by Isis-K.

Correspondents say that the Taliban tend to underplay casualty figures in such incidents.
ENDANGERED SPECIES
After officers responded to shooting, they found a trail of blood and a Bengal tiger cub.

Saleen Martin, USA TODAY
Thu, January 12, 2023 

Officers from the Albuquerque Police Department responded to a shooting Tuesday and while investigating, found a trail of blood and a healthy, months-old Bengal tiger, New Mexico authorities announced.

Officers from the Albuquerque Police Department responded to a shooting in Southeast Albuquerque outside of a convenience store. According to police, the shooting victim was standing outside and was hit by a stray bullet.

While at the scene, officers heard another shot from a mobile home and made their way towards it. While there, officers noticed a trail of blood and followed it to a nearby trailer with an unlocked door.

Inside, police found a Bengal tiger cub inside a dog crate.

A Bengal tiger found on Tuesday, Jan. 10, 2023 in New Mexico.


The New Mexico Department of Game and Fish Conservation took the cub to the ABQ BioPark, where veterinarians examined it and said the tiger is healthy. For now, the tiger will stay at the BioPark until an investigation is done and officials can find it a permanent home.


Big cats: Mexican police haul off 200 big cats, other animals in sanctuary raid: 'Horrible situation'

'Not a cute animal': Kangaroo attacks and kills man, blocking paramedics from saving life


A Bengal tiger found on Tuesday, Jan. 10, 2023 in New Mexico.


Other reports of exotic animals in New Mexico


The department of game and fish conservation said that on Aug. 12, conservation officers and other law enforcement officials served search warrants on two homes in Albuquerque’s South Valley.

They received a tip that a tiger was being illegally held at one of the homes. The tiger involved in this search wasn't found but officers found an illegally possessed, 3-foot alligator that was taken to a zoo.

“The Department of Game and Fish suspects that the tiger confiscated Tuesday is not the same tiger sought during the August 2022 search,” Field Operations Division Col. Tim Cimbal said in a news release. "The tiger from August is believed to be more than 1 year old and likely weighs 50-90 pounds at this time. The tiger confiscated Tuesday is only a few months old and weighed only 20 pounds."

A Bengal tiger found on Tuesday, Jan. 10, 2023 in New Mexico.



The appeal of owning exotic wildlife and recent legislation

Game and Fish officials said they have seen a rise in questions about permits to import or own tigers.

The department said that in New Mexico, laws have long existed that prevent importing and owning wildlife and exotic species without proper documentation.

Because tigers are a group IV prohibited species, only permitted zoos in New Mexico can own them, the department said.


A Bengal tiger found on Tuesday, Jan. 10, 2023 in New Mexico.

When members of the general public and those without proper qualifications own exotic animals, the animals are often living in poor conditions and are neglected, the department said.

Saleen Martin is a reporter on USA TODAY's NOW team. She is from Norfolk, Virginia – the 757 – and loves all things horror, witches, Christmas, and food. Follow her on Twitter at @Saleen_Martin or email her at sdmartin@usatoday.com.

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Bengal tiger cub found in New Mexico during shooting investigation
HINDUTVA IMPERIALISM
How India's ruling party is tightening its grip on Kashmir
KASHMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA





An Indian Border Security Force soldier stands guard at the international border with Pakistan in Suchetgarh

Wed, January 11, 2023
By Rupam Jain and Kanupriya Kapoor

JAMMU/SRINAGAR, India (Reuters) - For the first time in her life, Asha, a street cleaner in the Indian city of Jammu, will be allowed to vote in upcoming local elections. And she's in no doubt who will get her ballot.

Asha plans to reward Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for scrapping policies in place for decades that denied her and a million more people in the region of Jammu and Kashmir many of the same rights as other Indians.

"We have faced the humiliation silently, but Modi-ji has changed our lives forever," she said, leaning on her broom. "It's not just me and my children, future generations from our community in Jammu and Kashmir will vote for the BJP."

The Hindu nationalist party is counting on Asha's vote as it pushes to take control of India's part of the Himalayan region that is hotly contested by neighbouring Pakistan and has been governed almost exclusively by Muslim chief ministers.

The BJP hopes the addition of up to a million mostly Hindu voters to the electoral roll, new electoral boundaries, seven more seats in the regional assembly and the reservation of nine for groups likely to back the BJP will give it a fighting chance of becoming the biggest party in the 90-seat legislature.

Reuters has interviewed three dozen federal and state officials, six groups representing disenfranchised residents, and analysed the latest data to lay out for the first time the scale of the BJP's push in Kashmir - and why it may succeed.

A BJP majority would be a seismic shift and even talk of a strong showing underlines how Modi has trampled on old taboos to push his agenda in every corner of the country of 1.4 billion people.

The 72-year-old, who is set to run for a third term in 2024, has combined promises of prosperity and social mobility with a robust Hindu-first agenda to dominate Indian politics.

A BJP victory in the disputed region could consolidate India's claim over the territory on the global stage.

"We have taken a pledge to cross 50-plus seats to form the next government with a thumping majority," the BJP's president for Jammu and Kashmir, Ravinder Raina, told Reuters. "The next chief minister will be from our party."

For many of Jammu and Kashmir's Muslims, the BJP's policies upending decades of autonomy and privilege represent a dangerous new phase in what they see as a nationwide push to champion the rights of the Hindu majority over minority groups.

GRAPHIC - Bharatiya Janata Party’s vote share over time

'ILLEGAL OCCUPATION'

Pakistan has claimed Kashmir since the partition of India in 1947 and the countries have fought two wars over the region, which is also partially claimed by China. Pakistan accuses India of trying to marginalise Muslims there with its policies.

"India is following a strategy to perpetuate its illegal occupation by disenfranchisement of Kashmiris by altering the demographic structure of the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir from a Muslim majority to a Hindu-dominated territory," Pakistan's government said in a statement to Reuters.

Jammu and Kashmir is divided in two. Jammu has about 5.3 million inhabitants, 62% of whom are Hindu while Kashmir Valley has 6.7 million, 97% of them Muslim, according to a 2011 census. Estimates from survey officials and senior bureaucrats suggest the population stood at 15.5 million in 2021.

From 1954, the Indian region enjoyed special status under India's constitution.

The shift in the political landscape came in 2019 when the BJP-led parliament in New Delhi revoked this status, which had denied rights to many Hindu communities not considered indigenous to the region.

Since 2020, the BJP has required everyone in Jammu and Kashmir to apply for domicile certificates that allow them to vote in local elections, buy agricultural land and permanent homes, as well as apply for state universities and jobs.

According to the regional government and associations representing six previously disenfranchised groups, just over a million people have the right to vote in local elections for the first time - and 96% are from castes within the Hindu hierarchy.

Out of those people, 698,800 had received domicile certificates as of December, official records seen by Reuters show. Government data showed a further 7,346 retired bureaucrats and army officers had signed up.

Reuters spoke to 36 people who now enjoy full citizenship. All said they would vote for the BJP in assembly elections.

Asha, a Hindu who has gone by a single name since her divorce, said only good had come of the changes.

On the lowest rung of the Hindu caste system, her family had been stuck in menial work since they were invited from Punjab in 1957 to fill in for striking sanitation workers. Now, her two children are studying to become teachers.

"No one will ever understand how it feels when an educated child is told they should sweep the streets," she said.

SPECIAL STATUS

Until the region's special status was revoked, secular left-of-centre parties with Muslim leaders had controlled the local assembly and whoever governed India from New Delhi tended not to dabble in the region's political autonomy.

The assembly, which controls the state budget, spending, employment, education and economic activity, was dissolved and a lieutenant governor appointed to run the region until local elections can be held - which could be as early as this spring.

In anticipation of protests after the move, the authorities imposed a curfew, cut the internet, tightened security and put hundreds of Muslims and other opposition leaders under house arrest for months. They have since been released.

An Islamist militant uprising and public protests against Indian rule has killed thousands of people, mostly in the 1990s when the violence peaked.

Since the special status was revoked, scores more civilians, security personnel and militants have been killed.

Many Muslims have yet to sign up for domicile certificates, wary of the BJP's ultimate aims, although some say they may have to if their refusal leads to problems.

Previously unreported official records show just over 5.3 million certificates had been issued as of September.

The government has not said what will happen to those who don't join the scheme, though they can still vote in local elections using permanent residency cards.

"All these laws like domicile and delimitation (boundary changes) have served only one purpose: that's to change the Muslim majority character of the state," said Mehbooba Mufti, a former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir once allied with the BJP. She was detained without charge in 2019 and released the following year.

GRAPHIC - Outcome of the delimitation commission's report

OUTREACH CAMPAIGN

The BJP's Raina said Modi's policies had ended the injustice suffered by tens of thousands who had been living in the region for decades and, in the case of some families, centuries.

A 46-year-old native of Jammu, he said the process was aimed at levelling the playing field rather than securing votes, although that could be a by-product.

"The BJP is not working to dilute the power of the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley, but it is our duty to empower every citizen of India. In the case of Jammu and Kashmir, they just happen to be Hindus."

The BJP has sought to push home its advantage.

Nine of the 90 seats - six in Kashmir and three in Jammu - are now reserved for marginalised communities for the first time, and they are likely to back the BJP.

The party also launched a door-to-door campaign in 2020 involving hundreds of officials to identify those who would benefit from domicile certificates - and potentially vote for the BJP.

Mohammed Iqbal was one of the officials. The "tehsildar", or executive magistrate and tax collector for the Pulwama region near Srinagar, held educational gatherings in the hilly terrain and organised visits to ensure people signed up.

Even during the COVID-19 pandemic the work did not stop. Isolation tents were set up so people could apply for certificates while lockdown restrictions and social distancing rules were in place. Now the process has moved largely online.

"We are under direct instruction from the government to finish the issuance of domicile certificates at a fast pace," Iqbal said.

By early December, about 70% of the 600,000 people in Iqbal's region had received certificates, though only a minority would be gaining new rights, he said.

The BJP has also strengthened its hand thanks to the redrawing of boundaries by a government panel and a new way of allocating assembly seats.

Under the new structure, Hindu-dominated Jammu will get six more seats, taking its representation to 43, while Muslim-dominated Kashmir would increase by one to 47 seats.

Marginalised groups such as Asha's "sweepers" and the West Pakistan Refugees group of Hindus who settled in Jammu and Kashmir after partition, are among those who will gain full citizenship for the first time.

The refugee community alone numbers more than 650,000.

"We now stand eligible to cast our votes and finally enjoy all the fundamental rights. We thank the Modi government for making this a reality," said Labharam Gandhi, president of the association representing West Pakistan refugees.

GRAPHIC - Bharatiya Janata Party’s standing in Jammu and Kashmir

(Reporting by Rupam Jain in Jammu and Srinagar, Kanupriya Kapoor in Singapore; Additional reporting by Fayaz Bukhari in Srinagar and Gibran Naiyyar Peshimam in Islamabad; Editing by Mike Collett-White and David Clarke)


FROM QUEBEC TO MAINE
Lawsuit against Catholic religious order says abuse at retreats in Maine was coordinated

Emily Allen, Portland Press Herald, Maine
Wed, January 11, 2023 at 9:59 PM MST·6 min read

Jan. 11—A woman who says she was abused by priests in Maine when she was a young girl in the 1950s has been allowed to sue a Catholic religious order anonymously.

The woman, who filed her civil complaint under the name "Jane Doe," described years of horrific sexual abuse she says she suffered at the hands of priests in the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate and the "immense pain, fear, and guilt" she felt each time.

U.S. District Judge Lance Walker agreed Friday that Doe could continue her suit using the pseudonym, with no objection from the Oblates.

Anonymous complaints are not uncommon in federal cases of abuse, but it's the first known Jane Doe case in Maine since state law changed in 2021 allowing alleged victims of childhood sexual abuse to sue in cases that used to be covered by a statute of limitations. More than a dozen other cases filed in state courts all have named plaintiffs, though many of them have asked not to be identified in the media.

In an affidavit submitted to the court by the woman's attorneys, Ashley Pileika and Alexis Chardon, her psychiatrist described her struggles with post-traumatic stress disorder and how it would exacerbate her symptoms if she was required to use her name.

"She worries tremendously about any backlash that could result to her family," the affidavit stated. "Currently she suffers from flashbacks, nightmares, spells of terror, panic attacks, hyperarousal, depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, discontinuity in her sense of self, low self-esteem, difficulty in relationships, dissociation, derealization, among other symptoms."

The Oblates do not have a defense attorney listed in court records. An Illinois attorney who has represented the Oblates in other cases declined to comment on the allegations Wednesday.

Though not as active in the region today, the Oblates owned several large homes throughout the region, where seminarians stayed while on retreat.

The Oblates worked closely with nuns from different religious orders who came to New England from Canada, including the Sisters of Charity of Montreal and the Sisters of Charity of Quebec. Those sisters, often called "Grey Nuns," ran orphanages and schools throughout the region — including St. Joseph's Orphanage in Fairhaven, Massachusetts, where the plaintiff spent her earliest years.

WHO IS JANE DOE?


She was 4 years old in the 1950s when her mother left her and several siblings in the care of the orphanage, where she often snuck out of her dormitory into a room for younger children where her little sisters were sleeping. According to attorneys, her mother was training to become a nun herself, although she never became one, and was unable to care for her children.

Their grandparents took in the children in the 1960s. While most of the woman's siblings went on to live in California with their parents, she stayed behind and grew up mostly at her grandmother's house, attending private school, taking piano and violin lessons and still going to church.

Pileika said her client didn't realize she had lived at an orphanage until she was much older. Her mother had told the children they were going to a boarding school — Pileika said this was a common scenario at that time. Many adults who couldn't care for their children turned to institutions overseen by religious orders, like the Oblates and the Grey Nuns, for social services and support — which makes their alleged abuse all the more horrific.

"They were running schools, they were running orphanages, they were running churches, obviously," Pileika said.

As a young girl, she enjoyed singing and dancing. The sisters at the orphanage told her she was a gifted performer and began taking her with them on trips to the Oblate-owned homes in Bucksport and Bar Harbor, where the sisters performed domestic duties for the seminarians, like cooking and cleaning.

"There should not have been young girls going anywhere near the sleeping quarters of older men," said Chardon. "Almost every diocese has something in writing today that says 'Don't allow that, it's not appropriate' — but that doesn't mean people in the '50s and '60s didn't know. There were so many reasons they should've known. They did know. They knew it was wrong, and it was going on for years and years."

The woman alleges she was abused on at least 10 different occasions during several trips to Maine. In Bucksport, where she remembered "the impression of the red bricks and white pillars" were similar to a "massive church," she said she was raped by the Rev. Arthur Craig and handed off to be abused by several other unnamed men.

She said Craig, the Rev. Francis Demers and several other unnamed men abused her at the Oblates' home in Bar Harbor, which she described as grandiose and said looked like a castle. They gave her a doll and told her she was "as pretty as the doll." They kept her in a room for at least a full day and night.

NOT THE ONLY ONE


Today, the Oblates are more missionary-focused, having sold most of the homes they oversaw for large sums of money since the 1950s. Craig was living at a nursing home for retired Oblate priests as late as 2021, according to a posting that year from the Oblates. The complaint does not mention Demers' last known posting, or if he is still a working priest.

The complaint only names the Oblates as defendants, though Pileika and Chardon said they're "seriously considering" adding the religious orders that employed the Grey Nuns to the complaint because they share responsibility.

"We felt that it was very important to target the Oblates for using Maine as a very sick playground and profiting from it," said Chardon. "That being said, the Grey Nuns are likely a valid defendant, and one of the things that will be interesting is to learn the relationship between the Grey Nuns and the Oblates as we go into discovery, and how much they knew."

Although these homes no longer serve as grounds for the sexual abuse of young children, the woman's attorneys say the damage lives on and it was important for their client to file her complaint to attain accountability and spread awareness.

"She's very cognizant that there are others out there," said Pileika. "For so long, she wasn't able to connect to others this happened to — I think knowing there are others has been important and part of her healing journey."

Pileika has represented other clients with anonymous claims of sexual abuse against the Oblates.

That includes two women with a joint claim in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. They grew up at a boarding school near St. Joseph's Orphanage in Fairhaven, which was also run by Grey Nuns. These women say they, and many others from their school, were also shuttled to Oblate-owned vacation homes in Maine and elsewhere, where they were abused in the 1960s and 1970s.

The Oblates and other defendants in that case, which include the Sisters of Charity of Montreal, the Sisters of Charity of Quebec, the Diocese of Fall River and the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary, filed motions to dismiss the complaint last spring. The judge has yet to rule on them.

India’s supreme court thinks Bengaluru has become a template for urban ruin

How far can unplanned development degrade a gorgeous city? So much so that it becomes a quasi-official template of how not to run a city.

The evolution of Bengaluru, India’s technology hub and once among its most liveable big cities, has been so haphazard over the past few decades that the supreme court of India now holds it up as a warning for other Indian cities.

On Jan. 10, the court urged India’s federal and state governments to place environmental preservation ahead of urban development. It was hearing a plea by residents of the northern city of Chandigarh, who are resisting the administration’s practice of converting single residential units into apartments.

“The warning flagged by the city of Bengaluru needs to be given due attention by the legislature, executive, and policymakers,” a bench of two justices said. “It is high time that, before permitting urban development, EIA (environmental impact assessment) of such development needs to be done.”

Located around 250 kilometres north of Delhi, Chandigarh is among India’s eight union territories, governed directly by the federal government. It is also the legislative and administrative capital of two adjoining states, Punjab and Haryana.

Designed by the Swiss-French architect Le Corbusier and inaugurated in 1953, Chandigarh was one of India’s earliest planned cities and a pin-up for a newly independent country. In 2016, it was declared a UNESCO world heritage site. But India’s apex court wants to keep this iconic city from going the way of Bengaluru.

Bengaluru’s reputation has fallen

A city of 12 million people, Bengaluru—Bangalore until its name changed in 2014—is one of India’s biggest urban conglomerations. Its reputation as a global technological hub was built on the back of a tremendous economic boom in the 1990s.

But the city has become unrecognizable over the past decade-and-a-half.

Known earlier for its clement weather and beautiful gardens, Bengaluru’s transformation has caused immense damage to its ecology. Its trees have been chopped down en masse and often at random, and its many lakes have disappeared or have been left badly polluted.

“In 1961, there were 262 lakes and tanks in and around her. But satellite imagery in 2003 showed just 18 clearly delineated ones (I don’t want to know what it looks like in 2017),” Quartz had reported earlier. “Yet, there’s been a 584% growth in her built-up area over the past four decades. The result: A parched city depends on thousands of tanker-trucks for her daily supply of water.”

The city’s traffic has also become a byword for mismanagement. Even a decade ago, a study estimated that more than $6 billion worth of man-hours were lost because IT workers were stuck so long on congested roads.

When the city’s IT boom began, the term “Bangalored” described how a job lost in a western country was outsourced to India. Now “Bengaluru’d” could well stand in for the wanton devastation of a flourishing city.